Journal articles on the topic 'Anarchism and anarchists – Spain – History'
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1
Voronov, Yury. "Very Old and the Very Modern Clothing of Anarchism. Practice." Ideas and Ideals 15, no. 3-1 (September 28, 2023): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2023-15.3.1-92-109.
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This article discusses examples of the practical implementation of the ideas of anarchism or attempts at such an implementation. The author believes that without taking into account and systematizing these phenomena, the economic history of the world is incomplete. The author does not make it his task to promote these examples and attempts, he only believes that they cannot be ignored. First, the author considers the anarchies that existed in Europe in the Middle Ages: Free Frisia and Dithmarschen in the north of Europe and the ‘Forest Cantons’ on the territory of modern Switzerland. The phenomenon of the Wild West in the history of the United States is analyzed as a form of long-term existence of the economy on a vast territory without government control. It is noted that those elements of self-organization of the population that were formed during the development of new territories in the western United States are usually hushed up. The author also considers temporarily existing anarchist communities in Spain in the 1930s and modern anarchist movements in Latin America, as well as the problem of the so-called ‘optimal size of the state’, which was raised by the anarchist Leopold Kohr. The paper describes a zone of Zomia, in which 100 million people currently live, who do not recognize the authority of any state. The author explores ideological roots of the Makhnovshchina, an anarchist movement during the Civil War. It is shown that the Republic of Nestor Makhno was organized not spontaneously, but according to certain initial political principles. The author especially highlights the successful attempt to build an anarchist community in Libya, where the principle of the absence of state taxes was practically implemented, since the state had other sources of income. In conclusion, two events of recent years are analyzed, behind which it is not customary to see the practical implementation of anarchist ideas: the Ukrainian Maidan of 2014 and the ‘Yellow Vests’ movement in France in 2018. Both of these phenomena are currently usually interpreted as spontaneous or inspired from outside. However, the author believes that such an interpretation is one-sided, not taking into account the continuity of pre-existing ideological and political currents.
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Damier, Vadim. "Isabelo de los Reyes and the Beginning of the Labour Movement in the Philippines." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018556-9.
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The article focuses on the activities of the Filipino publicist, ethnographer, public, religious and political figure Isabelo de los Reyes (1864–1938). For the first time in Russian historiography, drawing upon de los Reyes' own works, it highlights his role in the movement for Philippine independence from Spain, in the formation of the labour movement, and in the initial dissemination of socialist ideas in the archipelago. A talented and prolific journalist, he rose to prominence among the progressive “ilustrados” - the educated class in the Spanish colony of the Philippines - at a very young age. Arrested by the colonial authorities after the outbreak of the 1896 anti-colonial rebellion, de los Reyes was exiled to Spain. While in prison in Barcelona, he was influenced by left-leaning fellow prisoners – anarchists, syndicalists and socialists. He was greatly impressed by his acquaintance with socialist literature. After his release from prison in 1898, de los Reyes took part in the activities of the Philippine emigration and the campaign against the capture of the Philippine Islands by the United States. In 1901 he returned to his homeland, bringing with him the works of anarchist and socialist theorists and propagandists, to which he introduced the country's leading labour activists. In 1902, at their request, he helped organise the Unión Obrera Democrática (UOD), which emerged as the first trade union association not only in the Philippines but also in the whole of Southeast Asia. At that time De los Reyes held socialist views, incorporating elements of Christian socialism, anarchism, and reformist syndicalism. He also initiated the creation of the Philippine Independent Church. After a major wave of strikes in 1902, de los Reyes was arrested by the US authorities in the Philippines and resigned as head of the UOD. After his release from prison, he published the organ of the labour movement, the newspaper “La Redención del obrero”. In the following years, de los Reyes withdrew from the trade union movement, focused on topics related to the Philippine Independent Church, and then became actively involved in political activities, being elected municipal councilor and senator.
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Shaffer, Kirwin R. "Freedom Teaching: Anarchism and Education in Early Republican Cuba, 1898-1925." Americas 60, no. 2 (October 2003): 151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0113.
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Many individuals say to me: “those ideas that you profess are very good, but, who straightens men out? Who is capable of convincing an egoist that he ought to give up his egoism?” To this one can answer: in the same way that a religious person has convinced him to sacrifice himself for religious beliefs, and in the same way that the patriot has taught him to die defending his flag. For men to be able to live in a state of anarchy, they must be educated and this is precisely the work that has been done by those generous people who have been educators throughout the ages. To them is owed the existence of synthetization. Without these athletes of thought, progress would be in its infancy.–Julián Sánchez “¿Qué es la libertad?”Following independence from Spain in 1898, Cubans hoped to create a new independent, more egalitarian nation built on the dreams of numerous well-known revolutionaries like José Martí and Antonio Maceo as well as lesser known radicals like the anarchists Enrique Creci, Enrique Messonier, and Adrián del Valle. Like so many of their fellow residents on the island, though, the anarchists quickly grew disillusioned with independence. Their disillusionment rested on repeated U.S. military occupations, a business and commercial class that put individual profits over the well-being of all, a government that seemed to repress labor and the popular classes in order to curry favor with international and national investors, and educational systems that anarchists charged taught obedience and subservience instead of freedom.
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BERRY, DAVID. "FRENCH ANARCHISTS IN SPAIN, 1936–1939." French History 3, no. 4 (1989): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/3.4.427.
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Sierra, María, and Juan Pro. "Gypsy Anarchism: Navigating Ethnic and Political Identities." European History Quarterly 52, no. 4 (September 28, 2022): 593–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221097011.
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One of the many stereotypes included in the generally negative – occasionally Romantic – representations and discourses that have burdened the Romani people is the alleged existence of a natural link between the ‘Gypsy’ way of life and anarchism. This article studies the extent of an actual historical relationship between anarchism as a political worldview and the ‘Gypsy’-Roma ethnic status beyond reductionist stereotypes. It investigates, on the one hand, the agency of Romani subjects in the labour movement and anarchism by means of a case study of Spain in the interwar years, and, on the other, it examines the cases of a number of European emigrants who chose to closely link anarchism as a political option to a Romani identity in their struggle against capitalism and fascism. Both sets of case studies are used to reflect on the political nature of racial-ethnic identity constructions, to question the dilemmas of cultural appropriation and to propose a dense analysis that reveals the historicity of identities of this type.
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Casanova, Julián. "Anarchism, Revolution and Civil War in Spain: The Challenge of Social History." International Review of Social History 37, no. 3 (December 1992): 398–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111356.
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Munton, Alan. "Wyndham Lewis and the Meanings of Spain." Journal of English Studies 5 (May 29, 2008): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.131.
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Wyndham Lewis (1882-1957) visited Spain at least five times. The impact of these visits on his work was very significant. His novel The Revenge for Love (1937) is partly set in Spain, and is an important political novel of the 1930s; his painting The Siege of Barcelona (1936-37) is a significant statement about Spanish history and the Civil War. Less happy is the polemical essay Count Your Dead: They are Alive! (1937), which takes sides against the legitimate government. (He changed his mind the following year.) This discussion is based on themes apparent in Lewis’s understanding of Spain: his experience at the centre and on the margins; his overcoming of well-known clichés about Spain; his grasp of the importance of Spanish Anarchism; his recognition of the gaze or mirada as an element in life; and a final discussion of The Siege of Barcelona – which after 1939 was renamed The Surrender of Barcelona. That significant change indicates the seriousness of Lewis’s understanding of Spain.
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Kaplan, Temma, and Martha A. Ackelsberg. "Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women." American Historical Review 98, no. 1 (February 1993): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166461.
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Lannon, Frances. "Women and Images of Women in the Spanish Civil War." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 1 (December 1991): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679037.
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At the end of the Spanish Civil War in the spring of 1939, General Franco celebrated his victory by decreeing that full military honours be accorded to two statues of the Virgin Mary. The first was Our Lady of Covadonga, patron of the first great reconquest of Spain through the expulsion of Islam in the middle ages. Now, after removal by her enemies ‘the Reds’ during the Civil War, she had been restored to her northern shrine in Asturias, marking the completion of what the decree described as the second reconquest. The other statue was of Our Lady of the Kings (de los Reyes) in Seville, invoked—so the decree ran—during the battle of Lepanto against the Turks in 1571 and the battle of Bailén agaínst the French in 1808, and invoked once more in the first desperate days of the military rising in July 1936, when a victory for the ‘Red hordes’ in Seville might have changed the whole course of the war. In Covadonga and Seville, in the undefeated stronghold of the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragoza, and across the length and breadth of the country, the Virgin Mary had saved Spain and deserved every honour and tribute. It was equally true that from far north to far south, Franco and his armies and his Nazi, Fascist, and Islamic allies had made Spain safe for the Virgin Mary. There would be no more desecrated churches, no more burned statues, no more banned processions, just as there would be no more socialists, anarchists, communists or democrats. Spain would be Catholic and authoritarian, and Spanish women could concentrate their energies on emulating Mary, and being good wives and mothers or nuns.
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Struthers, David M. "Fighting Fascist Spain: Worker Protest from the Printing PressWriting Revolution: Hispanic Anarchism in the United States." Labor 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 132–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9361527.
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GARNER, JASON. "Separated by an ‘Ideological Chasm’: The Spanish National Labour Confederation and Bolshevik Internationalism, 1917–1922." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003341.
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This article covers the relationship between the National Labour Confederation of Spain and the Comintern and its union adjunct the Profintern, from the Confederation's initial support for the October Revolution to its subsequent outright rejection of communist politics, with reference to the positions adopted by revolutionary syndicalist movements in other countries. During this period a small number of individuals attempted to tie the Confederation to the Communist International, but failed. The article covers an important period in Spanish labour history, and helps to explain the mistrust that would bedevil the Spanish revolutionary working-class movement until the Civil War. Previous research has presented the battle for control of the CNT as a straightforward battle between anarchists and communists. This was not the case. The pro-communists were a miniscule faction, led by men recently affiliated to the CNT and who had no understanding of the depth of rejection of politics by Confederal militants. They only managed to take control of the national committee by chance. Aware of their weakness they were forced to act in a secretive and often underhand manner. Using material not consulted in previous studies this article shows the extent of their subterfuge and of the opposition this created in the Confederation, as well as demonstrating that the CNT was not the only revolutionary organisation to reject the Bolshevik International.
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Wolfovich, Sharon. "Anarchism and political change in Spain: schism, polarisation and reconstruction of the Confederación Nacional Del Trabajo, 1939–1979." Mediterranean Historical Review 35, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 236–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2020.1823698.
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Thorne, Jessica. "Anarchist Prisoner Networks in Franco’s Spain and the Forging of the New Left in Europe." European History Quarterly 54, no. 1 (December 28, 2023): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231214933.
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This article explores the little-known but formative networks developing across the 1960s between anarchist political prisoners in Franco's Spain and emerging activists of the European New Left. As social change accelerated, these prisoners broke with the out-of-touch anarchist leadership-in-exile to connect with a new generation of activists inside and outside Spain. The article uses prisoner correspondence and prisoner-aid bulletins to reconstruct these informational networks, and argues they were an important element in the ‘global rupture of 1968’. It posits that anarchist prisoners’ input was a formative influence on how New Left activists came to see post-war Europe as a whole: both looked beneath Francoism's consumerist surface (habitually foregrounded in discussions of it as a Western client regime), to its reconfigured repressive core. The article discusses key discursive shifts by the anarchist prisoners as they sought international support in a new era of decolonization, ‘national liberation’ and the ramping up of the Cold War. In a landscape shaped by Castro's success in Cuba, war in Algeria and the birth of ETA inside Spain, anarchist prisoners and New Left activists alike defined Franco's political prisoners as victims not only of a national dictatorship but also of the Western Cold-War order.
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Cleminson, Richard. ""Science and Sympathy" or "Sexual Subversion on a Human Basis"? Anarchists in Spain and the World League for Sexual Reform." Journal of the History of Sexuality 12, no. 1 (2003): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2003.0053.
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Gemie, Sharif. "Reviews : David Goodway, ed., For Anarchism; History, Theory, and Practice, London and New York, Routledge, 1989; ix + 278 pp.; £12.95. Caroline Cahm, Kropotkin and the Rise of Revolutionary Anarchism, 1872-1886, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989; xii + 372 pp., £35.00. George R. Esenwein, Anarchist Ideology and the Working-Class Movement in Spain, 1868-1898, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1989; xii + 273 pp.; US $35.00." European History Quarterly 21, no. 2 (April 1991): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149102100214.
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Levy, Carl. "Anarchist immigrants in Spain and Argentina." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 20, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 585–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2019.1693007.
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Gemie, Sharif. "Reviews : Martha A. Ackelsberg, Free Women of Spain; Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women, Bloomington and Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1991, ISBN 0-253-30120-3; xvi + 229 pp.; £11.99." European History Quarterly 24, no. 1 (January 1994): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149402400123.
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Gerasimov, Nikolai I. "History of mystical anarchism (problem of periodization)." Philosophy Journal 15, no. 1 (2022): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2022-15-1-161-175.
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The article explores the problem of periodization of mystical anarchism. The author suggests that most of the disagreements between modern researchers of the creative heritage of the 20th century anarchist-mystics is related to the absence of any historical and philosophical reference point or scheme. The article suggests viewing the whole history of the development of this phenomenon as an evolution of communities of thinkers who were equally close to anarchist and mystical ideas. Three periods are distinguished: 1) 1905–1907; 2) 1917–1930; 3) 1924–1939. In each period, the author analyzes the ideological principles of a particular community of mystical anarchists, their ability to influence the cultural landscape of their era, and their conceptual relationship with their predecessors/successors. The terms “mystical anarchist” and “anarcho-mystic” are used synonymously in this text. Particular attention is paid to the emigrant period in the history of mystical anarchists (the study is based on the analysis of periodicals of the Russian diaspora in the United States).
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Zoffmann Rodriguez, Arturo. "An Uncanny Honeymoon: Spanish Anarchism and the Bolshevik Dictatorship of the Proletariat, 1917–22." International Labor and Working-Class History 94 (2018): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547918000066.
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AbstractThe Russian Revolution became a beacon flare for anti-capitalists across the world, including many anarchists. The Spanish anarcho-syndicalists became ardent supporters of Bolshevism, and many endorsed the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Here, I try to arrive at a political and historical understanding of this uncanny honeymoon, and question empirical explanations that present it as a simple misunderstanding. I firstly historicize the evolution of the concept of the workers’ dictatorship in the Spanish labor movement and assess it through the prism of the antagonism between the anarchists and socialists. I then set the reception of the Russian Revolution in the context of social ferment that emerged in Spain after 1917, which generated enormous enthusiasm and clouded theoretical differences. I finally relate the reception of the Soviet dictatorship to the intensification of class violence in these years, which rendered many anarchists hospitable to the authoritarian methods of the Bolsheviks.
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Jensen, Richard Bach. "Criminal Anthropology and Anarchist Terrorism in Spain and Italy." Mediterranean Historical Review 16, no. 2 (December 2001): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004581.
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Bevir, Mark. "The Rise of Ethical Anarchism in Britain, 1885–1900." Historical Research 69, no. 169 (June 1, 1996): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01848.x.
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Abstract In the nineteenth century, anarchists were strict individualists favouring clandestine organization and violent revolution: in the twentieth century, they have been romantic communalists favouring moral experiments and sexual liberation. This article examines the growth of this ethical anarchism in Britain in the late nineteenth century, as exemplified by the Freedom Group and the Tolstoyans. These anarchists adopted the moral and even religious concerns of groups such as the Fellowship of the New Life. Their anarchist theory resembled the beliefs of counter-cultural groups such as the aesthetes more closely than it did earlier forms of anarchism. And this theory led them into the movements for sex reform and communal living.
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Zimmer, Kenyon. "Review: Anarchist Immigrants in Spain and Argentina by James A. Baer." Pacific Historical Review 85, no. 4 (November 1, 2016): 602–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2016.85.4.602.
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Damier, Vadim. "The Genoa Conference of 1922 Through the Eyes of Russian Anarchists." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2023): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025099-6.
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In the article the author examines the attitude of Russian anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists to the 1922 Genoa Conference and the participation of representatives of Soviet Russia in it. This subject has not received much coverage in the works of anarchism scholars, who have so far focused primarily on the study of the general stance of Russian anarchism towards the Soviet regime and the issue of the New Economic Policy, on the problem of anti-anarchist repressions in Russia and on the ideological and organisational processes in the Russian anarchist emigration. The author made it his task to identify the place that the critique of the “Genoa policy” of the Soviet government enjoyed in the ideological concepts and political work of the anarchists, and to trace the main line of their reasoning. The main source for this article was the original, mainly émigré, press of the Russian anarchists between 1922 and 1923. The author demonstrates that the Russian anarchists' view of the Genoa Conference was primarily determined by ideological motives and their general analysis of the course and fate of the Russian Revolution itself. Being anti-statists, the anarchists had no particular conception of foreign policy and were indifferent to so-called state interests. The “Genoa policy” was perceived by them as a manifestation and confirmation of the new Bolshevik course, in which they saw an orientation towards restoring the positions of private capital within Russia itself and towards subordination to world capital on an international scale. Planned or real concessions on the part of the Soviet delegation at the Conference and repression of Russian anarchists and socialists were, in their eyes, two sides of the “Bolshevik counter-revolution”. The criticism of Bolshevism mounted by the anarchist emigration in connection with and after the Genoa Conference contributed to the demarcation in the international trade union revolutionary-syndicalist movement and the founding of the anarcho-syndicalist International.
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Ullman, Joan C., and George R. Esenwein. "Anarchist Ideology and the Working-Class Movement in Spain, 1868-1898." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21, no. 4 (1991): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204471.
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Dirlik, Arif. "The Path Not Taken: The Anarchist Alternative in Chinese Socialism, 1921–1927." International Review of Social History 34, no. 1 (April 1989): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000009020.
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SUMMARYUntil the late 1920s, anarchism was still a significant presence in Chinese radical thinking and activity, and till the middle of the decade, gave serious competition to the Communists. The essay discusses the nature of the anarchist movement in China, anarchist criticism of Bolshevik Marxism, and anarchist revolutionary strategy and activity during 1921–1927. It argues that while anarchists were quite innovative with regard to revolutionary strategy, their repudiation of organized power deprived them of the ability to coordinate revolutionary activity on a national scale, and what success they achieved remained local and short-lived. Indeed, the Communists were able to make better use of anarchist tactics than were the anarchists themselves. Anarchist critique of power rested on a denial of a center to society (and history). While this undercut the anarchists' ability to organize the revolutionary movement, it is also revealing of a basic problem of socialist revolution: the problem of democracy. In ignoring the anarchist critique of power, the successful revolutionaries deprived themselves of a critical perspective on the problem of socialist revolution, and were left at the mercy of the new structures of power that they brought into existence. Hence the importance of recalling anarchism.
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Shubert, Adrian, and George Richard Esenwein. "Anarchist Ideology and the Working-Class Movement in Spain, 1868-1898." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 534. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163313.
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Lee, Andrew H. "James A Baer. Anarchist Immigrants in Spain and Argentina. University of Illinois Press, Urbana (IL) [etc.] 2015. xviii, 240 pp. Ill. $55.00. - Travis Tomchuk. Transnational Radicals. Italian Anarchists in Canada and the U.S. 1915–1940. University of Manitoba Press, Winnipeg2015. xi, 260 pp. Ill. $27.95. (EPUB E-book: $20.00; PDF E-book $20.00.) - Kenyon Zimmer. Immigrants against the State. Yiddish and Italian Anarchism in America. [The Working Class in American History.] University of Illinois Press, Urbana [etc.] 2015. x, 300 pp. Ill. $95.00. (Paper: $30.00.)." International Review of Social History 61, no. 1 (April 2016): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000146.
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Ackelsberg, Martha, and Myrna Margulies Breitbart. "The role of social anarchism and geography in constructing a radical agenda." Dialogues in Human Geography 7, no. 3 (November 2017): 263–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043820617732916.
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David Harvey’s response to Simon Springer (2014) raises important questions about the places from which to draw ideas for a radical geography agenda. Nevertheless, Harvey ignores critical contributions that social anarchists (including social geographers) have made to understanding both the theory and practice of social transformation. We draw on studies of the anarchist movement in Spain before and during the Spanish Civil War to explore some of what social anarchism has to contribute to geography and contemporary struggles for a more equitable society.
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Yong, C. F. "Origins and Development of the Malayan Communist Movement, 1919–1930." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1991): 625–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010787.
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Communism as an ideology was first introduced to Malaya by Chinese anarchists, and not by Kuomintang Left, Indonesian communists or Chinese communists as claimed in existing scholarship.1 A handful of Chinese anarchists arrived in British Malaya during the First World War to take up positions as Chinese vernacular school teachers or journalists. These Chinese intellectuals harboured not only anarchism but also communism, commonly known then as anarcho-communism.
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Quinn, Adam. "“Abolish the Monopolizing of the Earth”." Radical History Review 2023, no. 145 (January 1, 2023): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10063606.
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Abstract At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, an industrial capitalist order stretched its grasp across the globe, placing control of farms, mines, and forests in the hands of wealthy industrialists. Living through this period of rapid and unequal economic and environmental change, anarchists denounced what they called the monopolizing of the earth and its products. Anarchists were deeply critical of the privatization of the environment and saw restricting access to nature as a core component of inequality and poverty. This article considers the environmental politics of transnational anarchism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. With anarchism’s geographically and ideologically diverse participants in mind, it incorporates the natural science-informed utopian visions of Peter Kropotkin and Elisée Reclus, the revolutionary and anti-colonial food and land politics of Ricardo Flores Magón, and the nature-informed radical sex politics of Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. It finds that “anarchism” did not just mean the destruction of the state and capitalism to its advocates, but the construction of a new political-economic-natural system that saw the liberation of people and the defense of nature as inextricably connected. The article concludes with a call to both include anarchism as a part of the genealogy of environmentalism and consider anarchism’s environmental politics in ongoing conversations about the relationships between environmental crises and human inequalities.
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Monteflores, Omar Lucas. "Anarchism and the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala: A Tenuous Relation." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.04.
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While the indigenous peoples of Guatemala and its history of anarchist thought are seldom studied together but there is merit to exploring the differences and convergences between the anarchist movement's perspectives on class and ethnicity and those of better understood liberal, socialist and communist traditions. Anarchists in Guatemala made tentative efforts to reach out to rural workers and peasants in the period between 1928 to 1932, but these efforts were circumscribed and largely unsuccessful. They did so under the influence of more structured movements in Mexico and Argentina, which incorporated visions of collective emancipation that would appeal to autonomous indigenous movements; however their brief embrace of these issues, interrupted by fierce repression by the state, was curtailed by the overwhelming urban base from which they intervened in labour and social struggles. The reasons for this failure lay in the history of Guatemalan race relations and the structural divisions between urban and rural society that endured during the transition from colonial to republican society, and which anarchists tied to overcome.
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Aresti, Nerea. "Beyond Models: The Many Paths to Feminism in Modern Spain." European History Quarterly 53, no. 2 (April 2023): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231163098.
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This paper addresses feminisms in Spain during the last decades of the nineteenth and the first decades of the twentieth century, proposing a number of interpretative keys for their historical analysis. Spanish feminism has been diverse, and its emancipatory aspirations, demands and discourses often have not coincided with those of the European or American suffragist movements. In these pages, an attempt is made to gain further insights into the principal challenges that Spanish historiography has met when analyzing this complex phenomenon, while suggesting that this has contributed to breathing new life into research on historical feminisms as a whole. Special attention is also paid to how feminist critique developed on the basis of different ways of understanding sexual difference. Lastly, I look at how expectations for change were created and how feminist vindications were formulated in different discursive frameworks, namely those of religion, liberal principles and socialist and anarchist political cultures.
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Bantman, Constance. "Reencountering The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914: Archival and Historiographic Reassessments." Revista Mundos do Trabalho 14 (August 8, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1984-9222.2022.e89542.
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This article follows up on the book The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914 (2013), by exploring some primary material uncovered since this publication, and considering the ways in which research into the history of anarchism as a transnational movement has evolved. In the years since the publication of this book, a great deal of research has furthered or challenged its findings, especially in relation to print culture and the study of global anarchist networks. The mass digitisation of periodicals (both anarchist and mainstream) and archives in the last ten years offers new tools to find detailed information about the personal and political lives of these elusive anarchists in London – and further afield, thus rectifying the original study’s London-centric focus. These sources are also crucial in documenting the ways in which anarchists were perceived and portrayed in Britain, France and internationally, and constructed into a major public threat through media discourse.
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Grizzle, Gary. "Book Review: Ruth Kinna and Clifford Harper, Great Anarchists. London: Dog Section Press. 2020." Theory in Action 15, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2214.
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In their recent collaboration, Great Anarchists, political theory professor Ruth Kinna and illustrator Clifford Harper provide a testament to the contemporary relevance of late eighteenth through early twentieth century anarchist thought. They do so through their respective depictions of ten individuals who articulated anarchist ideas of one sort or another over the course of their lives. The people depicted in this volume range from those routinely found in mainstream academic treatments of anarchist theory (William Godwin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Michael Bakunin, and Peter Kropotkin), to those more likely to be found in insider accounts of the history of anarchism (Max Stirner, Louise Michel, Lucy Parsons, Errico Malatesta, and Voltairine De Cleyre), to a literary figure whose relationship to anarchism has frequently gone unnoticed (Oscar Wilde).
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Wardhaugh, Jessica. "From Anarchism to State Funding." French Historical Studies 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 597–631. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8552475.
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Abstract In 1896 Louis Lumet despised the state and openly yearned for a “red messiah” to sweep away bourgeois culture and politics. By 1904 he was receiving state funding. This article unravels the paradox of his trajectory by focusing on the common concern that eventually united his interests with those of republican governments: the relationship between art and the people. Drawing on hitherto unknown writings by Lumet himself, as well as on little-used archives, the article explores Lumet's anarchist persona and connections in fin de siècle Paris, charts his involvement in the Théâtre d'Art Social and the Théâtre Civique, and examines his role in the state-supported Art pour Tous. The final discussion reveals areas of conflict and convergence in the perception of the people as political actors by both anarchists and the state, raising questions about the theory and practice of cultural democratization. En 1896, Louis Lumet souhaitait l'effondrement de l'Etat et l'apparition d'un Messie rouge qui balaierait et la culture et la politique bourgeoises. En 1904, il était subventionné par l'Etat. Cet article dévoile le mystère de ce personnage en interrogeant la relation entre l'art et le peuple qui attirait l'attention de Lumet ainsi que des gouvernements de la Troisième République. En s'appuyant sur les écrits peu connus de Lumet lui-même, ainsi que sur des documents d'archives, l'article met en évidence le rôle de Lumet dans les milieux anarchistes. Il retrace sa contribution aux initiatives comme le Théâtre d'art social et le Théâtre civique, et sa participation à l'Art pour tous (avec le soutien de l'Etat). Cette étude fournit la base d'une discussion plus approfondie sur la démocratisation culturelle, où les perspectives anarchistes et officielles se trouvent parfois étrangement rapprochées.
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Greene, Julie. "Spaniards on the Silver Roll: Labor Troubles and Liminality in the Panama Canal Zone, 1904–1914." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000183.
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This article examines the experiences of Spanish workers during the construction of the Panama Canal by the United States from 1904 to 1914. Spaniards engaged in a wide range of protest actions during the construction years, from strikes to food riots to anarchist politics. Employing Victor Turner's concept of liminality, the article highlights the mutability of the Spaniards' position and identity and examines several factors that shaped their experiences: the US government's policies of racial segregation and the injustices Spaniards experienced; the political and racial identities they brought with them from Spain; and their complex racial and imperial status in the Canal Zone. Spaniards possessed a remarkably fluid racial identity, considered white or nonwhite depending on circumstances, and that shifting status fueled their racial animosities as well as their protests.
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Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Conservative Anarchism. French Critics of the “Anthropological Mistake”." History of Philosophy 25, no. 2 (2020): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2020-25-2-81-95.
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G. Orwell once called himself “anarchist tory”, the collocation “anthropological mistake” belongs to British theologian J. Milbank, characterizing so liberal thought. These expressions are used today by two French philosophers, Jean-Claude Michea and Alain de Benoist. Though they came from opposing political camps, both are ready to define themselves “populists” and “conservative anarchists”. Their common enemy is contemporary liberalism. This article is a description of this polemics, especially with liberal anthropology. Their difference with many critics of political or economic liberalism lies in their belief that liberalism is a totality, and the core of all the aspects of this doctrine (economy, law, politics) is represented by the vision of man in liberal philosophy, which have a long history. This genealogy of liberalism, proposed by French thinkers, is the main theme of the article.
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de Laforcade, Geoffroy, and Steven J. Hirsch. "Introduction: Indigeneity and Latin American Anarchism." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.01.
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The articles in this special issue frame the question of anarchism and indigeneity as historiography, but also as a commentary on the ways in which examining Latin American pasts can inform contemporary understandings of social movements in the region and beyond. In particular, our hope is that they will provoke further interest and research into how history reflects on the ongoing efforts by revolutionaries today, and by the diverse communities with which they engage, to imagine a future devoid of authoritarian and instrumentalist discourses and practices that continue to reproduce the inequities of state power, capitalist oppression, and colonial domination. The case can be made that while its historiography is in its early stages, anarchists in Latin America historically engaged the communities in which they immersed, in some localities more successfully than others. This issue of Anarchist Studies will show that Bolivia - largely ignored in the English-language literature on the subject - and Peru demonstrated early and ongoing efforts to approach indigeneity among Aymara and Quechua peoples in urban and rural settings (see de Laforcade and Hirsch). In Guatemala, however, which is at the heart of a vast regional geography of diverse Mayan peoples ranging from Honduras to Mexico, and in which the white and mestizo populations are a distinct minority, no such tradition emerged (see Monteflores). Raymond Craib has noted that in Chile, a country on the southern reaches of the Andes that produced a vibrant anarchist culture in the early 20th century, the anarchist archives show virtually no connection between the labour movement and the southern Mapuche peoples of Araucania. Beyond the simple question of whether anarchists acknowledged and engaged in solidarity with indigenous communities, however, there is the more sensitive question raised by Mexican sociologist Josué Sansón on the 'translatability' of anarchist ideas and practices among Peruvian rural communities, which he studied. Sansón argues that the transmission was not 'unidirectional', but rather a 'space of encounter in which some Aymara and Quechua communities received and appropriated them, reinterpreting and adapting them to them their own idioms of resistance in the creation of their own autonomous movements.'
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Esenwein, G. "RICHARD PURKISS. Democracy, Trade Unions and Political Violence in Spain: The Valencian Anarchist Movement, 1918-1936." American Historical Review 118, no. 3 (May 31, 2013): 939–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.3.939a.
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Evinson, Katryn. "The Generative Politics of Presentism in Post-15M Spain." boundary 2 48, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-9155789.
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This essay revises post-15M movement political party landscape, emphasizing the intentional yet unusual use of the present within the New Left's organizing grammar. Against sectors of the traditional Left, who see presentism as a product of neoliberalism, I claim that in the post-15M conjuncture, the present constituted a battleground in the struggle for a dignified life. First, I focus on the Catalan left-wing nationalist party CUP's use of anarchist symbols to suggest that references to sabotage were deployed to disrupt parliamentary politics, forcing constant interruption. Second, I analyze Podemos founding member Iñigo Errejón's speech after the party's 2016 national election defeat, where his rhetoric linked the temporality of the present with anti-austerity protestors’ embodied presence. Last, I read the rise of neomunicipalisms as another iteration of presentism, aiming to politicize everyday life. To conclude, I advance that such material practices of “generative presentism” problematize presentism's assumed depoliticizing nature.
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Confino, Michael. "1903-1914." Russian History 37, no. 3 (2010): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x510419.
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AbstractFrom the first years after 1900, the Russian anarchists debated the “question of the organization,” and examined how they should organize the movement so that they may carry on its political activities and secure freedom of expression and of spontaneous action both for its members and for the masses. Opposed as they were to all kind of hierarchic, centralized, and pyramidal types of organization, most of the Russian anarchists preferred the creation of independent and autonomous groups whose members would be linked by a community of ideas and feelings. (The first groups appeared in Russia in 1903.) Under the influence of classical anarchist thinkers like Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Malatesta, some of them saw in anarchism not only an ideology, but a way of life, and tried to create cells in the image of the future society. Everyday realities compelled many of them to adopt more efficient and practical solutions. The most frequent terms used in their vocabulary (and examined here) reveal their state of mind and ways of action, terms such as self-rule, initiative, autonomous action, independence, creativity, and free activity. Their groups were usually homogenous in terms of their social, educational, and national or ethnic composition. They rejected the practice of collecting members' fees or donations. As a result they faced the problem of how to finance their activities. A major debate ensued whether or not to use “expropriations” (eksy), armed attacks on state institutions or private enterprises, for gathering funds, and how such actions were viewed by the masses. The Revolution of 1905, in which the anarchists participated actively, had important repercussions on their views and ways of organizing.
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Semiglazov, Georgiy. "Lev Chernyi’s Anarchistic Sociometry." Sociological Journal 27, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.1.7847.
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Anarchist teachings have become popular in the modern world. Due to this fact, it is necessary to examine the history of this movement, because many important anarchists of the past are hardly known today. This article focuses on the ideas of Lev Chernyi (Pavel Dmitrievich Turchaninov), who was a Russian anarchist in the early 20th century. The author analyzes his program work “A New Direction in Anarchism: Associational Anarchism”, first published in 1907. The goal of the analysis is to introduce Chernyi not only as a dedicated anarchist, but also as a social scientist, familiar with the traditions of European sociology. Such a perspective is possible due to the terminology used by Turchaninov. In particular, the Russian anarchist divides social sciences into sociology and sociometry, defining the subject area for each field of knowledge. To reach the goal, it is necessary to answer several key questions of social sciences, namely, how Chernyi explains action, social order and social changes. The author claims that answers to these questions very well might be found in the work of Turchaninov. The conclusion is that Chernyi’s ideas are interesting not only for researchers of anarchism, but also for social scientists and philosophers, since Turchaninov has several concepts similar to the ideas of the classics of sociological thought.
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de Laforcade, Geoffroy. "Indigeneity, Gender, and Resistance: Critique and Contemporaneity of Bolivian Anarchism in the Historical Imagination of Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 19–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.02.
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From the 1920s to the 1940s, Bolivia was a hub of Andean transnational solidarities rooted in artisanal trades, and spearheaded by migrant workers whose cultural, educational and social activism reflected a mosaic of influences from older militant traditions in neighbouring countries. Virtually absent from existing overviews of Latin American anarchism in English, Bolivian anarchism engaged extensively with autonomous indigenous and communal movements, and is therefore a distinctly revealing case from which to evaluate the engagement of anarchists with indigenous majorities in the Andean space where they lived. This article explores the work of sociologist Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, whose dense tapestry of pioneering scholarship on the intertwining horizons of conquest, rebellion, republicanism, resistance and populism in Bolivia over five hundred years includes profound and nuanced assessments of indigeneity and gender, pointing to the need for a more nuanced understanding of how racialised identities are defined in society, and the ways in which they are deployed discursively by revolutionary movements. From the rebellions Tupac Katari and Pablo Zárate Willka in the late 19th century, the subsequent quest of Aymara 'caciques apoderados' for allies among organized artisans and the urban poor, struggles of anarchist women, independent agrarian trade unionism, and the Katarista movement of the 1960s and 1970s to the popular insurgencies of the past three decades, Cusicanqui's work threads together archival, oral and iconographic history while enlisting the participation of popular movements in an ongoing critique of the legacies of internal colonialism, racialization, patriarchal inheritances, and languages of resistance in Bolivia; as well as the lessons of struggles for autonomy, freedom and decolonization in which anarchists and the movements they subsequently influenced took part.
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Zubarev, Ivan Yur'evich. "The disarmament of anarchists in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region in the spring of 1918 (based on the materials of the Orel and Voronezh provinces)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 6 (June 2023): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.6.69253.
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The article examines the confrontation of the armed anarchist detachments of the "Black Guard" with the Bolsheviks in the spring of 1918. The causes and features of the emergence of anarchist detachments, the position of anarchists in the political arena of the country in 1917 - early 1918 are illustrated. The author gives an assessment of some early Soviet studies on "anarchist uprisings" in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region. After the February and October revolutions of 1917, anarchism in Russia embarked on a new path of development, which was characterized by attempts to unite and create a single combat force to protect the "revolutionary gains" from the interventionists and White Guard forces. The object of the study is the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Chernozem region during the establishment of Soviet power. The subject of the study is the armed actions of anarchists against the authorities in Orel and Voronezh in March-April 1918. The methodological basis is the consideration of historical phenomena and their interrelations in the context of the studied time (the principle of historicism). A comparative historical method was used to establish the similarities and distinctive features of the armed actions of anarchists in Orel and Voronezh. The article attempts to comprehensively study the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Black Earth region. The author analyzes only a small fragment of this topic. The spring of 1918 was a period of the defeat of anarchist detachments and organizations throughout Russia, these processes took place on the territory of the Central Chernozem region. Based on the works of his predecessors and memoir sources, the features of the defeat of the anarchist detachments in Orel and Voronezh are analyzed. During the analysis, it was possible to demonstrate that the anarchists were only part of the rebel forces, consisting of detachments arriving from the Ukrainian front, dissatisfied with the supply. Some Soviet authors often saw in these speeches a "Socialist-Revolutionary" conspiracy" or assigned the anarchists a leading role, making them the main instigators of uprisings. Which, according to the author, is an erroneous position.
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Voronov, Yury. "Very Old and the Very Modern Clothing of Anarchism. Theory." Ideas and Ideals 15, no. 1-1 (March 28, 2023): 105–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2023-15.1.1-105-133.
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This article discusses the main stages in the development of the theory of anarchism. The author started his examination of anarchist ideas from Errico Malatesta’s book “The System of Anarchism in Ten Conversations for the Peasants”. Then, the author considers the works of a French politician, philosopher and economist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. The paper touches upon the problem of practical implementation of his theoretical principles up to the present time. The author also takes into account the works of the geographical school of anarchism (Elise’e Reclus and Peter Kropotkin). The paper analyses the anarchist origins of the classical school of political economy. It is noted that a significant part of Adam Smith’s ideas was previously expressed by his predecessor, anarchist William Godwin. In particular, it is shown that the category of ‘invisible hand’ originated from anarchist ideas about the inner world of a person, and not from the ideas that ‘the market will decide everything’. Some aspects of the history of the First International, the role of anarchists in the creation and activities of the First International are considered. The article describes the emergence and development of anarchism in Japan, it is shown that the Japanese branch of anarchism is closely connected with the works of M. Bakunin. The problem of long-term propaganda of the ideas of anarchism in US universities is touched upon. The main authors of anarchist works are singled out from among them. The author also considers Christian theological anarchism associated with the name of I. Illich, as well as the works of the followers and propagandists of anarcho-Islam that have appeared in recent years. According to the author, the ideas of anarchism are poorly analyzed by historians, which leads to many incorrect assessments of current events and erroneous predictions of the future, especially in recent decades. The reason for this is ignoring the role of anarchist thought in the socio-economic life of the world. It is noted that the penetration of anarchist ideas into social theories and political doctrines of very different directions takes place in such a way that they become an inseparable part of them and are no longer considered anarchist. Briefly, the main idea of the article can be expressed in the words: “Theoretical anarchism does matter”.
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Newmark, Joshua. "Book Review: Print Culture and the Formation of the Anarchist Movement in Spain, 1890–1915 by James M. Yeoman." European History Quarterly 53, no. 4 (October 2023): 746–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231199945y.
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Adams, Matthew S. "The World That Never Was: A True Story of Dreamers, Schemers, Anarchists and Secret Agents/New Perspectives on Anarchism, Labour and Syndicalism: The Individual, the National and the Transnational/Anarchism and Moral Philosophy/Post-Anarchism: A Reader." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 18, no. 5-6 (October 2011): 851–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2011.632182.
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Navarro Navarro, J. F., and E. O. Grantseva. "Shadows of the Past in Spain: Historical Policy and Collective Memory of Civil War and Francism." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2021): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-4-20-96-113.
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The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of public memory about the civil war of 1936 – 1939 and the Francoist dictatorship in Spain. Another focus of the research is an analysis of the difficulties and contradictions associated with the transformations of the Spanish state historical policy, including the problems resulting from the adoption of a new law on democratic memory in the country. For twenty years, issues of memory have invariably been present in the Spanish political discourse and affect the daily life of Spaniards. This situation has been accompanied by significant media attention and wide media coverage. Numerous references to the themes of memory and the difficult past are often superficial and do not reveal the essence of the problem, forming a horizontal informational reflection that gives the illusion of saturation. The authors, analyzing the relationship of the Spaniards with their past, apply the comparative method in the context of four historical stages — the period of the Francoist dictatorship, the stage of democratic transition, democratic Spain in the 1980s – 1990s, and Spain of the 21st century. The conducted research allows us to assert that one important characteristic of the Spanish case is the lack of social consolidation and acceptance of the policy of public memory on a democratic basis. This reveals the difficulty of building a social and political consensus around the policy of memory. Turning to the history of the issue of the return of memory and noting the desire of the left political forces for a historical revenge, the authors of the article conclude that it is impossible to present a single correct presentation of democratic memory. Using the example of the denial of both the Francoist memory and the revolutionary memory of the anarchist movement, the article argues the specific character of democratic memory as a cultural phenomenon: democratic memory is multiple, it reflects and presents various interests of many social actors and does not have an exclusively liberal-democratic character.
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Gemie, Sharif. "Reviews : J. R. Corbin, The Anarchist Passion; Class Conflict in Southern Spain, 1810-1965, Aldershot, Avebury, ISBN 1-85623-431-X, 1993; 229 pp.; £35.00." European History Quarterly 25, no. 1 (January 1995): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149502500117.
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Juruś, Dariusz. "The Individual vs. the State." Ruch Filozoficzny 79, no. 4 (February 17, 2023): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/rf.2022.032.
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The paper presents the profiles of three American thinkers associated with the tradition of individualist anarchism. These will be: Lysander Spooner (1808–1887), Albert Jay Nock (1870–1945) and Murray Newton Rothbard (1926–1995). These thinkers were involved not only in writing, but were also active participants in the political life of the time. In their opinion, the state, whose genesis is based on violence and conquest, and the individual are the greatest enemies. The state was perceived as the greatest threat to the freedom of the individual, as it violated the principles of natural law, which in turn was to constitute the moral foundation of society. The state was, therefore, in the opinion of these thinkers, something inherently unjust, because by force and against the will of its citizens it forced them to obey. They did not perceive history in terms of class struggle, but as a struggle between individuals and society against the state. Spooner compared the state to a gang of robbers and murderers (valuing them higher than the state, however) and argued that the constitution did not bind citizens in any way, as it had not been signed by them personally, and the government had no power over the one handed over to it by free units. Nock pointed to the gradual appropriation by the state (“professional criminals”) of competences belonging to society, and the opposing goals of both. He distinguished between a government that aims to protect individuals and justice, and a state that aims to plunder, based on a law it has created. Rothbard advocated the abolition of the state as a tax consumer and its replacement with an anarcho-capitalist order in which private property would be its foundation. Theories of Spooner, Nock and Rothbard, although directed against the state, were not only negative. At their roots was the good of individuals. For Spooner, they were primarily workers, for Nock, citizens, and for Rothbard, entrepreneurs and owners. This fact is worth emphasizing, as the criticism of anarchism often boils down to allegations of radicalism and utopianism, without taking into account its protectionist nature. Criticism of the state is always a consequence of the human vision and should be considered from this perspective. The concepts of Spooner, Nock and Rothbard, although directed against the state, were not only negative. At their root was the good of individuals. For Spooner, they were primarily workers, for Nock, citizens, and for Rothbard, entrepreneurs and owners. This fact is worth emphasizing, as the criticism of anarchism often boils down to allegations of radicalism and utopianism, without taking into account its protectionist nature. In the article, in addition to presenting the positions of American individualist anarchists, we will pay attention to the positive aspects of the criticism of the state and show that already in the nineteenth and twentieth century anarchists recognized certain mechanisms of power, which also occur with particular intensity today.