Academic literature on the topic 'Analisi geopolitica'
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Journal articles on the topic "Analisi geopolitica"
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Wirapratama, Andi. "ANALISIS MOTIF PROYEK PEMBANGUNAN REL KERETA API KUNMING-SINGAPURA (2015-2017)." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (August 30, 2020): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i1.128.
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ABSTRACT
China is popularizing the Belt Road Initiative or abbreviated as BRI, which is an ambitious development plan involving many regions throughout the world. One of BRI's projects is the construction of the Kunming-Singapore railroad track. BRI's motives are still confusing between the economy and geopolitics. Not to mention, there is a paradox in China's leadership statement regarding BRI as a political or economic foreign policy tool. As a result, the railroad project also has a mixed motive. This research attempts to uncover the motive of Kunming-Singapore Railroad construction project. This study tries to analyze this phenomenon with three concepts, offensive realism, commercial liberalism, and Giovanni Arrighi's capitalism mode. The results of this study show that the railroad project has economic and geopolitical factors behind it. Economic and geopolitical factors are both dominating and complementing China's decision to invest in this project due to changes in the structure of the domestic and international economy and to maximize wealth in order to become a Great Power.
Keywords:
ABSTRAK
Tiongkok sedang mempopulerkan Belt Road Initiative atau disingkat BRI, yang merupakan sebuah rencana pembangunan ambisius yang melibatkan banyak kawasan di seluruh dunia. Salah satu proyek BRI adalah pembangunan jalur rel kereta api Kunming-Singapura. Motif BRI saat ini masih simpang siur, antara ekonomi dan geopolitik. Belum lagi, ada paradoks dalam pernyataan kepemimpinan Tiongkok terkait BRI sebagai alat politik atau ekonomi. Walhasil, proyek jalur rel kereta api ini juga memiliki motif yang simpang siur. Penelitian ini mencoba untuk mengungkap proyek pembangunan Jalur Rel Kereta Api Kunming-Singapura. Penelitian ini mencoba menganalisis fenomena ini dengan tiga konsep, offensive realism, commercial liberalism, dan mode kapitalisme Giovanni Arrighi, Hasil dari penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa proyek jalur kereta api ini memiliki faktor ekonomi dan geopolitik yang melatarbelakanginya. Faktor ekonomi maupun geopolitik sama-sama mendominasi dan saling melengkapi keputusan Tiongkok untuk berinvestasi dalam proyek ini disebabkan karena perubahan struktur ekonomi domestik dan internasional serta berupaya untuk memaksimalkan kekayaan agar dapat menjadi Great Power.
Kata kunci: BRI; RRC; Kunming; Singapura; rel kereta api.
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Cahya, Nandang. "Rahasia Surat At Tiin: Kajian Sejarah Analisa Geopolitik Menguasai Kota Al Quds." Jurnal Tapis: Jurnal Teropong Aspirasi Politik Islam 15, no. 2 (March 3, 2020): 275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/tps.v15i2.5360.
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AbstractAl Quds or “Jerusalem” is a small town, it is only around 1 km square, this old city knew in the history as laden and bloodshed city, there was many several great empires and strength that overwhelm this city, like Babylon, Peria, Roman, and before 14 century Muslims came and open this city. Nowadys, this city “Al Quds” is under Israeli occubation. The invaders from Zionist movement wanted to establish Israile Kingdom stretching from the Nile in Egypt to the river of Euphrate in Iraq. Certainly “Al Quds” for Muslims is not only a Holy City, it is a political capital, and libarate Al Quds from the hands of Israel is a duty. This liberation project is not easy; Muslims must understand the geopolitical map. This paper is a historical study about the strategy of Omar bin Khattab and Saladin Ayyubi to libarate Al Quds. Research method used the geopolitics with geographical analysis to study Al Quds sitaution as referd in Surat At-Tiin. With this full understanding, Umar Ibn Al-Khattab and Saladin Ayyubi make the same strategi to open the cities around Al-Quds buffer, Especially Egypt and Syria (the Sham). Up to the present these two areas (Syria and Egypt) have significance to Al Quds and Palestine, so if these areas opened, the way to liberation of Holy City will be easy. So the secret key to libarate Al Quds is in Egypt and Syria, Also God said in the first of Surat At-Tiin with his swear, “Wattiini wazzaitun, watuurisina” (By the Fig and the Olive, And the Mount of Sinai). Al-Muffaseron (explainers) said that Tiini refers to Al-Sham and Olive Refers to Al-Quds and the hill of Sinai refers to Egypt.Keywords: Al Quds, Geopolitical, Surat At Tiin Abstrak Al Quds atau Yerusalem adalah kota kecil yang luasnya hanya kurang lebih 1 km persegi, sejarah mengenalnya sebagai kota tua yang sarat dengan pertumpahan darah, berbagai kekuatan imperium besar silih berganti menguasai kota ini, Babilonia, Peria, Romawi, dan dan 14 abad yang lalu Islam hadir sebagai pembebas kota ini. Hingga kini kota Al Quds berada dibawah kekuasaan bangsa penjajah Israel yang dengan gerakan zionismenya ingin mendirikan Negara Israel Raya yang terbentang dari sungai Nil di Mesir sampai sungai Euprat di Irak. Tentu bagi kaum muslimin Al Quds bukan sekedar kota suci, namun sebagai ibukota politik, maka membebaskan Al Quds dari tangan Israel adalah keharusan. Proyek pembebasan ini tidaklah mudah, kaum muslimin harus memahami peta geopilitik sebagai prasaratnya. Artikel ini merupakan kajian penelitian sejarah bagaimana strategi Umar bin Khattab dan Shalahuddin Al Ayyubi dalam membebaskan Al Quds. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan kajian strategi geopolitik dengan analisa letak geografis Al Quds yang diisyaratkan dalam surat At Tiin. Dengan memahami ini, strategi yang pertama kali dilakukan oleh Umar bin Khattab dan Shalahuddin Al Ayyubi adalah melakukan penaklukan-penaklukan kecil terhadap wilayah-wilayah penyangga kota Al Quds, terutama Mesir dan Suriah (wilayah bagian Syam). Hingga dalam kontek kekinian kedua wilayah ini memiliki arti penting Al Quds dan Palestina, dengan menguasainya akan mempermudah jalan menuju pembebasan kota suci itu. Jadi kunci rahasia pembeasan Al Quds adalah Mesir dan Suriah, sebagaimana Allah mengisyaratkan di awal surat At Tiin dengan sumpahnya, Wattiini wazzaitun watuurisina (Demi buah Tiin, zaitun, dan bukit Sinai). Para ahli tafsir mengatakan bahwa itu adalah Tiin adalah Syam, Zaitun adalah Al Quds, dan Bukit Sinai adalah Mesir. Kata kunci: Al Quds, geopolitik, At Tiin
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Fathun, Laode Muhamad. "ASEAN Contemporary Security: Maritime Diplomacy in Handling of Maritime Security Threats in Malaka Strait." Insignia: Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (March 27, 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2019.6.1.1414.
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Abstract
This paper will explain the consequences of Indonesia's geopolitical location, namely in the Malacca Strait as an international trade route. The Malacca Strait is a crossing route for foreign ships to distribute goods to various regions. However, the strategic channel not only attracts sympathy from international entrepreneurs but also attracts these criminals and hijackers to obtain economic results from this activity. The Malacca Strait strategically makes pirates and pirates criminalize passing ships. On the other hand, the consequences of state legal matters are maintaining security and safety, and the comfort of crossings in the Malacca Strait. With a number of problems, both defense, governance and management infrastructure that cannot be seen in a fixed manner. In addition, its position borders on three countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. With a qualitative descriptive analysis method, this paper explains the need for bilateral, trilateral and regional multi-level diplomacy approaches to solve problems. And the purpose of this article is that piracy occurred in the Straits of Malacca because of its strategic geopolitical structure and weak Indonesian defense. So, collaboration is needed, coordination through diplomacy and military projections as an effort to safeguard the sea area, sea control and military defense articulation. Thus, the authors hope that this article can add knowledge to the study of international relations, especially in marine studies.
Keywords: Geopolitics, Maritime State, Malacca Strait, Piracy, Multilevel Diplomacy
Abstrak
Paper ini akan menjelaskan konsekuensi dari lokasi geopolitik Indonesia, yaitu di Selat Malaka sebagai rute perdagangan internasional. Selat Malaka adalah rute penyeberangan bagi kapal-kapal asing untuk mendistribusikan barang ke berbagai daerah. Namun, saluran strategis tidak hanya menarik simpati dari pengusaha internasional tetapi juga menarik para pelaku kejahatan dan pembajak ini untuk mendapatkan hasil ekonomi dari kegiatan ini. Selat Malaka yang strategis membuat perompak dan pembajak mengkriminalkan kapal yang lewat. Sisi lain, konsekuensi dari urusan hukum negara adalah menjaga keamanan dan keselamatan, dan kenyamanan penyeberangan di Selat Malaka. Dengan sejumlah masalah baik pertahanan, tata kelola, infrastruktur manajemen yang tidak bisa dilihat secara secara terpisa. Selain itu posisinya berbatasan dengan tiga negara yaitu Indonesia, Malaysia dan Singapura. Dengan metode analisis deskriptif kualitatif, makalah ini menjelaskan perlunya pendekatan diplomasi multi-level bilateral, trilateral dan regional untuk menyelesaikan masalah. Dan tujuan dari artikel ini bahwa pembajakan terjadi di Selat Malaka karena struktur geopolitik yang strategis dan pertahanan Indonesia yang lemah. Jadi, diperlukan kolaborasi, koordinasi melalui diplomasi dan proyeksi militer sebagai upaya untuk menjaga wilayah laut, kontrol laut dan artikulasi pertahanan militer. Dengan demikian, penulis berharap bahwa artikel ini dapat menambah pengetahuan untuk studi hubungan internasional khususnya dalam studi kelautan.
Kata kunci: Diplomasi Multilevel, Geopolitik, Negara Maritim, Pembajakan, Selat Malaka
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Muhamad Fathun, Laode. "Kebijakan Geopolitik Poros Maritim Di Era Jokowi Dalamfilosofi Frame Ideologis." Jurnal PIR : Power in International Relations 1, no. 2 (June 7, 2018): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22303/pir.1.2.2017.135-152.
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Tujuan penulisan paper ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan menjelaskan faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya kebijakan geopolitik poros maritim di Era Jokowi.Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif analisis sebagai tipe penelitian. Sedangkan teknik pengumpulan data pada karya tulis ini adalah dengan cara wawancara, dokumen, pengamatan langsung, observasi partisipan dan untuk menambah data karya ini ditambahkan dengan telaah pustaka (library research), dengan berupaya mengumpulkan data- data yang berhubungan dengan permasalahan yang diteliti seperti, buku, jurnal, tabloid, surat kabar, dan internet. Dengan tempat penelitian seperti Perpustakaan Nasional di Jakarta, Kementrian Koordinator Bidang Maritim dan Sumberdaya di Jakarta serta Badan Keamanan Laut Di Jakarta. Kemudian teknik analisa data menggunakan teknik analisa kualitatif serta metode pengambilan kesimpulan dengan cara deduktif. Dengan hasil penelitian bahwa faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya kebijakan geopolitik poros maritim di Era Jokowi yakni faktor interpretasi ideologis terkait proses perumusan kebijakan luar negeri poros maritim.
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Herindrasti, Sinta. "FENOMENA INDO-PASIFIK DAN DIPLOMASI INDONESIA." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 3, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v3i1.965.
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The emergence of the Indo-Pacific terminology since 2007 until 2013, which is still growing stronger up until now, has created a new “tension†dynamic among various actors in the region. The term Indo-Pacific at least reflects the exisiting new geopolitics transformation discourse in the regions between Indian and Pacific Oceans. With its strategic position, Indonesia is also active in the development of Indo-Pacific’s discourse and diplomacy. Considering the broad geographical area coverage of the Indo-Pacific concept and various state-actors including involvement of their power distribution and structure, comprehensive and critical analysis of Indo-Pacific phenomenon observation are therefore required. What is the purpose of Indonesia through its Indo-Pacific diplomatic action? Are there any current urgent needs which warrant involvement in these broad geopolitical issues? Does Indo-Pacific answer the needs of Indonesia and ASEAN in the middle of their various multilateral agendas? This paper would like to elaborate on the importance of Indonesia’s or ASEAN’s involvement in the Indo-Pacific by considering real situations, real needs and obstacles to be faced, especially in regards to politics-security challenges.
Keywords: Indo-Pacific Phenomenon, Indonesia Diplomacy
Abstrak
Kemunculan terminologi Indo-Pasifik sejak tahun 2007 hingga 2013 yang menguat hingga sekarang telah menciptakan dinamika “ketegangan†baru antar berbagai aktor kawasan. Istilah Indo-Pasifik setidaknya mencerminkan adanya diskursus transformasi geopolitik baru di kawasan antara lautan Hindia dan Pasifik tersebut. Tidak ketinggalan Indonesia dengan posisi strategisnya juga terlibat aktif dalam pengembangan diskursus dan diplomasi Indo-Pasifik. Menimbang luasnya cakupan area geografis konsep Indo-Pasifik dan banyaknya aktor negara termasuk distribusi power dan struktur yang akan terlibat, maka diperlukan analisis komprehensif kritis dalam melihat fenomena Indo-Pasifik. Apa sebenarnya tujuan Indonesia melalui aksi diplomasi Indo-Pasifik? Apakah ada kebutuhan yang sangat mendesak saat ini untuk terlibat dalam isu geopolitik yang sangat luas ini? Apakah Indo-Pasifik menjawab kebutuhan Indonesia dan ASEAN di tengah agenda multilateral yang sudah sedemikian banyak? Paper ini ingin melihat urgensi keterlibatan Indonesia/ASEAN dalam Indo-Pasifik dengan mempertimbangkan situasi dan kebutuhan nyata serta kendala yang akan dihadapi terutama terkait tantangan dimensi politik-keamanan (security).
Kata Kunci: Fenomena Indo-Pasifik, Diplomasi Indonesia
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Awang Besar, Junaidi. "ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY IN THE BY-ELECTION IN PARLIAMENT OF TANJONG PIAI, JOHOR." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 5, no. 20 (September 10, 2020): 14–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.520002.
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Political geography is one of the aspects of human geography that is a larger study, but it contains more specific elements. Political geography focuses on political phenomena and focuses on the structure of the institution and how it is involved in the formation of geographical patterns and relationships. In this paper, two aspects of political geography will be explored in the by-election of the Tanjong Piai parliamentary, namely geopolitics and electoral geography. Geopolitics means the influence of power on an area in terms of ethnicity, political parties, leaders, governments, and local authorities. Election geography is a field of study on the various aspects of geography such as area, borders, population, development, and economic influence on political trends of the state. It is well known that the BN won the Tanjong Piai parliamentary seat in the 2019 by-election and the seat is won by the PH in 2018. The post-election 2018 sees the Tanjong Piai Parliamentary Election on November 16, 2019. BN/MCA candidate Datuk Seri Dr. Wee Jeck Seng won the Tanjong Piai parliamentary by-election with 15,086 votes after gaining 25,466 votes. Thus, the geopolitical aspects that will be uncovered are the influence of ethnic geopolitics, political parties, and leaders in influencing the election results and voting patterns while the geographical aspects of the electorate that will be elaborated in this paper are mapping in terms of area influence (development), border, location (urban-rural), accessible, physical (natural and man-made). In terms of geopolitics ethnicity, found both ethnic Malay and Chinese support BN/MCA ethnic Chinese caused by the candidates and the identification of a party in the by-election of Parliament for Tanjong Piai while the electoral geography, in the polling district outside the city, the majority of ethnic Malays continued strong support BN/MCA while the town/urban where the majority of ethnic Chinese took place a little swing of PH in the BN/MCA caused by the candidates, the socio-economic situation and current issues in favor of the BN/MCA. One of the main factors contributing to the Barisan Nasional’s majority in the Tanjung Piai by-election on Nov 16 was because of its candidate Datuk Seri Dr. Wee Jeck Seng himself. The charm, popularity, and service of Wee, who has been a member of the state legislative assembly of the Pekan Nenas for three years, and the Tanjung Piai MP for two terms, certainly met the level of community satisfaction there. The former Tanjung Piai MP is seen as more experienced, credible, and friendly than Pakatan Harapan (PH) candidate Karmaine Sardini. Wee Jeck Seng’s personal and BN’s machine power-assisted by PAS through the cooperation of the Muafakat Nasional is considered to be the key factor in winning the BN. Jeck Seng’s strength is also reflected in the BN and PAS’s unified machine power which was successfully consolidated through the Muafakat Nasional. This factor is significant because the UMNO and PAS machinery are seen as working hard to ensure that all white voters are cast out, despite the Tanjung Piai parliamentary seat being contested by MCA candidates. Moreover, issues of anger and frustration of the people and especially the Chinese community over the failure of the government to deal with the rising cost of living, the promise of the 14th General Election (GE14) manifesto were not met and the failure of the PH to address sensational issues played by BN also contributed to the defeating factor for PH this time. PH candidates are also seen to be caught up in the issue of their own mistakes as well as the wisdom of the BN machinery to play negative issues involving the PH Government which ultimately influences the electorate.
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Susilowati, Ida, S. Thoriq Musthofa Ahmad, Sepana Virqiyan, and Azzam El Zahidin. "Analisa Kebijakan Ekonomi Politik Russia Terhadap Pemerintahan Afghanistan Pasca Kemenangan Taliban Tahun 2021." SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 9, no. 2 (March 31, 2022): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v9i2.22788.
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This paper analyzes Russia's foreign policy toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The Taliban armed group's successful takeover of the Afghan government in Kabul without resorting to violence has sparked global political interest today. Numerous comments from countries around the world, including Russia, began to surface. The purpose of this study is to provide an in-depth examination of Russia's economic and political actions toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The study's findings indicate that the Russian government's policy toward the Taliban government is reasonably supportive, despite the fact that Russia has not officially recognized the Taliban leadership in Afghanistan. Russia financially and diplomatically supports the Taliban in order for the Taliban's authority over Afghanistan to be acknowledged by other countries and the international community. Russian policy is inextricably linked to Russia's political and economic interests in Afghanistan, which are based on Afghanistan's geostrategic and geopolitical importance to Russia.Keywords: Russian foreign policy, Taliban victory, Russia-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations AbstrakPenelitian ini membahas tentang analisis kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghansitan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Aksi kelompok milisi Taliban yang berhasil mengambil alih pemerintahan Afghanistan di Kabul tanpa adanya pertumpahan darah, menjadi isu yang cukup menarik perhatian politik global saat ini. Berbagai respon dari negara-negara di dunia mulai muncul, termasuk di antaranya negara Rusia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis secara mendalam kebijakan ekonomi dan politik Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghanistan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan kebijakan pemerintah Rusia yang relatif mendukung pemerintahan taliban, meskipun Rusia belum mengakui secara resmi pemerintahan Taliban di Afghanistan. Rusia mendukung Taliban baik secara ekonomi maupun politik, agar pemerintahan Taliban atas Afghanistan di akui oleh negara-negara lain dan masyarakat global. Kebijakan Rusia tidak terlepas dari kepentingan politik dan ekonomi Rusia di Afghanistan berdasarkan letak geostrategis sekaligus geopolitik Afghanistan bagi Rusia.Kata Kunci: kebijakan luar negeri Rusia, Kemenangan Taliban, Hubungan Bilateral Russia-Afghanistan
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Abul Hassan Ashari, Mohamad Zulfazdlee, Ezad Azraai Jamsari, and Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor. "[A Retrospective Analysis of The Arrival of Islam to India and Its Impact on Regional Geopolitics] Analisis Retrospektif Kemasukan Islam ke India dan Impaknya Terhadap Geopolitik Serantau." Jurnal Islam dan Masyarakat Kontemporari 22, no. 1 (June 11, 2021): 140–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/jimk.2021.22.1.552.
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Abstract
The Indian subcontinent is one of the first regions into which Islam entered since the era of the Righteous Caliphs. The Indian territory also witnessed the advancement of Islamic civilization due to the emergence of Islamic powers in the area. Nevertheless, the historical accounts of Islam’s entry into India which focused more on futuhat (Islamic expansion) movements gave rise to the view that Islam came to the region only through expansionist policies. In light of those, this study aims to examine Islam’s expansion into India and its impact on the geopolitics of the region. In general, this study used a qualitative research method via approaches of historical study and content analysis in collecting and analyzing information from the relevant primary and secondary sources. The findings of the study showed that the spread of Islam into the Indian territory was achieved via two ways, namely by trade and by futuhat. The wise approach and good conduct of Muslim preachers, traders and armies towards the local communities enabled the spread of Islam to India. Furthermore, India was also host to the emergence of a number of Islamic kingdoms, beginning from the Ghaznavid dominion to the emergence of the Mughal Kingdom.
Keywords: Futuhat, Umayyad-era India, Muhammad ibn al-Qasim, Arab-Indian trade, Islamic military history
Abstrak
Wilayah India merupakan antara kawasan yang awal menerima Islam, iaitu sejak era Khulafa’ al-Rashidin. Wilayah India turut menyaksikan perkembangan tamadun Islam disebabkan kemunculan kuasa Islam di kawasan berkenaan. Namun begitu, naratif sejarah kemasukan Islam ke India yang lebih tertumpu kepada gerakan futuhat telah menimbulkan pandangan bahawa Islam datang ke wilayah tersebut hanya melalui futuhat. Sehubungan itu, makalah ini bertujuan meneliti kemasukan ke India dan impaknya terhadap geopolitik di wilayah berkenaan. Secara keseluruhannya, kajian ini menggunakan kaedah kajian kualitatif menerusi pendekatan kajian sejarah dan analisis kandungan dalam mengumpul serta menganalisis maklumat daripada sumber-sumber utama dan sekunder yang relevan. Dapatan kajian menunjukkan kemasukan Islam ke wilayah India ialah menerusi dua cara, iaitu perdagangan dan futuhat. Pendekatan berhikmah dan layanan baik daripada golongan pendakwah, pedagang dan tentera Islam terhadap masyarakat tempatan telah memungkinkan penyebaran Islam ke India. Tambahan pula, India turut menjadi tapak kemunculan kerajaan-kerajaan Islam yang lain, bermula dari penguasaan Kerajaan Ghaznawi hingga kemunculan Kerajaan Mughal.
Kata kunci: Futuhat, India era Umawi, Muhammad ibn al-Qasim, perdagangan Arab-India, sejarah ketenteraan Islam
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Bhiswara, Bara. "Mengurai Kode Geopolitik Korea Selatan: Analisis terhadap Satu Tahun Pidato Kepresidenan Moon-Jae In 2017-2018." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, no. 2 (August 2, 2019): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v11i2.10975.
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Sebagai ‘middle power’ yang dikepung para ‘major powers’, kebijakan luar negeri Korea Selatan secara umum dibentuk dengan kepentingan untuk menjembatani relasi kekuatan yang muncul di kawasan. Kompetisi pengaruh dari AS dan Tiongkok, opsi kerjasama internasional, hingga provokasi militer Korea Utara di Semenanjung Korea menjadi dinamika isu geopolitik yang senantiasa memunculkan tantangan tersendiri bagi presiden yang tengah menjabat. Menggunakan metode analisis konten, artikel ini berusaha mengidentifikasi bagaimana kode geopolitik Korea Selatan diartikulasikan dalam satu tahun masa kepresidenan Moon Jae-In. Berangkat dari sudut pandang geopolitik, pembahasan akan difokuskan dalam meninjau peta retoris Korea Selatan, bagaimana Korea Selatan memposisikan dirinya di kawasan dan sistem internasional, dan bagaimana Korea Selatan mengidentifikasi kawan, lawan, dan menjustifikasinya kepada audien domestic dan internasional.
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dell’Agnese, Elena. "La Climate Fiction secondo l'Ecocritical Geopolitics: un'agenda per la ricerca." RIVISTA GEOGRAFICA ITALIANA, no. 2 (May 2022): 110–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/rgioa2-2022oa13805.
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L'idea che un cataclisma climatico possa alterare in maniera profonda gli equilibri del pianeta è presente nella fantascienza sin dalla fine dell'Ottocento. Le narrazioni incentrate sulle conseguenze potenzialmente catastrofiche di un cambiamento climatico, tuttavia,nei primi due decenni del Duemila si sono letteralmente moltiplicate, tanto che si parla di Climate Fiction. Al di là del monito ambientalista inserito in queste narrazioni, un ulteriore livello di analisi può essere individuato nell'esame del discorso da esse veicolato, in relazione ai rapporti di potere tra esseri umani e tra esseri umani e ambiente. In questo articolo, dopo una breve introduzione all'approccio teorico individuato come utile a tal fine (l'Ecocritical Geopolitics), verrà articolata un'agenda di ricerca, con l'identificazione dei campi di indagine da aprire per esplorare la Climate Fiction, in riferimento ai suoi riferimenti spaziali, ai suoi principali protagonisti e al suo discorso sull'ambiente.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Analisi geopolitica"
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Johansson, Daniel, and Jacob Florhed. "Behemoth of the High North : Framing of the Arctic Challenges in Russian News Media." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Miljöförändring, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157291.
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Klimatförändringarnasägs vara den viktigaste drivkraften för de geostrategiska förändringarna som äger rum i Arktis. Uppvärmningen av regionen medför ett antal betydande geopolitiska effekter. När det gäller dessa nya omständigheter betraktas Ryssland som en nyckelaktör. Det föreslås också av flera forskare att Ryssland använder statliga nyhetsmedier för att förmedla en Kreml-godkänd världsuppfattning tillen internationell publik. Vårt syfte med denna studie är att analysera hur den ryska tidningen RT (tidigare RussiaToday) inramar klimatförändringarnai Arktis. För att identifiera kategorier inom materialet har vi använt en kvantitativ innehållsanalys,och för att analysera inramningen harvianvänt en framinganalysbaserad på Robert Entmansprinciper. Vi fann att de största kategorierna var "klimat", "energi" och "konflikt". Inramningenbestår av en fientlig och konfliktorienterad vy över väst (främst USA) i kategorierna "energi" och "konflikt", medan en mer samarbetsorienteradram visas inom kategorin "klimat". Vi fann också att det finns en del intressen iatt utveckla Nordostpassagen, vilket kan vara ett mer realistiskt mål för Ryssland än energiutvinning i Arktis. Det finns behov av mer forskning om ämnet för att kunna diskutera Arktis framtid.Climate change is often presented as amain driver of the geostrategic changes that are taking place in the Arctic.Russia is regarded as a key actorin this changing geopolitical landscape. Several scholarssuggests thatRussiausesstatenewsmedia to mediate a Kremlin-approved idea of the worldtowards an international audience.Thepurpose ofthis study is to analyze how the Russian newspaper RT (former Russia Today) is framing climate change in the Arctic.To identifycategories within the material,we have used a quantitative content analysis, and to analyze the framing we have used a framing analysis based on Robert Entman’s principles. We found that the largest categorieswere ‘climate’, ‘energy’and ‘conflict’. The framing consists of a hostile and conflict-oriented view of the west(mainly America)in the ‘energy’ and ‘conflict’-categories, while a more cooperative framing appears within the ‘climate’category. We also found that there aresomeinterestsin developing the Northern Sea Route, which may be a more realistic goal for Russia than energy extraction in the Arctic. There is a need for more research on this subject, to be able to discuss the future of the Arctic
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Koons, Michele Lorraine. "Moche Geopolitical Networks and the Dynamic Role of Licapa II, Chicama Valley, Peru." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10539.
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This dissertation examines Moche (A.D. 300-900) sociopolitical organization in northern Peru at the previously unexplored site of Licapa II, a mid-sized ceremonial center in the Chicama Valley. Moche’s distinct archaeological signatures, chiefly, ceramics and architecture, have long been seen as emblematic of an ethnic and political reality and defined as evidence for the first South American state although recent scholarship has begun to view Moche as a more complex mosaic of interacting settlements across a landscape. My research at Licapa II is the first study of a site of its size and kind, thus constituting a novel contribution to the paradigm shift in Moche research. My excavations, surface collections, and geophysical surveys contributed to understanding the nature of the site and the activities performed there. Licapa II consists of two pyramids (huacas), a canal, and other buildings. I show that the two major structures, Huaca A and Huaca B, are characterized by different material culture, are different in form, and date to different time periods. Huaca A has local ceramics and was mainly used before A.D. 600. Huaca B has Moche IV and V style ceramics and was in use after A.D. 600. Based on my evaluation of radiocarbon dates, the changes in buildings and ceramics seen at Licapa II around A.D. 600 also occurred throughout the Moche world and included the adoption of Moche IV ceramics and soon after, in some places, Moche V. I also show that the Moche V style likely originated in the northern Chicama Valley and spread from there circa A.D. 650. I also argue that political organization in Moche times may have been similar to colonial era organization, based on nested moieties organized around the irrigation system. Overall, in this dissertation I demonstrate that Licapa II was an independent center intimately connected to a dynamic landscape of interconnected nodes in an ever- changing and complex network of sites. Simplistic models based on the concept of large Moche states thus should be discarded.Anthropology
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Sztankovics, Linda. "Shifting powers, prospects and perspectives? : A critical reading of the European Union’s geopolitical reasoning on critical raw materials." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9700.
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Global energy transitions and rises in demand for critical raw materials (CRMs) are predicted to reshape global politics in yet uncertain but profound ways. With CRMs being vital for Europe’s decarbonization process, the present study sets out to examine the EU’s geopolitical discourse by taking an inquisitive yet critical stance focusing particularly on the new “geopolitical” Commission’s geopolitical reasoning on CRMs. Building upon critical geopolitics, a discourse analysis was conducted on 9 European Commission communications (2019–2020). Three key observations were made: first, a ‘geopolitical’ and ‘assertive’ EU is crucial in an increasingly ‘fragile’, ‘polarized’ and ‘competitive’ world. Second, securing CRMs is a ‘security question’, requiring ‘strategic approaches and partnerships’, notably with ‘resource–rich regions’ and particularly with Africa. Third, the EU’s narrative is ambiguous. While classical geopolitical assumptions are distinguishable, it remains questionable whether the EU will depart from its familiar path of liberal cooperation, multilateralism and trade when scouting for CRMs, although its role as a “benign ally” can be questioned. Further studies on the EU’s geopolitical reasoning, along with its actual practice in the area of CRMs, are warranted. Likewise, a critical reading of reports and foresight preceding EU policymaking is encouraged, to better comprehend how the EU’s dominating geopolitical discourse on CRMs and subsequent practice is produced in the first place.
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Matrakova, Marta. "Political reforms in the EU-Russia shared neighbourhood. Geopolitics and values as opportunities or challenges for the Quality of Democracy." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2020. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/316064/4/Thesis.pdf.
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This research explains how does the interaction between foreign and domestic policy domains take place and how it influences domestic political change. For this purpose, the cases of Armenia, Georgia and Moldova are analysed with specific focus on the external influence of Russia and the European Union. Consequently, this study traces the interaction between domestic and international actors at the light of the broader regional context, including the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union. The research uses the analytical tool defined by Morlino (2011), with theoretical contributions from social constructivism and historical institutionalism in order to emphasize the need to contextualise the actions, preferences and identities of domestic actors in a broader historical perspective, which acknowledges the relevance of past legacies. Following the analytical tool, suggested by Morlino (2011), the research focuses on institutional reforms in Rule of Law, Inter-Institutional and Electoral Accountability, in addition to Participation and Competition as horizontal dimensions. A combination of process- tracing and network analysis provides insight on the strategies of domestic and international actors intervening in the reform processes.The research argues that the increased competition between the European Union and Russia is used by different domestic elite groups to strengthen their power positions and as an opportunity to diversify the foreign policy relations in the case of relatively small economic partners as Armenia, Georgia and Moldova. Such strategy is pursued through the development of focused relations with each international partner, while avoiding an exclusive geopolitical choice. Therefore, the EU is a preferred partner in democracy support, development of institutional capacities and trade; while Russia’s collaboration is sought in fields as trade, energy, etc). In addition, the EU and Russia have developed more flexible approaches in the relations with their neighbours. The EU seeks a more pragmatic geopolitically-informed approach in addition to its traditional normative role. On the other hand, Russia adopts a mimicking strategy of Western normative policies in support of its identity-based approach towards Russian-speaking communities in addition to its traditional geopolitical use of regional interdependencies for influencing the choices of the its neighbours.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Muts, Dariya. "As relações económicas e políticas entre a Ucrânia e a União Europeia (desde 1991 até 2017)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19867.
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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos EuropeusA Ucrânia, com uma localização decisiva como estado-tampão entre as potências confrontantes, tornou-se o foco do sistema internacional com o desenrolar da crise política interna e externa de 2013. O conflito em torno da Crimeia e da Ucrânia Oriental tem de ser considerado num contexto de luta pela supremacia, principalmente entre Estados liberais e autoritários, esta que se caracteriza pela desconfiança mútua, avaliações erróneas, ideologia nacionalista e intenções expansionistas. Com o presente trabalho pretende-se avaliar as relações económicas desenvolvidas entre a Ucrânia e a UE, contudo, tal não será possível sem analisar, de igual modo, as relações económicas e políticas estabelecidas pela primeira com a Federação Russa. Portanto, proceder-se-á à análise da política externa desenvolvida por cada presidente e da conjuntura económica ucraniana, de modo a, não só compreender as relações bilaterais Ucrânia-UE, como também revelar a influência russa. Serão igualmente relatados os motivos do conflito que levaram à violação da integridade territorial e as decorrentes alterações das relações políticas e económicas da Ucrânia em prol do aprofundamento destas com o Ocidente.
Ukraine, with a decisive location as a buffer state lying between confronting powers, has become the focus of international system as the 2013 domestic and foreign political crisis unfolds. The conflict over Crimea and Eastern Ukraine must be considered in a context of struggle for supremacy, especially between liberal and authoritarian states, which is characterized by mutual distrust, misjudgments, nationalist ideology and expansionist intentions. The present study proposes to evaluate economic relations developed between Ukraine and European Union, however, this will not be possible without analyzing, equally, economic and political relations established by the former with Russian Federation. Therefore, foreign policy developed by each president and the Ukrainian economic environment, will be analyzed to understand not only Ukraine-EU bilateral relations, but also to reveal Russian influence. The reasons for the conflict which led to the violation of territorial integrity and the resulting changes in Ukraine's political and economic relations in favor of their deepening with the West, will also be described.
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Nakhjavani, Arya. "Geo-Political Risk-Augmented Capital Asset Pricing Model and the Effect on Long-Term Stock Market Returns." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1764.
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This paper examines the capital - asset pricing model (CAPM) which has been extended with a factor for geo-political risk. I use monthly stock return data for all stocks listed on a major US exchange from January 1990 to December 2016 and utilize a Fama-Macbeth Regression with Newey-West standard errors to test the geo-political augmented Sharpe-Lintner CAPM. The paper first determines if increased sensitivity to geopolitical risk lead s to lower average returns and second assesses if geo-political risk as an explanatory variable is a significant enough to expose a failure of the CAPM to capture expected returns fully through beta. The results of our regressions do not confirm the hypothesis that firms with high sensitivities to geo-political risk have expressly different returns in the long run. Furthermore, our Fama-Macbeth regression does not find expressly significant average slopes for geo-political risk as a variable.
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Bouzanda, Diassonama Kiesse. "Dimension militaire de la présence chinoise en Afrique noire : contribution à l’étude de l’outil militaire dans la politique étrangère des Etats." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30015.
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La première décennie du XXIème siècle a été particulièrement marquée par le renforcement de la présence de la République populaire de Chine (RPC) en Afrique. En effet, Pékin est devenu un important partenaire du continent dans différents domaines de coopération (économique, commercial, militaire, culturel…). C’est ainsi que l’objet de cette recherche porte essentiellement sur la dimension militaire de la présence chinoise. Celle-ci reste encore peu étudiée contrairement à celle des Etats-Unis, de la France et de l’URSS autrefois. L’étude qui convoque la pensée stratégique chinoise et les théories de relations internationales, tente de cerner les enjeux, les contours et les évolutions de la dimension militaire chinoise dans un contexte de bouleversements et de rivalités stratégiques (1960-2010). Aussi, l’étude s’intéresse aux différents choix stratégiques opérés. Cet effort de compréhension ne porte pas que sur la seule Chine, l’Afrique y est aussi pleinement prise en compte. La réflexion se prolonge avec l’analyse décisionnelle de la politique étrangère de défense, grâce notamment à une approche que nous avons qualifiée d’hybride, une combinaison du modèle rationnel et de l’approche bureaucratique de la décision. Ainsi, dans le cas chinois et africain, la décision en politique étrangère n’est pas le seul fait du Président, bien qu’il en soit un acteur prééminent. De nombreux acteurs participent à son élaboration; ceux-ci disposent de réelles capacités de l’infléchir dans un sens ou dans l’autreThe reinforcement of China presence in Africa particularly constitutes a remarkable event during the first decade of the twenty-first century. As the matter of fact, China has become an important partner in various domains of cooperation such as trade, military, culture…This is hereby the reason why this study is essentially based on the military dimension of China presence. This aspect is barely analyzed in comparison with those of the USA, France, and the USSR in the past. The study deals with the Chinese strategic Policy and the theories of international relations. It intends to decipher what is at stake, the ins and outs of the Chinese military Policy in a context where upheavals and strategic conflicts are pregnant (1960-2010). Moreover, the study will analyze different strategic choices that have been taken so far. This effort of analysis will not only concern China, but Africa will be fully taken into account as well. The reflection will stretch onto the analysis of decisions inherent to the foreign Policy, notably thanks to an approach that can be qualified as a ‘hybrid approach’, that is, a combination of a rational pattern and the bureaucratic approach of decision. Then, in the Chinese and African cases, the decision in foreign policy is not only the prerogative of the president, although he allegedly seems to be a pre-eminent actor. A lot of actors partake in the foreign Policy elaboration; these ones have real capacities to curb it either way
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Hingley, RE. "Dilapidated huts and piles of rocks : the geopolitics of cultural heritage in Antarctica." Thesis, 2021. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/45455/13/Hingley_whole_thesis_ex-pub_mat.pdf.
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The idea of heritage in Antarctica stereotypically evokes images of disintegrating huts buried under snow or ice, and rock cairns scattered across the continent. Similarly, it might be thought that the challenges of heritage management in this polar region are limited to maintaining the physical longevity of sites situated in an extreme and remote environment. But these historic remains are powerful political resources as well as vulnerable cultural artefacts. This thesis examines how Antarctic heritage is deployed for geopolitical means by states, providing them with an alternative pathway to influence international affairs. This appropriation of cultural heritage is of particular importance to the currently well-managed, yet technically unresolved, issue of sovereignty south of 60° South latitude. Although the region’s overarching governing regime specifically prohibits states from asserting sovereignty within this geographical area, states can enhance their presence in Antarctica by treating historical sites and monuments as signifiers of territorial occupation. The aim of this thesis is therefore to expose how and why the governance of Antarctic heritage concerns more than the preservation and conservation of historic remains, and what effects these alternative agendas have on multilateral relations.
Previous research has established the inherently political nature of cultural heritage and its management in Antarctica. This thesis deepens and extends this research by: arguing that there is an official discourse on Antarctic heritage; examining who this discourse has been constructed by (and whom it benefits); critically analysing the underlying assumptions of this discourse; and investigating how states have applied this discourse within the practice of international relations.
The analysis draws primarily upon scholarship from two disciplines, Political Geography and Heritage Studies. Both of these fields of research support a critical interpretation that not only problematises how states have managed and engaged with Antarctic heritage, but also questions what cultural heritage in Antarctica actually is. Under these broad disciplinary mandates, this thesis employs a discourse analysis as its methodological framework to interrogate the conceptualisation and content of the official discourse on Antarctic heritage, and to investigate how this dominant discourse can and has been geopolitically manipulated by states operating in the polar region.
Structurally, the thesis is centred around three primary research questions. The first asks, ‘Whose perspective on Antarctic heritage counts?’ Both qualitative and quantitative coding techniques are used to answer this question, identifying claimant states as responsible for the definition and treatment of Antarctic Historic Sites and Monuments (HSMs) to date. The second research question asks, ‘How have states deployed Antarctic heritage for geopolitical means?’ Here, a geopolitical reading is used to analyse the ways in which states have exploited Antarctic heritage – within exercises of de facto sovereignty; to bolster nation-building strategies; and to meet environmental expectations. The third and final research question asks, ‘Which non-state actors have engaged with Antarctic heritage?’ Again, a geopolitical reading is the chosen method, revealing that although states are the most powerful actors in the region at present, other non-state actors – including the tourism industry, non-governmental organisations, and individuals – can and do perceive of Antarctic heritage differently to states.
In answering these questions, this thesis offers an in-depth and nuanced account of how Antarctic heritage has come to be officially curated and deployed, and also outlines the current and potential future geopolitical implications of a statist interpretation of heritage within Antarctic affairs.
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Valková, Irena. "Využití systémového přístupu k analýze geopolitického významu transhraničního politického regionu - příklad Arktidy." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352104.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate a new empirical and systemic geopolitical approach to the study of the ongoing territorial dispute in the Arctic resulting from the desire of two nation states, Denmark and Russia, to extend their own northernmost limits of the Exclusive Economic Zone to the central part of the Arctic Ocean. This approach combines geographic, legal and political analytical perspectives with quantitative research design to produce an inter-disciplinary study. Empirical evidence on the long-term socio-geographic development in the region (1993-2013) is provided together with information on particular territorial gains and losses for all decision-makers that arise in a number of potential scenarios (options). Variation in each decision-maker's aggregate national socio-geographic resource, as implied by particular territorial modifications in the central part of the Arctic Ocean, serves as a basis for derivation of nontrivial payoffs on each option in the dispute. These payoffs are introduced into a three-player graph model for conflict resolution (Denmark, Russia, and the World) and stable dispute solutions are suggested on the basis of different combinations of decision-makers' strategies, whose optimality is evaluated as well. Finally, alternative scenarios of...
Books on the topic "Analisi geopolitica"
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Democrazia e talassocrazia: Saggi di analisi geopolitica. Genova: Effepi, 2014.
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Bŭchvarov, M. Geopoliticheski analizi. Sofii︠a︡: Izd-vo "Zakhariĭ Stoi︠a︡nov", 2001.
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Khristov, Todor. Makedonii︠a︡ , zapadna Trakii︠a︡ i Dobrudzha: Politikogeografski razmisli, analizi i ot︠s︡enki. Sofii︠a︡: Akademichno izd-vo na Agrarnii︠a︡ universitet, 2004.
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Bavone, William. Le rivolte gattopardiane: Analisi e prospettive del bacino del Mediterraneo. Cavriago (Re): Anteo edizioni, 2012.
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Storchak, I︠U︡riĭ. Russkiĭ razlom: Geopolitika v sistemnom analize i istoricheskoĭ retrospektive. Moskva: AO Izdatelʹskiĭ dom "Argumenty nedeli", 2018.
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Polska szlachecka: Analiza geopolityczna. Wrocław: Oficyna Wydawnicza Arboretum, 2008.
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Cuellar, Julio Mantilla. Lo militar y geopolitico en la economia: "Analisis del D.S. 21600". La Paz, Bolivia: Universidad Mayor de San Andres, 1987.
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Popescu, Alba Iulia Catrinel. Analize incomode. Bucureşti: Editura Militară, 2020.
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Balkanskii︠a︡t rebus i Makedonii︠a︡: Analizi i komentari. Sofii︠a︡: Izdatelstvo Sv. Kliment Okhridski, 2019.
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Anufriev, K. S. Politika Rossii i Kitaia v TSentral'noi Azii: Opyt sravnitel'no-istoricheskogo analiza. Tomsk: Izdatelʹstvo Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Analisi geopolitica"
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Steffens, Timo. "Geopolitical Analysis." In Attribution of Advanced Persistent Threats, 99–120. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-61313-9_6.
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An, Ning. "Chinese Discourses of Terrorism: A Geopolitical Analysis of Chinese Newspapers." In Confucian Geopolitics, 93–124. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2010-5_5.
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An, Ning. "Reading Terrorism and the US in Chinese Newspapers: A Geopolitical Analysis of Audience Imaginations." In Confucian Geopolitics, 125–46. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2010-5_6.
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Larsen, Henrik Gutzon, and Carl Marklund. "Sublimated Expansionism? Living Space Ideas in Nordic Small-State Geopolitics." In Socio-Spatial Theory in Nordic Geography, 15–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04234-8_2.
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AbstractIn intellectual histories of geography as well as in international relations, geopolitics is usually the business of great powers, understood as the expansion of hard power through territorial control. However, the existence of a ‘Geopolitik of the weak’ has also been theorised, premised on the ability of smaller states – such as the Nordic countries – to secure their survival through a wider range of policy instruments. In this chapter, we analyse key themes in the work of two Nordic geographical thinkers deeply concerned with the place and status of their home countries in the era of high modernity – Rudolf Kjellén and Gudmund Hatt. Relying upon their scholarly works as well as relevant public debates circa 1905–1945, we trace the ‘small-state geopoliticking’ of Hatt and Kjellén, identifying three key characteristics of their style of small-state geopolitics: (1) determinism is qualified by voluntarism; (2) space is complemented by future; and (3) external expansion is sublimated into internal progress. In its reconceptualisation of living space as primarily concerned with existential survival as premised upon future progress, rather than outward-oriented territorial expansion, small-state geopolitics emerges as a highly situated, somewhat quaint but nonetheless significant element in Nordic theorising of geography.
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Özgen, Nurettin. "Reflections of Syrian Chaos to Turkey: A Geopolitical Analysis." In Chaos, Complexity and Leadership 2012, 507–18. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7362-2_55.
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McGee, Jeffrey, David Edmiston, and Marcus Haward. "Scenario Analysis and the Classical View of Antarctic Geopolitics." In The Future of Antarctica, 169–84. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7095-4_9.
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Wang, Dehua. "Analysis of Sino-GCC Energy Cooperation Riskin Perspective of Geopolitics." In China-Gulf Oil Cooperation Under the Belt and Road Initiative, 189–217. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9283-6_7.
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Ducruet, César, Sung-Woo Lee, and Stanislas Roussin. "Geopolitical and logistical factors in the evolution of North Korea’s shipping flows." In Advances in Shipping Data Analysis and Modeling, 357–79. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315271446-21.
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Dell’Aquila, Marco, Daniel Atzori, and Ofelia Raluca Stroe. "The Role of Policy Design and Market Forces to Achieve an Effective Energy Transition: A Comparative Analysis Between the UK and Chinese Models." In The Geopolitics of the Global Energy Transition, 227–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39066-2_10.
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Feng, Chuanlu. "An Analysis on the Geopolitical Pattern and Regional Situation in South Asia." In Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path, 175–209. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2080-4_6.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Analisi geopolitica"
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Karabushenko, Pavel, Olga Oskina, Leonid Podvoysky, and Natalia Podvoyskaya. "The geopolitical cosmology of the greater eurasian space." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.gvdt8797.
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The geopolitical dimension of the Eurasian space involves the creating process of various architectural models of its world order based on different algorithms of behavior. The most figurative representation of this geopolitical geometry is presented by cosmological models describing not just the alignment of forces in the international scene, but also the motives and purposes of leading players’ behavior and the role of obvious and clear outsiders in this process. These constructions are based on different perceptions and understandings of national interests and values of specific political elites and their leaders, who create a vision of the future by means of this strategic planning. In geopolitics, visions of the future are doctrinal, declarative and embellishing in nature and they are also programmatic concepts of political elites and their leaders striving to express themselves outside their national state. These visions sometimes are mythological in nature, out of synch with reality and resemble utopian social projects. There is more destructive than constructive in such projects. It is crucial to quickly separate the myth (utopia) from reality for modeling geopolitical cosmology, to give a fact-based analysis of current trends, and not to go into the world of endless political fantasies. There are dozens of failed constructions for one successful project. The geopolitical cosmology of the Greater Eurasian Space is no exception here.
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Ахъядов, Эльман Саид-Мохмадович, and Эльдар Саид-Мохмадович Ахъядов. "GEOPOLITICAL THREATS TO NATIONAL SECURITY." In Высокие технологии и инновации в науке: сборник избранных статей Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Май 2020). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/vt185.2020.26.29.013.
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Анализ современного геополитического положения Российской Федерации показывает, что она продолжает занимать достаточно прочное положение на геополитической карте современного мира и имеет все необходимые и реальные предпосылки для возрождения в новом веке в роли развитого демократического государства, активно влияющего на характер и направленность глобальных политических, экономических, социальных и культурных процессов. The Analysis of the current geopolitical situation of the Russian Federation shows that it continues to occupy a fairly strong position on the geopolitical map of the modern world and has all the necessary and real prerequisites for revival in the new century as a developed democratic state that actively influences the nature and direction of global political, economic, social and cultural processes.
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Malafeyev, Oleg A., and Nadezhda D. Redinskikh. "Quality estimation of the geopolitical actor development strategy." In 2017 Constructive Nonsmooth Analysis and Related Topics (dedicated to the memory of V.F. Demyanov) (CNSA). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cnsa.2017.7973986.
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He, Saike, Hongtao Yang, Xiaolong Zheng, Bo Wang, Yujun Zhou, Yanjun Xiong, and Daniel Zeng. "Massive Meme Identification and Popularity Analysis in Geopolitics." In 2019 IEEE International Conference on Intelligence and Security Informatics (ISI). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isi.2019.8823294.
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Zant, Samer El, Katia Jaffres-Runser, and Dima L. Shepelyansky. "Geopolitical interactions from reduced Google matrix analysis of Wikipedia." In 2018 IEEE Middle East and North Africa Communications Conference (MENACOMM). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/menacomm.2018.8371037.
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Karabushenko, Pavel, and Ekaterina Gainutdinova. "The concept of Greater Eurasia and geopolitics." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.dxyu5419.
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In modern international relations, the emphasis of dominance is beginning to shift more and more from the Western part of the political map of the world to the East. Countries that were previously in colonial dependence on the West (China, India) are beginning to challenge international leadership. Against this background, at the beginning of the XXI century, the concept of Greater Eurasia began to take shape and gradually develop, as a desire to acquire subjectivity and an attempt to establish a new hierarchy of geopolitical leadership. Geopolitical geometry plays an important role in the analysis of these processes, which delineates the Eurasian space in accordance with the currently available geopolitical strategies of the leading world powers. And in this geometry, the Caspian region is increasingly emerging, to which the properties of the axial region of Eurasia are increasingly being attributed. The axial region means a certain space that has an increased degree of attraction (economic, cultural, political), which determines the course of history and politics. As the political history of Eurasia shows, most often significant events and vast empires (Persia, Horde, Russia, etc.) arose precisely in the area of the so-called "Caspian Gate" connecting the expanses of Europe and Asia. This work analyzes the concept of Greater Eurasia through the prism of its geopolitical assessment and the role played in its development by its axial region – the Greater Caspian region.
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Brychkov, A. S., and G. A. Nikonorov. "INFORMATION CONTROL AND SOCIO-POLITICAL ACCENTS OF MODERN GEOPOLITICS." In SAKHAROV READINGS 2022: ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS OF THE XXI CENTURY. International Sakharov Environmental Institute of Belarusian State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46646/sakh-2022-1-17-20.
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The article presents a brief analysis of the state of information security in the context of individual and social consciousness of a modern person. The tasks and means of destructive information influence are determined, the conclusion is made about the implementation of a long-term strategy in relation to the Russian society, which is an integral part of the «hybrid war» of the united West led by the United States against modern Russia.
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Nejjari, Narjisse, Sara Lahlou, Oumaima Fadi, Karim Zkik, Mustapha Oudani, and Houda Benbrahim. "Conflict spectrum: An empirical study of geopolitical cyber threats from a social network perspective." In 2021 Eighth International Conference on Social Network Analysis, Management and Security (SNAMS). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/snams53716.2021.9732155.
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De Jesus, Letícia, and Paulo Duarte. "The Geopolitics of Sino-Russian Regionalism in Central Asia: Kazakhstan in Analysis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02616.
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Central Asia is often seen as Russia’s near-abroad. Nonetheless, recent years have shown a more active China in quest for resources, stability, and an attempt to build a Eurasian land axis, to allow a faster connection between East and West within China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Interestingly, both China (BRI) and Russia’s (Eurasian Economic Union) regionalist projects were launched in Kazakhstan, which shows the centrality of this country in the region. We will focus on the geopolitical impacts for Kazakhstan stemming from the overlapping synergies between both the BRI and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). We aim to understand whether this juxtaposition of regional initiatives could be beneficial or cause harm to Kazakhstan’s regional interests. In so doing, we aim at filling in a gap in literature, which has failed to provide a comprehensive assessment of the benefits versus handicaps caused by the overlapping generated by the EAEU and the BRI. Drawing on a qualitative methodology which encompasses primary sources (official speeches and news agencies) and secondary sources (the most respected authors on the field), we argue that Kazakhstan stance vis-à-vis the BRI and the EAEU has been proposedly ambiguous in order to maximize its interests. This being said, the conceptual lens that best serves our purposes is social constructivism. According to it, international relations are best explained by a moderate approach in which states cooperate instead of relying either on a search for survival (as realism defends) or on a utopia of liberal kindness (according to liberalism).
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Karabushenko, Pavel, Arushan Vartumyan, and Tatiana Shebzukhova. "Threats and challenges to the collective security of eurasia (on the example of the geopolitical cosmology of the south caucasus)." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.nurv4158.
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The modern world is facing numerous challenges and threats posed by the political realities of international relations.The instability of them leads to the destruction of the geopolitical world view, which needs constant clarification and adjustment. Geopolitical cosmology, which is engaged in creating a realistic picture of international relations, will help us to give an objective assessment of current international events. The geopolitical analysis of the Eurasian space, where there are always many different kinds of contradictions, threats and conflicts, is of particular interest in this regard. This region has the richest historical traditions, and a modern assessment of the objective political reality is impossible without taking them into account. The authors used a comprehensive methodological approach, which allows give full consideration to the dynamics of international events and constantly changing geopolitical strategies. The main goal of this study is to analyze the conflicts constantly occurring in this region, which are evidence of the confrontation between the leading powers defending their national interests here. It is in Eurasia that the world "weather" of international relations is formed. It is here the national interests of many leading countries that have nothing to do with this region, but strive to demonstrate their importance, collide. And the countries of this region itself must learn to defend, independently or jointly, their national interests, ensure their security and peacefully resolve urgent conflict situations.
Reports on the topic "Analisi geopolitica"
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Broek, Emilie, Nicholas Olczak, and Lisa Dellmuth. The Involvement of Civil Society Organizations in Arctic Governance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/nkqm8574.
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The Arctic is faced with growing environmental and geopolitical challenges, which require international governance involving a range of actors. Existing research has a limited understanding of the role played by civil society organizations (CSOs) in the emerging governance of the region. This SIPRI Insights paper has reviewed the existing literature and used novel survey data to analyse the involvement of CSOs in terms of their roles and their beliefs in Arctic governance. It finds that CSOs monitor agreements and push for regional accountability, support the implementation of policies, engage in advocacy work, support information sharing and provide input during geopolitical crises. It also finds that CSOs have weak levels of belief in the legitimacy of Arctic governance institutions, or in the appropriateness and impact of their governance of the region. Based on these findings, the paper makes recommendations for the further involvement of CSOs in Arctic governance.
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Brockmann, Kolja, Mark Bromley, and Lauriane Héau. The Missile Technology Control Regime at a Crossroads: Adapting the Regime for Current and Future Challenges. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ycva4831.
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The Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) is a cornerstone of the non-proliferation architecture for missiles and other uncrewed aerial vehicles. However, geopolitical and technical developments and operational challenges threaten the regime’s effectiveness and create a need for reform in several areas. The MTCR partners should develop a clear strategy for determining if and how to expand MTCR membership. To increase the number of adherents, partners should pursue reinforced outreach and expand and promote the benefits offered. By improving the transparency of its procedures and deliberations, the regime can make them more understandable for non-partners. The partners can also improve the MTCR’s legitimacy by emphasizing that it provides public goods and helps states to meet their international obligations. The regime can also address the challenges of emerging technologies by focusing on technical deliberations and sharing information and good practices. Through all this, the MTCR must ensure its continued functioning in the face of geopolitical tensions and armed conflict between partners. This SIPRI Report is the final output of the SIPRI research project ‘Quo Vadis MTCR: The Missile Technology Control Regime at a Crossroads’, co-funded by the Swiss Federal Department for Foreign for Foreign Affairs and the German Federal Foreign Office. It provides a comprehensive analysis of current challenges to the MTCR and provides extensive policy recommendations to the MTCR partners. A concise summary of the report’s findings and its policy recommendations is also available as a SIPRI Policy Brief, see Brockmann, K., Bromley, M. and Héau, L., Adapting the Missile Technology Control Regime for Current and Future Challenges, SIPRI Policy Brief (SIPRI, Stockholm, 2022).
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Fernandez-Stark, Karina, Penny Bamber, and Vivian Couto. Analysis of the Textile and Clothing Industry Global Value Chains. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004638.
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The textile and apparel industry is a highly globalized, multi-trillion-dollar sector. Today, production networks are dominated by low-cost Asian countries with very large labor-pools, which has made it increasingly difficult for other producers around the world to compete, including those in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). While the region has participated in the industry, there are currently no LAC countries amongst the leading ten exporters. The COVID-19 pandemic, together with rising geopolitical tensions between the US and China, however, has disrupted this well-established business model over the past two to three years. This creates the most significant opportunity of the past decade to reconfigure the geography of the supply chain; as a small, but long-term supplier, with proximity to the worlds largest single market, Central America is well-positioned to benefit from these changes. Nonetheless, the region needs to upgrade various aspects of their GVC participation in order to become a serious contender in the reconfiguration of the industry. Key policies should focus on developing human capital through industry-specific training initiatives; intensifying investment attraction efforts; and aggressively investing in both hard and soft infrastructure to reduce barriers to trade and enhance lead time responsiveness.
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Fernandez-Stark, Karina, Penny Bamber, and Vivian Couto. Analysis of the Textile and Clothing Industry Global Value Chains: Summary. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004663.
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The textile and apparel industry is a highly globalized, multi-trillion-dollar sector. Today, production networks are dominated by low-cost Asian countries with very large labor-pools, which has made it increasingly difficult for other producers around the world to compete, including those in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). While the region has participated in the industry, there are currently no LAC countries amongst the leading ten exporters. The COVID-19 pandemic, together with rising geopolitical tensions between the US and China, however, has disrupted this well-established business model over the past two to three years. This creates the most significant opportunity of the past decade to reconfigure the geography of the supply chain; as a small, but long-term supplier, with proximity to the worlds largest single market, Central America is well-positioned to benefit from these changes. Nonetheless, the region needs to upgrade various aspects of their GVC participation in order to become a serious contender in the reconfiguration of the industry. Key policies should focus on developing human capital through industry-specific training initiatives; intensifying investment attraction efforts; and aggressively investing in both hard and soft infrastructure to reduce barriers to trade and enhance lead time responsiveness.
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Jung, Paul H., Jean-Claude Thill, and Luis Armando Galvis-Aponte. State Failure, Violence, and Trade: Dangerous Trade Routes in Colombia. Banco de la República, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/dtseru.303.
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We investigate the effect of domestic armed violence brought about by political instability on the geography of distance frictions in freight mobility and the resulting differential access of regions to global markets. The Colombian transportation system has been found to be impeded by deficiencies in landside transport infrastructure and institutions, and by fragmented political environments. The micro-level analysis of U.S.-bounded export shipping records corroborates that export freight shipping from inland regions is re-routed to avoid exposures to domestic armed violence despite greatly extended landside and maritime shipping distances. We exploit the trajectories of freight shipping from Colombian regions and spatial patterns of violent armed conflicts to see how unstable geopolitical environments are detrimental to freight shipping mobility and market openness. The discrete choice model shows that the shipping flow is greatly curbed by the extended re-routing due to domestic armed violence and that inland regions have restricted access to the global market. The perception of risk and re-routing behavior is found heterogeneous across shipments and conditional to shipment characteristics, such as commodity type, freight value and shipper sizes. The results highlight that political stability must be accommodated for improved freight mobility and export-oriented economic development in the global South.
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Sanginés, Jorge Carreto, Margherita Russo, and Annamaria Simonazzi. Mexico’s Automotive Industry: A Success Story? Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp166.
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largest world producer of automotive vehicles. The Mexican experience is part of the more general case of the “integrated peripheries.” The development of these cannot be accounted for separately from the developments occurring in its core country. Unlike the core-periphery literature, however, our analysis emphasizes that the various clusters of cores and integrated peripheries are not alike. In the case under study, the core has been systematically lagging behind the main transformations pioneered by its competitors. The paper traces the evolution of the Mexican automotive industry, emphasizing the difficulties faced by a late-comer country in developing an independent industry, and the importance of policy choices as well as the macroeconomic context in affecting its development. NAFTA represents the culmination of an integration process that has profoundly transformed the structure of the Mexican automotive industry, deepening its dependence on the US market. While there is no doubt that it has contributed to the spectacular growth of the Mexican auto industry, whether it also increased its resilience or, rather, its dependence is still an open question. This issue is particularly relevant in view of the transformations that are taking place in the automotive sector and in the geopolitical scenario. These include the end of NAFTA and the advent of USMCA, the entry of powerful competitors into the global market, and the transition to electric and autonomous vehicles, which all entail risks and opportunities. The lens of the centre-periphery relationship can help to understand the present integration of North America and its future direction.
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Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.
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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.
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Shiihi, Solomon, U. G. Okafor, Zita Ekeocha, Stephen Robert Byrn, and Kari L. Clase. Improving the Outcome of GMP Inspections by Improving Proficiency of Inspectors through Consistent GMP Trainings. Purdue University, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284317433.
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Approximately 90% of the pharmaceutical inspectors in a pharmacy practice regulatory agency in West Africa have not updated their training on Good Manufacturing Practice (GMP) inspection in at least eight years. However, in the last two years the inspectors relied on learning-on-the job skills. During this time, the agency introduced about 17% of its inspectors to hands-on GMP trainings. GMP is the part of quality assurance that ensures the production or manufacture of medicinal products is consistent in order to control the quality standards appropriate for their intended use as required by the specification of the product. Inspection reports on the Agency’s GMP inspection format in-between 2013 to 2019 across the six geopolitical zones in the country were reviewed retrospectively for gap analysis. Sampling was done in two phases. During the first phase sampling of reports was done by random selection, using a stratified sampling method. In the second phase, inspectors from the Regulatory Agency from different regions were contacted on phone to send in four reports each by email. For those that forwarded four reports, two, were selected. However for those who forwarded one or two, all were considered. Also, the Agency’s inspection format/checklist was compared with the World Health Organization (WHO) GMP checklist and the GMP practice observed. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the reporting skills and the ability of inspectors to interpret findings vis-à-vis their proficiency in inspection activities hence the efficiency of the system. Secondly, the study seeks to establish shortfalls or adequacies of the Agency’s checklist with the aim of reviewing and improving in-line with best global practices. It was observed that different inspectors have different styles and methods of writing reports from the same check-list/inspection format, leading to non-conformances. Interpretations of findings were found to be subjective. However, it was also observed that inspection reports from the few inspectors with the hands-on training in the last two year were more coherent. This indicates that pharmaceutical inspectors need to be trained regularly to increase their knowledge and skills in order to be kept on the same pace. It was also observed that there is a slight deviation in placing sub indicators under the GMP components in the Agency’s GMP inspection format, as compared to the WHO checklist.
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Mehmood, Hamid. Bibliometrics of Water Research: A Global Snapshot. United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health, May 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.53328/eybt8774.
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This report examines the various dimensions of global water-related research over the 2012-2017 period, using extensive bibliographic data. The review covers trends in water-related publications and citations, the relative importance of water-related research in the overall body of scientific research, flows of water-related knowledge between countries and the dynamics of water research publishing opportunities. In summary, it shows that: less than 50% of all countries are publishing water-related research, that China and USA are the two top publishers, and that China’s publishing rate has been growing steadily over the study period. More than 70% of water related publications originating in USA are being cited globally, while China’s water research output appears to be primarily internally cited at present. Analysis of the global water knowledge flows suggests that research is hardly addressing a range of regional water challenges. Countries with protracted water problems – for example in infrastructure, environment, agriculture, energy solutions – do not seem to be at the forefront of water research production or knowledge transfer. Instead, global water research is reliant on Western, particularly US-produced, scientific outputs. A disconnect is also observed between the percentage increase in the publication and the number of citations, suggesting low quality or a narrow focus of many publications. Among other factors, this may reflect the pressure on researchers to contribute a certain number of publications per year, or of the progressively increasing role of grey literature in scientific discourse that ‘diverts’ some citation flow. Analysis of the number of research publications per million people suggests that water research does not necessarily emerge as a reaction to water scarcity in a specific country, but may be driven by the traditional economic value of water supply, geopolitical location, a focus on regional development - including cross-border water management - or development aid spending, or globally applicable research in water management. The proportion of water research in the overall research output of a country is small, including for some of the top-publishing countries. The number of water-related journals that create opportunities for publishing water research, has grown dramatically in absolute terms since 2000, and is now close 2100 journals. The metrics used in this report are based on readily available bibliographic data. They can be further focused to better understand a specific thematic domain, geographical region or country, or to analyze a different period. To help accelerate solutions to global and national water challenges that many of these research papers are highlighting, the water research community needs to look beyond the research ‘box’ and identify ways to measure development impact of water research programmes, rather ‘impact’ based solely on academic impact measured in citations. The research findings, learning and knowledge in these research publications needs to be conveyed in a practical way to the real users of this knowledge – stakeholders who are beyond research circles.
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Carpenter, Marie, and William Lazonick. The Pursuit of Shareholder Value: Cisco’s Transformation from Innovation to Financialization. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp202.
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Once the global leader in telecommunication systems and the Internet, over the past two decades the United States has fallen behind global competitors, and in particular China, in mobile communication infrastructure—specifically 5G and Internet of Things (IoT). This national failure, with the socioeconomic and geopolitical tensions that it creates, is not due to a lack of US government investment in the knowledge required for the mobility revolution. Nor is it because of a dearth of domestic demand for the equipment, devices, and applications that can make use of this infrastructure. Rather, the problem is the dereliction of key US-based business corporations to take the lead in making the investments in organizational learning required to generate cutting edge communication-infrastructure products. No company in the United States exemplifies this deficiency more than Cisco Systems, the business corporation founded in Silicon Valley in 1984 that had explosive growth in the 1990s to become the foremost global enterprise-networking equipment producer in the Internet revolution. This paper provides in-depth analysis of Cisco’s organizational failure, attributing it ultimately to the company’s turn from innovation in the last decades of 20th century to financialization in the early decades of the 21st century. Since 2001, Cisco’s top management has chosen to allocate corporate cash to open-market share repurchases— aka stock buybacks—for the purpose of giving manipulative boosts to the company stock price rather than make the investments in organizational learning required to become a world leader in communication-infrastructure equipment for the era of 5G and IoT. From October 2001 through October 2022, Cisco spent $152.3 billion—95 percent of its net income over the period—on stock buybacks for the purpose of propping up its stock price. These funds wasted in pursuit of “maximizing shareholder value” were on top of the $55.5 billion that Cisco paid out to shareholders in dividends, representing an additional 35 percent of net income. In this paper, we trace how Cisco grew from a Silicon Valley startup in 1984 to become, through its innovative products, the world leader in enterprise-networking equipment over the next decade and a half. As the company entered the 21st century, building on its dominance of enterprise-networking, Cisco was positioned to upgrade its technological capabilities to become a major infrastructureequipment vendor to service providers. We analyze how and why, when the Internet boom turned to bust in 2001, the organizational structure that enabled Cisco to dominate enterprise networking posed constraints related to manufacturing and marketing on the company’s growth in the more sophisticated infrastructure-equipment segment. We then document how from 2002 Cisco turned from innovation to financialization, as it used its ample profits to do stock buybacks to prop up its stock price. Finally, we ponder the larger policy implications of Cisco’s turn from innovation to financialization for the competitive position of the US information-and-communication technology (ICT) industry in the global economy.