Academic literature on the topic 'Amulets, Egyptian Egypt'

Hedgehogs held a special place in ancient Egyptian life like many other desert- and marsh-dwelling animals. Their natural defensive qualities were admired by ancient Egyptians and their bodily parts, notably their hardened spines, were used as ingredients in medico-magical prescriptions. In tomb reliefs of the late 3rd Millennium BCE, hedgehogs are represented being carried alive by offering bearers or as background participants in desert hunting scenes. In later periods of Egyptian history, rattles, small unguent vessels, and scaraboid amulets were made in their shape, all of which are presumed to have had apotropaic purposes. A particular votive object of the Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2181 BCE) is a palm-sized modelled boat with a prow in the shape of a hedgehog head, which has been discovered at sites throughout Egypt. A similar representation of this motif is the so-called ‘Henet’-boat (from the word ḥnt[j]) with a hedgehog head at the prow facing inwards, which is found in late Old Kingdom art. This article reassesses the role of hedgehogs as protective or apotropaic entities and their association with boats, considering how ancient Egyptians understood their ecology and their predation of snakes, scorpions, and similar stinging creatures. An updated list is provided of known representations of hedgehog-head boats, including petroglyphs and as yet unpublished examples from tombs at Giza and Saqqara. The meaning of the ancient Egyptian word ḥnt(j) is also rexamined in relation to the representation of riverine and marsh-water boats in Old Kingdom tombs.

The Egyptian collection of the Emilio Bacardí Moreau Provincial Museum, in the city of Santiago de Cuba, comprises a variety of objects brought from Egypt in 1912 by its founder, Emilio Bacardí Moreau. The only Egyptian human mummy in Cuba is exhibited next to the lid of an anthropomorphic coffin and the wooden base of another coffin. Additionally, many small objects like shabti figures, scarabs, a stela, coffin fragments and amulets are present. As Bacardí was not an Egyptologist, he also acquired quite a lot of counterfeits; besides, many of the exhibited objects are not properly labelled regarding their dating, context and function. Furthermore, the display lacks an adequate conservation system and a correct museography based on current international standards, concerning the exhibition of human remains. As part of the Cuban Mummy Project—a collaboration between the National Council of Cultural Heritage of Cuba (CNPC) and the Institute of Scientific Studies on Mummies of Madrid (IECIM)—and in cooperation with the Heidelberg Centre for Cultural Heritage (HCCH) of the University of Heidelberg (Germany), the correct cataloguing of all Egyptian artefacts is being undertaken, together with their appropriate display in a new exhibition layout.

One of the most intriguing motifs of Egyptian religious iconography is the representation of ‘pantheos’, a composite deity with additional animal heads and other animal attributes, as well as magical and religious symbols. This group is commonly described in Egyptology as pantheistic, although the new definition of ‘polymorphic’ has recently been proposed. This term does not lean towards any particular area of interpretation, but simply refers to a single visual aspect of the motif.The group of Late Egyptian, Ptolemaic and Roman objects with this type of representation consists of statuettes, magical stelae, amulets, illustrations on papyri and gems. The main feature of polymorphic deities is their additional animal elements, which are attached to the basic corpus. These elements are mostly heads, wings and other parts of the animal’s body, although polymorphic depictions also sometimes contain ithyphallic or androgynous elements. The most important element of polymorphic iconography and its interpretation is the multi-headed nature of the images. This suggests both that complicated thought processes created the composition of the depictions and that they had a close relationship to magic and religion. A polymorphic representation was not a simple visualisation of just one religious idea or god, but was testament to the diverse thinking behind popular and official beliefs in ancient Egypt in the second half of the 1st millennium BC and in later times. The debate on polymorphism centres either on the possible search for a personal, universal god with a solar, hidden aspect or focuses on the magical, practical dimension, which provided protection for the people from evil powers and dangers.

The article analyzes the origins of the iconography of a woman’s face with a hairstyle that has characteristic curls, which have been deployed in different directions, on the objects of Scythian material culture. This feature of iconography is fixed twice. The first case are four silver and gilded pendants from the barrow 34 near the village Sofiyivka, Kherson region (Museum of Historical Treasures of Ukraine — a branch of the National Museum of History of Ukraine, inv. no. 2755/1—4). The second case, is the image on the working part of a bronze stamp from the Kamyanskoe settlement (Archaeology Museum of the Karazin National University of Kharkiv, inv. no. VN 2089). As for the female hairstyle on these images, it is not typical for classical Hellenic art, but finds parallels in the art of the Eastern Mediterranean and Ancient East. This style is similar to the so-called «Hathoric wig» in the art of ancient Egypt (on stelae, sculptures, amulets, painting on coffins, mirrors, musical instruments, etc.), which influenced the iconography of the hairstyles of female deities («Oriental Aphrodite») of the Mediterranean. The image of the goddess in the «Hathoric wig» could permeate to the Northern Pontic Sea Region through the Hellenic craftsmen, as a replica of the image of «Oriental Aphrodite» cult of whom may have existed in the region. At the same time, these images could be a «copy» (imitation) made by the Scythian craftsmen directly from the Egyptian original, most likely from some faience amulet, which usually has similar size and sometimes reproduces the head of Hathor. According to Herodotus, in the Scythian pantheon, the figure of Celestial Aphrodite (Aphrodite Urania) was corresponded by Argimpasa (Herod. IV, 59). Consequently, in such an iconographic form these images could depict this goddess. The image of the «Hathoric wig» on these objects can be considered the most northern examples of this iconographic element.

El objeto de este trabajo es el estudio del simbolismo de las aves en el ámbito tartésico y fenicio-púnico en la península ibérica durante el Bronce Final y el Hierro I. Se han recogido y analizado aquellas piezas con representaciones de aves, así como los restos orgánicos de éstas, si bien esto último no ha dado muchos frutos debido a las dificultades que existen tanto para su conservación como para la posterior identificación de especies. En total se han podido determinar ánades, gallos, palomas, flamencos, cisnes, lechuzas y halcones, todas ellas representadas en el Mediterráneo oriental y cuya iconografía se vincula al mundo funerario, al tránsito al Más Allá y a las divinidades. Gran parte de esa iconografía llegó a la península de mano de los fenicios, si bien su acogida y aceptación entre la población local fue variable. Palabras clave: aves, simbolismo, tartesios, fenicios, púnicosTopónimos: península ibéricaPeriodo: Hierro I. ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to study the symbolism of birds in Tartessian and Phoenician-Punic cultures within the Iberian Peninsula during the late Bronze and early Iron Age. To this end, items with any sort of symbolism connected with birds have been analysed. Organic remains have also been examined, although the latter did not make a relevant contribution to the study due to problems of conservation of the organic remains and subsequent identification of species. I have identified ducks, roosters, pigeons, flamingos, swans, owls and hawks, all located around the East Mediterranean basin and related to funerary contexts, the journey to the hereafter and deities. Most of this iconography reached the Iberian Peninsula via Phoenician culture, albeit its acceptance among the local population varied. Keywords: birds, symbolism, Tartesian, Phoenicians, PunicPlace names: Iberian PeninsulaPeriod: Iron Age REFERENCIASAlmagro Gorbea, M. J. 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Ancient Egyptian mummies represent an opportunity to learn more about the health, beliefs, and skills of humans in antiquity. A fully wrapped mummy, from a Late Ptolemaic cemetery (c.332-30 BC) in Edfu, Egypt, has been stored, unexamined, at the Cairo Egyptian Museum since 1916. We hypothesized that scanning and 3D-printing the mummy using Computed Tomography (CT) could help in documenting and promoting its public display. CT enabled non-invasive digital unwrapping and revealed a well-preserved mummy. Biological sex could be determined from the presence of male genitalia; epiphyseal fusion and tooth eruption indicated an approximate age at death of 14–15 years. The deceased had healthy teeth and bones without evidence of poor nutrition or disease. CT detected a high-quality mummification process that included brain removal through an iatrogenic defect of the cribriform plate and viscera removal via a left lower-abdominal incision. The heart remained in the chest as a spiritual symbol. Resin was poured into the emptied cranial and torso cavities, and linen packs were placed inside the torso. The Mummy’s external ornamentation includes a gilded head mask, a pectoral cartonnage, and a pair of sandals. CT identified 49 amulets inside the mummy and between the wrappings, arranged in three columns. The amulets have 21 different shapes, including Udjat, scarabs, Ajet, Djed-pillar, Tyt, Placenta, Double-Plume, and Right-angle. CT densities indicated that 30 (61%) amulets were metal (likely gold), and the other amulets were made of faience, stones, or fired clay. The embalmers placed amulets to protect and provide vitality for the body for the afterlife. A gold tongue amulet was placed inside the mouth to ensure the deceased could speak in the afterlife. A Two-finger amulet was placed beside the penis to protect the embalming incision. 3D-printing enabled the tactile and visual study of a heart scarab found inside the thoracic cavity. Findings from this study suggest that ancient Egyptians valued their children and provided them with ritual treatment. State-of-the-art techniques such as CT and 3D printing provided valuable insights and supported the museum display of the mummy, nicknamed “The Golden Boy.”

The civilization of Ancient Egypt is the one that has the most references regarding the work of ophthalmologists, compared to the rest of the ancient civilizations. There are complete anatomical and treatment descriptions. Pepi Ankh Or Iri, who lived between 2270 and 2210 BC, is recognized as the first documented ophthalmologist in history. Ophthalmological cures were carried out with prayers, incantations, astrology for prognosis, amulets and pharmacotherapy with eye drops and ointments. Details of ophthalmologic surgery are unknown. The Edwin Smith (1600 BC), Ebers (1550 BC), Hearst (1550 BC) and London (1300 BC) medical papyri include ophthalmological pathologies. Ophthalmological medical assistance was in charge of lay doctors or swnw, priests and magicians, who worked together, since they believed that the origin of diseases was the result of external agents, as well as supernatural causes. The importance of this historical review article lies in pointing out some of the avant-garde aspects of the ancient Egyptian civilization with respect to ophthalmology and its practice, and the coexistence in their society of a rational medical practice together with a magical-religious approach.

Topic: polymorphic iconography in Egyptian religious iconography - special and separate types of mixed, theriomorphic and combined images / icons / forms, always with animal heads, double pairs of wings, phallus, and other magical symbols. Archaeological evidence: images appear on small size flat amulets, papyri fragments (also serving as amulets), bronze statuettes and magical healing statues. Textual evidence: lack of distinctive proper names Place: Egypt, without special area of provenance Date: Late Period (7th – 4th centuries BC), Ptolemaic and Roman Periods (from 4th century BC) Important terms:Pantheistic as an idea of all-embracing god (Pantheos)ba as an emanation / form / manifestation of a god, significantly associated with the image of the god. The animals were ba of gods.bau - strength, power, good and bad at the same time, affecting the whole world, and humans in particular. With the help of magic bau can be manipulated, to ensure people health and success. DeitesBes – Egyptian god – demon, present in magical context, protector of maternity, life, music, safety, with strong solar interpretation, often depicted as a dwarfTutu (Tithoes) – popular especially as Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt deity; main role was to repel negative powers and to protect people in danger; depicted as sphinx with mixed animal and magical attributesLamashtu – female Mesopotamian goddess / demon, who preys on mothers and children, depicted in magical context with animal elementsPazuzu – male Babylonian and Assyrian demonic god with rather beneficent, magical role, depicted with animal elementsNine–Shaped (Enneamorfos) – figure present in written Greek Magical Papyri, defined as composed of nine forms, especially of animal origin with magic function and Egyptian genesis Key problem: distribution of polymorphic iconography in other cultures, parallels, influences on the visual level (codification of symbols) and also on the ideological level (magical activity hidden / symbolised in a representation) Question of the talk: to define potential influences in the Near Eastern perspective - is the polymorphic idea specific to one culture or common to all ancient religious thinking about deities?

For more than a quarter century, computed axial tomography (CT) has given Egyptologists an increasingly sophisticated, non-invasive means of examining the interior of mummified bodies. What has been lacking from mummy studies to date is a regional focus confining itself to a single, defined population which makes its comparisons within narrowly defined limits of time and space. A study of Akhmimic mummies, hundreds of which entered the museum collections of Europe, America and elsewhere late in the 19th century, promises to greatly benefit the study of Egyptian mummification generally while gathering specific data on Akhmim’s priestly population of the Ptolemaic period (332-30 BC). Recent CT examination of two female mummies from Akhmim has underscored the importance of considering features other than those on the traditional list of mummy contents. While amulets, visceral packets, and linen wadding have been noted for years, it is clear that they existed side by side with objects that, while difficult to classify, were equally deliberate and significant. The Akhmim Studies Consortium has been established to increase our knowledge of these poorly understood aspects of the embalming process as it existed at Akhmim and in surrounding locale

This paper proposes that the enigmatic double bull on the Hunters’ Palette, now at the British Museum and the Louvre, represents a rare type of mutant bovine, a conjoined twin of type ischiopagus. Although the incidence of this biological anomaly in cattle is low, it is likely that such creatures were observed from time to time in the Nile Valley. The case for a mutant bull is supported by pictures of modern ischiopagi, veterinary references, Nubian petroglyphs, and hieroglyphic signs. The portrayal of a mutant animal on predynastic palettes is not unprecedented. Capart and Fischer suggested that the double bull was an early hieroglyph, but neither explained how or why it became a determinative in verbs meaning “to move back and forth.” It is possible that it was inspired by the back and forth grazing movement of a real double bull. The proposal would seem consistent with Frankfort’s observation about the profound influence of cattle on the ancient Egyptian language. The double bull hypothesis may also elucidate the puzzling association of such a creature with a canal in the Third Upper Nome of Egypt. Other objects representing the double bull—amulets, seals, a macehead, etc.—are attested intermittently from the Predynastic to the Late Period when the amulet is rendered in the form of a “double Apis;” generally these objects have apotropaic connotations. Texts containing the double bull determinative exist more or less in parallel with the representational forms and maintain the same meaning throughout. The paper ends with a consideration of the Hunters’ Palette as an exhibit of military power. تقترحهذهالمقالةأنالثورالمزدوجالغامضالموجودعلىلوحةالصيادين،الموجودالآنفيالمتحفالبريطانيومتحفاللوفر،يمثلنوًعانادًرا من الأبقار المتحورة، وهو توأم ملتصق من نوع ischiopagus. على الرغم من أن نسبة حدوث هذا الشذوذ البيولوجي في الماشية منخفضة، فمن المحتمل أن هذه المخلوقات قد لوحظت من وقت لآخر في وادي النيل. يتم دعم وجود حالة الثور المتحور من خلال صور ischiopagus الحديث والمراجع البيطرية والنقوش النوبية والرموز الهيروغليفية. ان تصوير حيوان متحور على اللوحات ليس غير مسبوق. اقترح كابارت وفيشر أن الثور المزدوج كان رمزاً من الرموز الهيروغليفية المبكرة، لكن لم يوضح أي منهما كيف أو لماذا أصبح خلال فترة الأسرات يرمز إلى الفعل الذي يعني «التحرك ذهابًا وإيابًا». من الممكن أن تكون مستوحاة من حركة الرعي (ذهابًا وإيابًا) لثور مزدوج حقيقي. قديبدوالاقتراحمتسًقامعملاحظةفرانكفورتحولالتأثيرالعميقللماشيةعلىاللغةالمصريةالقديمة.ثالثًا،قدتوضحفرضيةالثورالمزدوج الارتباط المحير لمثل هذا المخلوق بقناة في الإقليم الثالث بمصر العليا. توثق القطع الأخرى التي تمثل الثور المزدوج - التمائم، والأختام، ورأس الصولجان، وما إلى ذلك - بشكل متقطع من عصر ما قبل الأسرات إلى العصر المتأخر عندما يتم تقديم التميمة على شكل «أبيس مزدوج». توجد النصوص التي تحتوي على رمز الثور المزدوج بشكل أو بآخر بالتوازي مع الأشكال التمثيلية وتحافظ على نفس المعنى طوال الوقت.

When cultures meet, mutual influences and cultural exchanges are unavoidable. Egypt’s contact with Syro-Palestine goes back to at least the Chalcolithic Period. Egypt was a major role player in the region throughout the Bronze Age. The discoveries at Ugarit have placed a lot of emphasis on possible Canaanite influences on the religion of ancient Israel. The purpose of this study is to investigate if cultural exchanges led to Egyptian religious concepts being accepted in Israel and Judah during the period 900-587 B.C.E. (Iron IIB and C). For this reason the iconography on contemporary seals was investigated. Symbols in ancient times, especially amongst illiterate societies, were important instruments in conveying ideas and concepts. The Hebrew Bible abounds with symbolism to illustrate the powers of Yahweh. Egyptian iconography on Hebrew seals, in particular seal amulets, has been regarded by most biblical scholars as mere decorations and the amulets regarded as ‘good luck’ charms. Seal amulets were important instruments of magical ritual in ancient Egypt, where there was no distinction between magic and religion. Biblical prohibitions against magic show that in Israel and Judah, it was regarded as a form of idolatry, thus religious rituals. An important factor to be considered is the influence of Phoenicia on the region during the Period. Close relationships seem to have existed between Phoenicia with the United Kingdom of Israel and later with the northern Kingdom of Israel. An investigation of Phoenician seals from the period revealed that Egyptian religious iconography was used by all levels of Phoenician society. They inter alia used Egyptian imagery to portray their own gods. Seals from Israel and Judah during Iron IIB and C indicate that Egyptian religious iconography was also used on seals by all levels of society in those kingdoms. Israel, due to its close proximity to Phoenicia, probably imported these images via Phoenicia. Judah, due to its isolation, probably got those images directly from Egypt. Some of these images may be ascribed to attempts to portray aspects of Yahweh’s powers. Others convey definite Egyptian religious messages. Egyptian influences on Israelite religion played a larger role than previously accepted.
Biblical Archaeology
D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Archaeology)

Abstract The Reisners arrive in Cairo, where George Reisner starts work at the Egyptian Museum, publishing amulets, models of ships and boats, canopic jars, and the Amarna tablets. He meets the American painter Joseph Lindon Smith and American philanthropist Phoebe Apperson Hearst, who offers him an on-the-job learning position as an archaeologist, so Reisner effectively changes careers, turning down Assyriology positions at Yale and in the Berlin Museum. Reisner also secured Hearst funding for Grenfell and Hunt’s papyrological excavations at Oxyrhynchus. He conducts a reconnaissance survey in Upper Egypt before deciding where to dig. A return home solidifies Reisner’s association with Phoebe Hearst over Sara Yorke Stevenson from Philadelphia.

Abstract During Tutankhamun’s era, the Egyptians did not have iron; their hardest metal was bronze. There were no significant iron deposits in Egypt, and besides, working iron was extremely difficult. Thus it was surprising that four iron objects were discovered in Tutankhamun’s tomb: an Eye of Horus amulet, a dagger, a headrest amulet, and a set of chisels. This chapter discusses the history of iron in Egypt and then discusses the use and possible origins of the iron objects found in the tomb. It concludes that the iron is meteoritic, and this is supported by the ancient Egyptian phrase for iron, “metal from the sky.” A recent expedition into the remote southeastern corner of Egypt to discover the source of the meteoritic iron is described. The chapter also discusses another object with an outer space connection, a scarab carved from a piece of desert glass. Another expedition is described that found the source of Libyan desert glass (LDG).

According to one magic crystal website, pyrite is a highly protective stone blocking and shielding you from negative energy. This may originate from Pietro Maria Canepario, who in 1619 cited Avicenna as stating that “if pyrite is worn on an infant’s neck, it defends him from all fear.” Other New Age sources maintain that pyrite can be beneficial when planning large business concepts because placing a piece on the desk energizes the area around it. Pyrite also reduces fatigue and is good for students because it is thought to improve memory and recall and to stimulate the flow of ideas. So you are certainly reading the right book . . . The magical properties of pyrite stem at least partly from the occurrence of pyritized ammonites (Figure 4.1) in ancient Egypt. Ammonites are fossils of coiled mollusks that became extinct at the same time as the dinosaurs at the end of the Mesozoic Era, about 60 million years ago. Ammonites got their name because they resemble coiled ram’s horns and the Egyptian god Amun (or Amon, Ammon, etc.) usually wore ram’s horns. The person responsible for this flight of fancy was Pliny the Elder, who called these fossils ammonis cornua or horns of Ammon. The golden pyritized ammonites were prized as lucky charms and worn as amulets in ancient Egypt. They are common today and may be readily collected from the beach at Charmouth in southern England, particularly after a storm has caused more fresh rock from the cliffs to tumble down onto the beach. The bright golden crystals of pyrite have fascinated humankind through the ages. The crystals display a variety of distinct shapes that make them extremely attractive. Indeed, pyrite may display the greatest variety of crystal forms of any common mineral. The great American mineralogist James Dwight Dana described eighty-five different forms, and the founder of geochemistry, Victor Moritz Goldschmidt, drew line drawings of almost 700 different pyrite crystals. In this chapter I show how the explanation of this extraordinary diversity of pyrite crystal shapes (or habits, formally) has helped reveal the nature of the material universe.

A glass appliqué in the shape a lion's head mask is an example of applied decoration found on late Roman glasses, which may have actually seen extended use as a keepsake or amulet, long after the vessel itself, presumably a globular or conical handled jug or bulbous flagon, had been broken. The medallion in high relief was found during Polish excavations on Kom el-Dikka in 2007, in a cut from the early Islamic period containing fill of mixed date, from late Roman to early Islamic. The paper considers parallels for the piece, both published and unpublished, from excavations in Egypt as well as museum collections worldwide. All are considered to be made in Egyptian workshops and representing traditional “Egyptian” themes, although the idea of decorating glass vessels with applied medallions was hardly a novel idea in the late Roman period and was a continuation of a tradition from Imperial times, but with a different range of motifs. Glass masks of this kind appeared also on other vessels, like glass cinerary urns, for example, and continued to be applied as decoration on late Sassanian and early Islamic products.