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Journal articles on the topic 'American rhetoric'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Longaker, Mark Garrett. "Timothy Dwight's Rhetorical Ideology of Taste in Federalist Connecticut." Rhetorica 19, no. 1 (2001): 93–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2001.19.1.93.

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Recent histories of early American rhetoric have not contextualized the rhetorics studied sufficiently, resulting particularly in an ahistorical portrait of Timothy Dwight as a “civic rhetor”. This essay situates Dwight's rhetorical theory in the political, social, and economic environment of early America. Particularly, it argues that Dwight's ideas about rhetoric, morality, politics, and theology were all tied together by his conception of “taste”, and in his career as a public minister, as a teacher at Yale, and as an active political figure in eighteenth-century Connecticut, Dwight pushed an ideology of taste that supported early American Federalism.

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2

James Richards, Isaac, and Richard Benjamin Crosby. "The American Religion and the Rhetoric of Theophany." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 25, no. 2 (July 2022): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.25.2.0152.

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Abstract James Darsey has argued that a primitive source of reform rhetoric in America is the Old Testament. We argue that the discourse of American reform has another rhetorical ancestor that originates from the prophetic tradition of the American Religion, a scholarly term for the democratic religiosity of nineteenth-century America. By performing a comparative analysis of three theophanies, recorded in the personal narrative accounts of Emanuel Swedenborg, Joseph Smith, and Ellen G. White, we present a theory of the rhetoric of theophany. We then analyze Eugene V. Debs’s “How I Became a Socialist” as the reformer equivalent of a theophanic conversion myth, discussing how the experientialism, polarization, and subversiveness of theophanic rhetoric enables prophets and reformers to launch their careers, even from places of marginalization.

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3

Mao, Luming. "Thinking beyond Aristotle: The Turn to How in Comparative Rhetoric." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 3 (May 2014): 448–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.3.448.

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Any modest attempt in comparative rhetoric to think beyond aristotle and beyond a single culture is enough to reveal Diversity in the use of language to converse, to instruct, and to persuade and in the concepts and theories developed to inform language practices. Since the publication, in 1971, of Robert Oliver's Communication and Culture in Ancient India and China, one of the early studies that recognized the need for and benefits of studying non-Euro-American rhetorics, comparative rhetoric has made significant advances as interest in moving beyond Euro-American-centrism in studies of rhetoric steadily grows. Comparative rhetoric, committed to different ways of knowing and speaking and to different forms of inquiry, investigates across time and space communicative practices that frequently originate in noncanonical contexts and are often marginalized, forgotten, or erased altogether. Acting in response to globalization, comparative rhetoric aims to transform dominant rhetorical traditions and paradigms. As an interdisciplinary enterprise, it intersects with cognate studies and theories to challenge the prevailing power imbalances and patterns of knowledge production.

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4

Stroud, Scott R. "The Pluralistic Style and the Demands of Intercultural Rhetoric: Swami Vivekananda at the World’s Parliament of Religions." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 21, no. 3 (September 2018): 247–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.21.3.0247.

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ABSTRACT Intercultural contexts introduce unique sources of complexity into our theories of rhetoric and persuasion. This study examines one of the most successful cases of intercultural rhetoric concerning religion: the case of Swami Vivekananda, a Hindu monk from India who came to the United States in 1893 for the World’s Parliament of Religions. He arrived as an unknown monk, but he left America years later as the nationally known face of Hinduism. Facing a tense scene in 1893 that featured a plurality of religions and American organizers and audiences who judged Hinduism as inferior to Christianity, Vivekananda enacted a unique rhetoric of pluralism to assert the value of his form of Hinduism while simultaneously respecting other religions. This study extracts from Vivekananda’s popular performance at the parliament a pluralistic style of rhetorical advocacy, one that builds upon his unique reading of Hindu religious-philosophical traditions. This pluralistic style can be used to unravel some of the theoretical issues created by invitational rhetoric’s reading of persuasion as inherently violent to disagreeing others.

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5

Whitburn, Merrill D. "Invention in James M. Hoppin's HOMILETICS: Scope and Classicism in Late Nineteenth-Century American Rhetoric." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.10.1.0105.

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Abstract Although conventional views about late nineteenth-century rhetoric highlight a shift from oratory to composition and from classical rhetoric to a “new” rhetoric with origins in Scottish rhetoricians (with a loss of scholarship and quality), James M. Hoppin's Homiletics can be grouped with an increasing number of works that complicate such views. Hoppin focuses on oratory; reveals an especially broad and scholarly knowledge of classical, religious, and foreign rhetorics; uses a complex of ideas called “uniformitarianism” to justify his primary focus on classical rhetoric; and achieves high quality. His concept of invention has both classical and Christian roots in a complex relationship reflecting both scope and narrowness.

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6

Nuruzzaman, Mohammed. "President Trump’s Islamophobia and the Muslims: A Case Study in Crisis Communication." International Journal of Crisis Communication 1, no. 1 (August 3, 2017): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31907/2617-121x.2017.01.01.03.

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During his highly controversial presidential election campaign, President Trump successfully but bizarrely exploited anti-Muslim rhetoric, among other factors, to capture the White House. His post-election policy actions, particularly the executive order to ban Muslim entry into the US, first issued on January 27 and followed by a watereddown version on March 6, has also officially exposed his anti-Muslim biases creating a crisis in Muslim – US relations. This article presents President Trump’s anti-Muslim rhetoric and policies in historical perspectives, comparing them to other great American narratives of the post-World War II period. It ends up making two important conclusions: first off, Trump’s anti-Muslim stand galvanized, and now keeps alive, his political support base of the white underclass Americans; and, secondly, although motivated by political needs, his anti-Muslim rhetoric contributes to an increasing divide between the Muslims worldwide and the non-Muslim racist and Islamophobic white Americans. Keywords: President Trump, anti-Muslim ban, Trumpism, American foreign policy narratives, ‘America First’, Israel – Palestine conflict, Iran – US nuclear deal.

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7

Handley, Derek G. "On African-American Rhetoric." Rhetoric Society Quarterly 51, no. 2 (March 15, 2021): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02773945.2021.1889266.

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8

Larson, Sidner J. "Rhetoric and American Indians." Wicazo Sa Review 17, no. 2 (2002): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wic.2002.0017.

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9

McClish, Glen. "“New Terms for the Vindication of our Rights”: William Whipper's Activist Rhetoric." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 97–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.9.1.0097.

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Abstract This study features the contributions of nineteenth-century activist William Whipper to the African American rhetorical tradition. Through analyses of six texts written between 1828 and 1837, I detail Whipper's dedication to open civic discourse; his preference for appeals to reason; his Christian ethos; his appropriation of the rhetoric of white writers, which functions in service of his positive portrayal of black culture; and his mistrust of arguments based on expediency. I also demonstrate how these characteristics shape–and, to a certain extent, evolve in–Whipper's subsequent writings. The conclusion locates Whipper's rhetorical principles in the broader context of nineteenth-century African American rhetoric.

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10

O'Leary, Ryan T. "From Anglo-Saxon Nativism to Executive Order: Civil Religion and Anti-Immigration Rhetoric." Politics and Religion 9, no. 4 (June 29, 2016): 771–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000389.

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AbstractThis article examines one aspect of current disagreements over immigration reform — Anglo-Saxon nativist rhetoric — through the lens of civil religion. It argues that the idea of America as a “New Jerusalem” can sometimes take on a nativist and even ethno-centric cast. The analysis uses two case studies to articulate the ways in which this nativism can play out in terms of civil religion: Patrick J. Buchanan's folding of immigration concerns into his culture wars rhetoric and some of the far-right rhetoric coming out of the 2016 presidential race in America. This sort of rhetoric can also be found surrounding President Obama's executive action on immigration. The analysis shows that these fears combine a view of American “chosenness” with a sense of existential threat generated by rapid demographic changes. However, while this rhetoric is grounded in civil religion, it is also a symptom of the corruption of the prophetic core of American civil religion.

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11

Kasiyarno, Kasiyarno, and Didik Murwantono. "Islamophobia in an American studies approach as seen in Donald Trump�s speech documentary videos." EduLite: Journal of English Education, Literature and Culture 7, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/e.7.1.177-191.

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Donald Trump�s rhetoric in his campaign was markedly different, his speeches on Islamophobia and anti-immigrant rhetoric became a big issue. Trump used the rhetoric of fear to induce his followers against Muslims and immigrants by linking to both groups with the terrorism issue. This article has aims to analyse Trump�s speeches for protecting American people surrounded by the terror threat through an American studies framework.� This research was under descriptively qualitative research supported by an interdisciplinary approach of American Studies. Theory of Conservatism and theory of Discursive Psychology were used to analyse American experiences of Islamophobia as seen from Donald Trump�s speeches of documentary videos as the primary data. The completion of this research shows that American conservatives in the era of Donald Trump were strongly enough and the discourse psychological approach was designed to persuade. The discursive approach also allows for an understanding of how American identity, history, and values are both invoked and constructed. It is like American identity of conservatives who are proud of their nationality of Americans.

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12

Haines, Pavielle E., Tali Mendelberg, and Bennett Butler. "“I’m Not the President of Black America”: Rhetorical versus Policy Representation." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 4 (June 4, 2019): 1038–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000963.

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A key question in the study of minority representation is whether descriptive representatives provide superior substantive representation. Neglected in this literature is the distinction between two forms of substantive representation: rhetoric versus policy. We provide a systematic comparison of presidential minority representation along these two dimensions. Barack Obama was the first African American president, yet his substantive representation of African Americans has not been fully evaluated. Using speech and budget data, we find that relative to comparable presidents, Obama offered weaker rhetorical representation, but stronger policy representation, on race and poverty. While we cannot rule out non-racial explanations, Obama’s policy proposals are consistent with minority representation. His actions also suggest that descriptive representatives may provide relatively better policy representation but worse rhetorical representation, at least when the constituency is a numerical minority. We thus highlight an understudied tension between rhetoric and policy in theories of minority representation.

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13

Gervais, Bryan T. "The electoral implications of uncivil and intolerant rhetoric in American politics." Research & Politics 8, no. 2 (April 2021): 205316802110507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211050778.

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Can political incivility bolster support for American candidates? Conventional wisdom holds that it does and Donald Trump’s 2016 electoral victories demonstrate the power of uncivil rhetoric—particularly, when it is paired with racially intolerant rhetoric. However, recent studies have demonstrated that leveraging political incivility can backfire on elites. As such, it is unclear whether uncivil rhetoric has electoral value, or if its utility is bolstered when it is joined by intolerant rhetoric. Leveraging a survey experiment, I find that both political incivility and racial intolerance induce feelings of disgust. The presence of intolerance in a message weakens the effects of incivility on disgust for out-group elites, suggesting that multiple rhetorical norm violations result in diminishing (negative) returns. Moreover, the effects of intolerance on disgust are moderated by a subject’s level of racial resentment. These aversive reactions to incivility and intolerance reduce electoral support for the elite sponsoring the message. In-group candidates pay a larger electoral penalty, although the penalty for intolerance is moderated by subject racial resentment. I conclude that, contra claims that political incivility works, uncivil messaging serves as a strategic liability for candidates.

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14

Schur, Richard. "Haunt or Home? Ethos and African American Literature." Humanities 7, no. 3 (August 10, 2018): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h7030080.

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The African American rhetorical tradition could be described as a shelter in an alien environment or as a way station on a long journey. A focus on ethos suggests that such a narrow approach to African American literature cannot do justice to these literary texts: how these writers employ images and symbols, craft and deploy examine identities, blend, criticize, and create traditions, explore contemporary issues, and create community. Because of cultural and racist narratives, African Americans could not simply use either the pre-Socratic or Aristotelian approaches to ethos in their fight for social justice. This essay demonstrates how a postclassical approach to ethos that draws on Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and is focused on community-building and self-healing is central to the African American literature and rhetoric.

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15

KETTLER, ANDREW. "“Ravishing Odors of Paradise”: Jesuits, Olfaction, and Seventeenth-Century North America." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 4 (January 6, 2016): 827–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875815002637.

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In seventeenth-century North America, efforts at cultural accommodation through similarities in olfactory inclusive spiritual sensoriums helped to create cross-cultural concordance between Jesuit Fathers and Native Americans in New France, the St. Lawrence Valley, and the Pays d'en Haut. Jesuits engaged Native Americans towards Catholic conversion by using scentful tactics and sensory rhetoric. Jesuits increased their own respect for the olfactory during their North American encounters due to a siege mentality born of the Counter-Reformation and from a forcefully influential Native American respect for multisensory forms of environmental and spiritual literacy which included a heightened reverence for odors.

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16

Hesford, Wendy S. "Global Turns and Cautions in Rhetoric and Composition Studies." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 3 (May 2006): 787–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081206x142887.

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In her 2003 Presidential Address to the American Studies Association, Amy Kaplan suggests that current crises have “exposed certain limitations of our available tools” (2). Kaplan's address reflects the move beyond the traditionally nationalist concerns of American studies, but her appeal to think more critically about disciplinary identities and methods at this point in our nation's history has wider implications. Alarmed by the “uncanny mirroring” between the lexicon of the champions of empire and that of its critics, Kaplan urges scholars “to do more than expose the imperialistic appropriation of the name America and then turn away from it” (2, 10). Embracing the transnational turn in American studies, Kaplan calls for a comparative historical approach that recognizes the ideological force of “America” and that understands how “America” “changes shape in relation to competing claims to that name and by creating demonic others, drawn in proportions as mythical and monolithic as the idea of America itself” (11).

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17

Fisher, Walter. "American Rhetoric: Context and Criticism." Rhetorica 9, no. 3 (1991): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1991.9.3.271.

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18

Fussell, Edwin, and Thomas W. Benson. "American Rhetoric: Context and Criticism." Journal of American History 78, no. 3 (December 1991): 1035. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078809.

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19

Soper, J. C. "Religious Rhetoric and American Politics." Sociology of Religion 74, no. 4 (May 16, 2013): 553–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socrel/srt040.

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20

Longaker, Mark Garrett. "Idealism and Early-American Rhetoric." Rhetoric Society Quarterly 36, no. 3 (September 2006): 281–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02773940500511587.

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21

Dreisbach, Daniel L. "The Bible in the Political Rhetoric of the American Founding." Politics and Religion 4, no. 3 (September 27, 2011): 401–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000423.

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AbstractThe American founders frequently alluded to and quoted from the Bible in their political rhetoric. This fact alone reveals little about how and for what purposes the founding generation used the Bible and, more important, how the Bible influenced the political thought of the founding era. Drawing on some of the most familiar political rhetoric of the founding era, this article examines the founders' diverse uses of the Bible in political discourse, ranging from the strictly literary and cultural to the theological, from the stylistic to the substantive. Recognition of these distinct uses is important insofar as it is misleading to read spiritual meaning into purely political or rhetorical uses of the Bible orvice versa.

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22

Dixson, Adrienne D. "Yes, We Did? Educational Equity in a New “Post-Racial” Society." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 117, no. 14 (November 2015): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811511701409.

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The election of Barack Obama as the first African American president of the United States of America marked a watershed moment in American politics. Campaigning on the slogans, “Si se puede!” and “Hope” and “Change,” many Americans, regardless of race, had hoped that his election would also signal an improvement and progress in U.S. race relations and usher in a “post-racial” moment in the United States. This chapter draws on personal narrative to examine the post-racial rhetoric within the context of a multicultural and equity studies doctoral course.

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23

VanHaitsma, Pamela. "African-American Rhetorical Education and Epistolary Relations at the Holley School (1868–1917)." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 21, no. 3 (September 2018): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.21.3.0293.

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ABSTRACT This study establishes the Holley School as an important site of African-American rhetorical education in the post–Civil War United States. Abolitionist Caroline F. Putnam was a white Northerner who, like countless other freedmen’s teachers, moved south after the war to teach formerly enslaved African Americans. Putnam’s educational work was remarkable, however, in that she taught rhetoric in service of racial justice and continued this work for almost fifty years. I argue that she was able to sustain the Holley School through epistolary relations cultivated to persuade others to join in educating freedmen as well as support the school through donations.

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24

Houvenaghel, Eugenia. "Las presencias de la Reto´´rica en la obra de Alfonso Reyes: Esbozo de una evolucio´´n." Rhetorica 21, no. 3 (2003): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2003.21.3.149.

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The Mexican diplomat Alfonso Reyes (1889––1959) was notable in the cultural panorama of Spanish America in the first half of the 20th century for his acquaintance with classical rhetoric, a discipline rarely studied at that time in that part of the world. This article distinguishes four aspects of rhetoric throughout Reyes' oeuvre: (i) a vulgar sense, (ii) an erudite sense, (iii) classical theories, (iv) and modern applications. In his early work, Reyes uses rhetoric in a pejorative and vulgar sense. Around the year 1940, Reyes starts to show a lively interest in rhetoric, opts definitively for an erudite sense of the term, and initiates the study of the classical art of persuasion. In his third phase, Reyes gains deeper knowledge of rhetoric, lectures on the subject, and explains his favorite orators andtheorists. Finally,his use of rhetoric reveals a commitment to the reality of Spanish America. Reyes' rhetoric is an "actualised" and "Americanised" version that shows the possibilities of the classical art of persuasion in Spanish American society.

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25

Hostetler, Michael J. "The Early American Quest for Internal Improvements: Distance and Debate." Rhetorica 29, no. 1 (2011): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2011.29.1.53.

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One segment of the American debate over internal improvements occurred between 1808 and 1817 and was marked by three rhetorical texts in which arguments moved from technical considerations to more transcendent appeals. These texts illustrate the interplay of geography and rhetoric and highlight the early use of god-terms like “fact,” “progress,” and “communication.”

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26

Maru, Mister Gidion. "THE PATTERN OF AMERICAN RHETORIC ON THE SPIRIT OF MISSION: AN ANALYSIS ON THE TEXT OF BUSHS INAUGURAL ADDRESS." Celt: A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching & Literature 16, no. 1 (July 20, 2016): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.24167/celt.v16i1.483.

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As a textual study, this research paper aims at elaborating the rhetorical patterns in the American mind by examining the inaugural addresses George W Bush particularly on the spirit of mission. The study on this topic becomes urgent to be discussed in relation to the importance of understanding a rhetoric pattern in terms of developing teaching material for cross cultural awareness and language skills. The choosing of the presidents inaugural address as the mental evidences is not apart from the synthesis that they represents a formal speech which covers the socio-cultural aspects and they will bring a certain pattern of rhetoric in their attempt to communicate with public. For the purpose of achieving the aim of this research, the library research is carried out by applying Goffman?s Frame Analysis. The results show that the president constructs a certain pattern of rhetoric by using the Puritan expressions particularly for engaging American people with the spirit of mission. The rhetoric patterns are found to convey the national and world mission. The expressions used in the inaugural addresses seem to meet with peoples expectations as a new presidency is begun

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27

Chasteen, John Charles. "Fighting Words: The Discourse of Insurgency in Latin American History." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 3 (1993): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016964.

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“What I suffer is pleasant because it shows that I am putting myself above the run of common men, that I am worthy of my Patria and of you…” Insurgent officer to his wife, 1893 The appeal of sacrifice so frequently encountered in expressions of nationalism is an equally familiar theme in the rhetoric of political warfare in Latin America. Stories of political warfare take up a considerable part of Latin American historiography. The intent of this exploratory article is to suggest how the rhetoric and narrative written about nineteenth-century insurgency can be read to illuminate the political history of Latin America. Two South American civil wars of the 1890s constitute the empirical starting point for my speculations, although they are scarcely a convincing sample of the hundreds of insurgencies that have occurred since independence. Consequently, these observations on a Latin American discourse of insurgency must largely be content to ask questions, raise issues, and suggest hypotheses.

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28

Atwell Seate, Anita, Rong Ma, Irina Iles, Thomas McCloskey, and Shawn Parry-Giles. "“This Is Who We Are!” National Identity Construction and the 2014 FIFA World Cup." Communication & Sport 5, no. 4 (March 16, 2016): 428–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479516636638.

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Drawing on the literature on American nationalism and the social identity perspective, this study examines the effects of mediasport on nationalized attitudes, using both rhetorical and experimental approaches. First, a rhetorical analysis examined the nationalistic themes featured in the game promotional ad of the United States versus Ghana soccer match in World Cup 2014, linking these themes to the republicanism/liberalism paradox in American political thought. Using the social identity perspective, we predicted the effects of these themes on U.S. participants’ nationalized attitudes and tested our hypotheses using an experiment. Experimental findings indicate that exposure to nationalistic rhetoric indirectly increases uncritical patriotism, critical patriotism, and support of militarism attitudes via self-enhancement gratifications. Additionally, exposure to nationalistic rhetoric also indirectly influences uncritical patriotism via social uncertainty reduction gratifications. Our study demonstrates the utility of a mixed-method approach and points out directions for future research on the (re)construction of social identities through mediasport.

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29

Diller, Christopher. "The art of rhetoric: Aesthetics and rhetoric in the American renaissance." Rhetoric Society Quarterly 28, no. 3 (June 1998): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02773949809391122.

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30

Frank, David A. "Obama’s Rhetorical Signature: Cosmopolitan Civil Religion in the Presidential Inaugural Address, January 20, 2009." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 605–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41935240.

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Abstract Drawing on his two books, Dreams from my Father and The Audacity of Hope, the prophetic African American Christian mythic system, and a rhetoric of argumentative reason, Barack Obama developed literary, mythic, and rhetorical signatures during his campaign for president. His signatures recast binary oppositions and answered questions of identity with a set of dissociations, rhetorical acts intended to transform the relationship between contraries. In his inaugural address, Obama adapts these signatures to the assumption of power as president by recalling and rescuing the cosmopolitan expression of American civil religion.

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31

Green, David F. "Lynching: Violence, Rhetoric, and American Identity." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 24, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/26878003.2021.1881317.

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32

Cisneros, Josue David. "Lynching: Violence, Rhetoric, and American identity." Quarterly Journal of Speech 107, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2021.1915408.

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33

Green, David F. "Lynching: Violence, Rhetoric, and American Identity." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 24, no. 1 (January 2021): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.24.1.0107.

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34

Tonkin, Elizabeth, Joel Sherzer, and Anthony C. Woodbury. "Native American Discourse: Poetics and Rhetoric." Man 23, no. 4 (December 1988): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802624.

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35

Basso, Ellen B., Joel Sherzer, and Anthony C. Woodbury. "Native American Discourse: Poetics and Rhetoric." Language 65, no. 2 (June 1989): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415339.

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36

Rigsby, Enrique D. "African American rhetoric and the ‘profession’." Western Journal of Communication 57, no. 2 (June 1993): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10570319309374442.

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37

Crabtree, Mari N. "Lynching: Violence, Rhetoric, and American Identity." Journal of American History 107, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 717–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa347.

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38

Crowley, Sharon, and Albert R. Kitzhaber. "Rhetoric in American Colleges, 1850-1900." College Composition and Communication 42, no. 4 (December 1991): 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/358013.

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39

Gronbeck, Bruce E. "The Sentimentalization of American Political Rhetoric." Poroi 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.13008/2151-2957.1029.

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40

Foster, Michael K., Joel Sherzer, and Anthony C. Woodbury. "Native American Discourse: Poetics and Rhetoric." American Indian Quarterly 14, no. 2 (1990): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185090.

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41

Kroeber, Karl, Joel Scherzer, and Anthony C. Woodbury. "Native American Discourse: Poetics and Rhetoric." Journal of American Folklore 101, no. 401 (July 1988): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/540491.

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42

Zhang, Yu. "The Moral Rhetoric of American Presidents." Review of Communication 9, no. 2 (April 2009): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358590802276036.

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43

Clabough, Jeremiah, and Mark Pearcy. "“Wild words” – analyzing angry rhetoric in American politics." Social Studies Research and Practice 13, no. 3 (November 19, 2018): 369–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-08-2018-0032.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of angry political rhetoric employed by George Wallace and Donald Trump. The authors start by discussing the civic thinking skills stressed within the C3 Framework, specifically the ability to analyze politicians’ arguments. Then, the focus shifts to look at angry political rhetoric within the US history. Next, the authors discuss the parallels of the angry political rhetoric employed by both Wallace and Trump. Finally, two activities are provided that enable students to grasp the convergences with the angry political rhetoric utilized by both Wallace and Trump. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, the authors explore angry rhetoric in American politics. The authors designed two classroom-ready activities by drawing on the best teaching practices advocated for in the C3 Framework. To elaborate, both activities allow students to research and analyze arguments made by George Wallace and Donald Trump. This enables students to engage in the four dimensions of the Inquiry Arc in the C3 Framework. Findings The authors provide two activities that can be utilized in the high school social studies classroom to enable students to dissect American politicians’ messages. These two activities can be adapted and utilized to enable students to examine a political candidate’s messages, especially those that draw on angry rhetoric. By completing the steps of these two activities, students are better prepared to be critical consumers of political media messages. Originality/value In this paper, the authors explore the role of angry political rhetoric in American politics. The authors examine the parallels of political style between George Wallace and Donald Trump. Two activities are provided to help students break down the angry political rhetoric employed by these two controversial figures.

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Keller, Jonathan. "Ambiguities of Prophecy: Old Testament Rhetoric in the American Founding Era." Politics and Religion 13, no. 3 (January 27, 2020): 575–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048320000024.

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AbstractScholars have long recognized the impact of Hebrew prophecy on the rhetoric of the American Founding era, but they have assumed it is all of one type, the American Jeremiad, a clarion call for political action. In fact, biblical rhetoric during this era mirrors three types of Old Testament prophecy formulated at three distinct moments in ancient Biblical history: before, during, and after the Babylonian Exile of 587 BCE. I refer to these as repentance, Jeremiad, and disappointment. I interpret sermons by three leading Protestant ministers in order to demonstrate that all three types of Hebraic prophecy were prevalent during this era, but only one of them, the Jeremiad, seeks to inspire political action; second, the Jeremiad was prominent only during the Revolutionary War. Before the war, and after the ratification of the Constitution, the two quietistic modes of prophecy, repentance, and disappointment, are more prevalent. I conclude by speculating about what the American founders might think of the contemporary rhetorical landscape, where the Jeremiad has become dominant, drowning out more moderate forms of biblical discourse.

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Wilson, D. "The global trope and urban redevelopment: the American experience." Geographica Helvetica 69, no. 2 (July 22, 2014): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-69-79-2014.

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Abstract. This paper examines a new "political opportunity structure" in United States Rust Belt cities – globalization – currently being used by redevelopment governances. An investigation of two cities reveals that this discourse ("the global trope") has helped to produce a new socio-spatial polarization in US cities. Globalization here is now not merely a new reality, but also a powerful rhetorical device whose invoking is proving to be a potent political tool for capital in its drive to transform cities. At this rhetoric's core, a supposed new hyper-competitive reality makes Rust Belt cities easily discardable as places of investment. These once-enclosed containers of "the economic", in the rhetoric, have recently become leaky landscapes rife with a potential for economic hemorrhaging. Against this supposed reality, cities are portrayed as beset by a kind of accumulation disorder that now haunts them. Through this, the new governmentality's dominant contours – a proposed shock treatment of re-regulation – is rationalized. This generates a new uneven development across US cities that marginalizes low-income African-American communities.

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Pearcy, Mark, and Jeremiah Clabough. "Demagogues and the “Guardrails of Democracy”." Social Studies Research and Practice 13, no. 3 (November 19, 2018): 345–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-05-2018-0022.

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Purpose Contemporary American politics has been characterized by excessive, vitriolic rhetoric since the 2016 presidential victory of Donald Trump. However, Donald Trump’s brand of politics is nothing new. He is the inheritor and latest proponent for a brand of American politics that utilizes demagogic rhetoric. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of demagoguery along with the traits of demagogic rhetoric. Two activities for the high school classroom are given that look at the demagogic rhetoric employed by Joseph McCarthy and George Wallace, two of the most infamous political demagogues of the twentieth century. Design/methodology/approach With the first activity, McCarthy’s “Enemies from Within Speech” is analyzed by breaking down the speech with Gustainis’ seven traits of demagoguery (1990). Similarly in the second activity, George Wallace’s inaugural address is examined with Gustainis’ seven traits of demagoguery, and then, the authors provide a series of activities that students can do to protest the demagogic rhetoric in Wallace’s inaugural address. Finally, an appendix is provided with additional speeches from American demagogues that social studies teachers can use to teach about elements of demagoguery. Findings In this paper, the authors provide an overview of demagoguery along with the traits of demagogic rhetoric. Two activities for the high school classroom are given that look at the demagogic rhetoric employed by Joseph McCarthy and George Wallace, two of the most infamous political demagogues of the twentieth century. Originality/value Contemporary American politics has been characterized by excessive, vitriolic rhetoric since the 2016 presidential victory of Donald Trump. However, Donald Trump’s brand of politics is nothing new. He is the inheritor and latest proponent for a brand of American politics that utilizes demagogic rhetoric. In this paper, the authors provide an overview of demagoguery along with the traits of demagogic rhetoric. Students need to be able to critically examine demagogic rhetoric to hold elected officials accountable for their words, actions and policies.

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Stewart, Charlie. "The Rhetorical Canons of Construction: New Textualism's Rhetoric Problem." Michigan Law Review, no. 116.8 (2018): 1485. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.116.8.rhetorical.

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New Textualism is ascendant. Elevated to prominence by the late Justice Antonin Scalia and championed by others like Justice Neil Gorsuch, the method of interpretation occupies an increasingly dominant place in American jurisprudence. Yet, this Comment argues the proponents of New Textualism acted unfairly to reach this lofty perch. To reach this conclusion, this Comment develops and applies a framework to evaluate the rhetoric behind New Textualism: the rhetorical canons of construction. Through the rhetorical canons, this Comment demonstrates that proponents of New Textualism advance specious arguments, declare other methods illegitimate hypocritically, refuse to engage with the merits of their opponents’ arguments, and believe their method provides the best plain meaning.

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Code, Lorraine. "Responsibility and Rhetoric." Hypatia 9, no. 1 (1994): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00107.x.

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In this paper I offer a retrospective rereading of my work on epistemic responsibility in order to see why this inquiry has found only an uneasy location within the discourse of Anglo-American epistemology. I trace the history of the work's production, circulation and reception, and examine the feminist implications of the discussions it has occasioned.

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Hotham, Matthew. "Affect, Animality, and Islamophobia." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 46, no. 3-4 (December 21, 2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.33901.

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American internet Islamophobia is fascinated with Muslim attitudes towards animals – especially pigs. Through an examination of internet memes found on right-wing and white supremacist websites and social media groups, this essay argues that affective relations to certain animals are part of what mark the Muslim as other and worthy of hate in American Islamophobic rhetoric. More importantly, this Islamophobic pig imagery, which often mischaracterizes or willfully misrepresents Muslim dietary restrictions, reveals that Islamophobic internet memes are not primarily aimed at Muslims nor are they first and foremost an expression of fear of Islam. Instead this Islamophobic rhetoric takes the form of an inside joke, affectively linking those who are “in” on the joke, uniting them in a jovial transgression of “politically correct" norms. This form of Islamophobia might be better termed “Islamophobophilia,” since it marks some Americans as insiders and others as outsiders. It is a method for non-Muslim Americans to signal to other other non-Muslim Americans that they are the right kind of American.

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Murphy, Andrew R. "Longing, Nostalgia, and Golden Age Politics: The American Jeremiad and the Power of the Past." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 1 (February 12, 2009): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090148.

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I assess several politically powerful ways of drawing on the past in the search for solutions to problems in the present. To probe these dynamics, I turn to the American jeremiad, a longstanding form of political rhetoric that explicitly invokes the past and laments the nation's falling-away from its virtuous foundations. I begin by focusing on the Christian Right's traditionalist jeremiad, which offers both nostalgic and Golden Age rhetoric in its assessment of the United States' imperiled national promise. I argue that, despite differences in the historical location of their ideals and the significant rhetorical power that they bring to political life, such nostalgic and Golden Age narratives represent a constraining political ideal, one ultimately incapable of doing justice to an increasingly diverse American society. I argue furthermore that there is another strand of the American jeremiad and conclude by sketching a different way of drawing on the past, a progressive jeremiad epitomized by the thought of Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass. Such a jeremiad is also deeply rooted in the American tradition and offers a far more promising contribution to a diverse and pluralistic American future.

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