Journal articles on the topic 'American political philosophy'

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1

Goodson, Jacob L., and Quinlan C. Stein. "The American Republic: William James on Political Leadership." Contemporary Pragmatism 19, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-bja10031.

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Abstract Since Plato’s Republic, philosophers have outlined their expectations for political leaders and have offered judgments on the actions and decisions made by political leaders in their given context. It turns out that the American philosopher, William James, participates in this philosophical tradition. Although it has been assumed by professional philosophers—and even scholars of William James’s work—that James has no political philosophy, we argue that James’s political philosophy becomes both practical and useful for making judgments about and against political leaders.
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Klosko, George. "Rawls's “Political” Philosophy and American Democracy." American Political Science Review 87, no. 2 (June 1993): 348–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2939045.

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John Rawls has recently argued that political philosophy can significantly contribute to making democratic societies stable. He seeks moral principles that can ground what he calls an overlapping consensus and argues that his well-known principles of justice can serve in this capacity. I criticize both Rawls's general claims about the role of political philosophy and his particular defense of the principles of justice. Both arguments commit Rawls to specific empirical claims about existing liberal societies that are highly questionable. In particular, the Kantian moral views that Rawls believes to be central to liberal culture are controverted by extensive empirical research on the actual beliefs of liberal citizens. Despite the problems with Rawls's arguments, I suggest that a rather different overlapping consensus appears to contribute to stable democracies. This centers on support of the political system rather than more substantive moral principles.
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Deweer, Dries. "Ricoeur and Anglo-American Political Philosophy." Philosophy Today 62, no. 3 (2018): 803–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday20181119236.

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4

Zuckert, Michael. "NATURAL RIGHTS AND IMPERIAL CONSTITUTIONALISM: THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN AMALGAM." Social Philosophy and Policy 22, no. 1 (January 2005): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052505041026.

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Robert Nozick worked in a Lockean tradition of political philosophy, a tradition with deep resonance in the American political culture. This paper attempts to explore the formative moments of that culture and at the same time to clarify the role of Lockean philosophy in the American Revolution. One of the currently dominant approaches to the revolution emphasizes the colonists' commitments to their rights, but identifies the relevant rights as “the rights of Englishmen,” not natural rights in the Lockean mode. This approach misses, however, the way the Americans construed their positive or constitutional rights in the light of a Lockean background theory. In a word, the Americans recreated an amalgam of traditional constitutional principles and Lockean philosophy, an amalgam that nearly guaranteed that they and the British would speak past each other. The ambiguities and uncertainties of the British constitution as extended to the colonies provided an incentive to the Americans (but not the British) to look to Locke as a guide to their rights, thereby helping win a place for Lockean theory in American political thinking.
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Peters, Michael A. "Renewing the American Dream: Obama's Political Philosophy." Policy Futures in Education 7, no. 1 (January 2009): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2009.7.1.125.

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6

Zelizer, Julian E. "History and Political Science: Together Again?" Journal of Policy History 16, no. 2 (April 2004): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0012.

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There was a period in America when the political science and history disciplines were not that far apart. Both approaches to analyzing civil society had evolved out of an old Anglo-American tradition where these two subjects, along with philosophy and literature, were all considered in relationship to one another. During the formative years of the American research university, which took place at the turn of the twentieth century, both disciplines shared common founding fathers. A classic example was Charles Beard, whose influence spanned both areas of scholarship. Indeed, it was a breakaway faction of the American Historical Association that formed the American Political Science Association.
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Levy, Gabriel. "Biblical Prophecy in Recent American Theological Politics." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 2, no. 1 (May 20, 2007): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v2i1.59.

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This article argues for the relevance of biblical thought to progressive political philosophy. One of the most significant problems for political philosophy is the role that religion, and particularly the role that biblical faith, ought to play. Philosopher Leo Strauss provided some of the most influential answers to this problem. He is also often credited with providing some of the intellectual foundation for the “neoconservative” movement. In particular, Strauss addressed two questions relevant to today’s political environment: What is the role of truth in politics? And, what is the relation between philosophical reason and prophetic revelation? This article offers a genealogy of the concept of prophecy with particular focus on sexuality and media technology. It juxtaposes a biblical story with a modern one about how religious sovereigns come to acquire information about things beyond their control. It concludes with the argument that the Bush doctrine is an anathema to Straussian political philosophy. Neither Bush’s invocation of prophecy nor his neoconservatism provide him any theoretical ground to walk on.
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Outlaw, Lucius. "African-American philosophy: social and political case studies." Social Science Information 26, no. 1 (March 1987): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901887026001005.

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9

Rodrigues Pinto, Simone, and Erivan Raposo. "Política com paixão. A filosofia da libertação de Enrique Dussel." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2014): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i2.12610.

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Resumo O presente artigo propõe-se apresentar o pensamento do filósofo Enrique Dussel, autor central da reflexão política em muitos países da hispano-américa, embora pouco discutido no Brasil. Sua insistência em um discurso legitimamente latino-americano faz dele um autor fundamental para entendermos os problemas e as soluções pensadas fora dos grandes Centros, como Europa e Estados Unidos. O enfoque principal será em sua filosofia da libertação e nos desafios lançados para a ciência e sociologia política.Palavras-ChaveFilosofia da libertação, América Latina, ética, política, Dussel.--- AbstractThis article intends to present the thought of the philosopher Enrique Dussel, important author of the political debate in many countries of Hispanic America, though less recognized in Brazil. He seeks a though properly Latin American to reflect on the problems and solutions to the continent, designed outside of major academic centers such as Europe and United States. The main focus will be on his philosophy of liberation and the challenges posed to social and political science. KeywordsPhilosophy of Liberation, Latin America, Ethics, Politics, Dussel ---Resumé: Cet article présente l'oeuvre de Enrique Dussel. Ce philosophe se retrouve au coeur de la réflexion politique des pays hispanophones de l'Amérique latine, mais il est encore peu débatu au Brésil. Son insistance à travailler un discours proprement latino-américain en fait un auteur incontournable pour la compréhension des problèmes et solutions pensés hors des grands centres, tels l'Europe et les États-Unis. L'accent sera mis sur la philosophie de la libération et sur les défis rencontrés par la science et la sociologie politique.Mots-clésPhilosophie de la libération, Amérique latine, éthique, politique, Dussel.
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Higham, John, and Richard J. Ellis. "American Political Cultures." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 2 (1995): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206649.

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Kloppenberg, James T., and Richard J. Ellis. "American Political Cultures." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1669. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081662.

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12

McWiliams, Wilson Carey. "Leo Strauss and the Dignity of American Political Thought." Review of Politics 60, no. 2 (1998): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500041188.

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Leo Strauss wrote only rarely about American thought, but he pointed his students and readers toward the “high adventure” of the American political tradition as a serious encounter with the great questions of political philosophy. Strauss saw American theory as a contest—one fought less between Americans than within them—pitting modernity's “first wave”, with its appeal to reason and natural right, against the more radical individualism and the historicism of later modern doctrine. Religion and classical rationalism, offering their own standards of a right above opinion, had been historically the allies of “first wave”, modernity, but those voices, Strauss recognized, were growing weaker in American life. In recent American teaching and culture, by contrast, Strauss saw that the increasingly dominant ethics of self—interest and success, other political inadequacies aside, were incapable of speaking to the highest aspirations or winning the deepest allegiance of the young. By reviving classical teaching, Strauss also sought to contribute to the rearticulation and reanimation of the American ideal.
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Khoma, Oleg. "Spinoza in the focus of national traditions. Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic." Sententiae 39, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/sent39.02.207.

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Review of Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic.
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14

Wilentz, S. "American Political Histories." OAH Magazine of History 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/21.2.23.

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15

STRASSFELD, JONATHAN. "AMERICAN DIVIDE: THE MAKING OF “CONTINENTAL” PHILOSOPHY." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 833–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000513.

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The story of Western philosophy in the late twentieth century is, first and foremost, a tale of the discipline's division into two distinct discourses—analytic and Continental philosophy. This article argues that institutional dynamics of American higher education played a decisive role in the creation of this divide. Through quantitative analysis of the hiring and promotion of philosophers, it demonstrates how hierarchies and informal academic networks established boundaries for mainstream American philosophy that excluded modern European thought. Following the end of World War II, as American universities expanded, philosophy departments nearly tripled in size. However, the discipline was dominated by a Brahmin caste of elite departments that hired its own graduates almost exclusively. In this environment, the invidious distinction between the “elite” analytic departments and heterodox departments at the discipline's periphery was mapped onto the styles of philosophy practiced at those schools, and shaped America's reception of “Continental” European philosophy.
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Benestad, J. Brian. "Catholicism and American Public Philosophy." Review of Politics 53, no. 4 (1991): 691–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500016363.

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17

Kiryukhin, Denys. "The Anglo-American political philosophy in the 20th century." Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, no. 3 (August 12, 2020): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2020.03.029.

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18

Hudson, Yeager. "Moral Justification of Reform Movements in American Political Philosophy." Social Philosophy Today 1 (1988): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday1988129.

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19

Cherygova, Anastasiia. "Henri-Dominique Lacordaire in the Canadian ultramontane philosophy." DIALOGO 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.7.2.12.

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When the ultramontane bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe in Canada invited the French Dominicans to his diocese, he requested help from their leader, another French-speaking ultramontane, Reverend Father Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, O.P., who restored the Dominican Order in France after a long ban on religious orders. However, there seemed to have been a paradox at the heart of this invitation. Lacordaire was an extremely controversial figure in both secular and Catholic French circles, mostly due to his rocky relationships with the French episcopacy, his unconventional preaching style and especially his political opinions, including his admiration for republicanism and the Anglo-American political system. Theoretically, all this would put him at odds with Canadian ultramontanes. They were rather opposed to the growing politically liberal forces in Canada specifically and to the Anglo-American politico-philosophical system in general. So why would Canadian ultramontanes ask help from a man so seemingly different from them politically? Our hypothesis is that what united Lacordaire and Canadian ultramontanes was more significant than what divided them - notably, both parties were concerned about opposition to Catholicism coming from State officials, as well as about the menace of irreligion among the growing bourgeois class. Therefore, both were keenly interested in advancing the cause of Catholic education to combat these worries. To prove our hypothesis we would employ methodology based on personal writings and biographical accounts of actors involved in the arrival of Dominicans to Canada, as well as on historical analysis effectuated on connected topics, like the ultramontane scene in Canada, French missionary activity in North America, etc.
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Bussoletti, Denise Marcos, Gomercindo Ghiggi, Hélcio Fernandes Barbosa Júnior, and Leandro Haerter. "Pensamento latino-americano." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 17, no. 25 (December 25, 2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v17i25.112903.

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The long history of Latin America domination and exploration by theEuropean powers was accompanied by a struggle and resistance strongprocess, which contributed to the development of an original LatinAmerican thought. Taking Zea (1970), Dussel (1982) and Zimmermann(1987) as main theoretical, especially the philosophy of liberation and thenotion of “nonbeing”, this text discusses the context that made the birth of aLatin American philosophy posible, whose set of ideas sought to understandand to question the Latin America reality, especially in its cultural,economic, political and social dimensions. Thus, questioning the idea oftotality and affirming the Latin American reality specifics, the text identifiesthe valuation of this another thought, of this “native” philosophy, whichhelps us to think about and act from ourselves.
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SIGACHEV, MAXIM, and ORAZIO MARIA GNERRE. "RETHINKING ALEXANDER PANARIN: A RUSSIAN POINT OF VIEW IN THE CONTEXT OF THE GREAT GLOBAL TRANSITION." Arhe 26, no. 32 (June 18, 2020): 261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/arhe.2019.32.261-273.

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The paper deals with the views of a Russian political philosopher A. S. Panarin (1940 – 2003) on the West, the East, modernity, post-modernity, globalization, western liberalism and possible alternatives to the “end of history”, declared by an American politologist F. Fukuyama. Panarin analyzed the basic principles of the Western civilization and criticized the political culture of the West for its technocratic individualistic ultra-activism and the desire to spread westernization around the world. He saw the alternative to the American unipolar world in the Eastern tradition, as well as in the social ideas of justice and solidarity. The authors have made an attempt to integrate Panarin’s legacy into the continental European paradigm of political philosophy, comparing his views with the ideas of such European conservative thinkers and of the western New Left.
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Jaggar, I—Alison M. "Decolonizing Anglo-American Political Philosophy: The Case of Migration Justice." Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 94, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arisup/akaa008.

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Abstract International migration is increasing not only in absolute terms but also as a percentage of the global population. In 2019, international migrants made up 3.5 per cent of the global population, compared to 2.8 per cent in the year 2000. Over the past two decades, a philosophical literature has emerged to investigate what justice requires with respect to these vast migrant flows. My article criticizes much of this philosophical work. Building on the work of Charles Mills (2015), I argue that the terms in which many Anglo-American philosophers presently debate migration justice neglect and even obscure consideration of the ways in which current migration flows may be shaped by Euro-American colonialism and neo-colonialism. Such exclusions produce systematic biases in much of our philosophical literature. To develop less biased understandings of migration justice, I propose that Anglo-American philosophers should revise our methods and our conceptual frameworks to enable exploring the possible extent and ethical implications of colonial and neo-colonial influence. This is one part of the much larger task of decolonizing our political philosophy.
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Ellingsen, Mark. "The American Republic." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/25.

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This article explores the often neglected impact on the American political system of Scottish Common Sense Realism and an Augustinian anthropology drawn from both this Scottish philosophy and the American culture's Puritan/Presbyterian roots. Such insights help us better understand the dynamics of the American system and its possible contribution as a paradigm or model for democratization in the communist world Significant differences between America and the communist world with respect to their distinct intellectual and cultural histories seem to preclude the applicability of the American system to post-communist nations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, Yet theological convergences among the prevailing religious traditions of these nations and America suggest that the Augustinian anthropological realism of the American system may have relevance to communist world cultures after all.
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Ellingsen, Mark. "The American Republic." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/25.

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This article explores the often neglected impact on the American political system of Scottish Common Sense Realism and an Augustinian anthropology drawn from both this Scottish philosophy and the American culture's Puritan/Presbyterian roots. Such insights help us better understand the dynamics of the American system and its possible contribution as a paradigm or model for democratization in the communist world Significant differences between America and the communist world with respect to their distinct intellectual and cultural histories seem to preclude the applicability of the American system to post-communist nations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, Yet theological convergences among the prevailing religious traditions of these nations and America suggest that the Augustinian anthropological realism of the American system may have relevance to communist world cultures after all.
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FORRESTER, KATRINA. "CITIZENSHIP, WAR, AND THE ORIGINS OF INTERNATIONAL ETHICS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, 1960–1975." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 773–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000496.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines a series of debates about civil disobedience, conscription, and the justice of war that took place among American liberal philosophers, lawyers, and activists during the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War. It argues that these debates fundamentally reshaped American political philosophy, by shifting the focus from the welfare state to the realm of international politics. In order to chart this transition from the domestic to the international, this article focuses on the writings of two influential political theorists, John Rawls and Michael Walzer. The turn to international politics in American political philosophy has its origins, in part, in their arguments about domestic citizenship. In tracing these origins, this article situates academic philosophical arguments alongside debates among the American public at large. It offers a first account of the history of analytical political philosophy during the 1960s and 1970s, and argues that the role played by the Vietnam War in this history, though underappreciated, is significant.
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Schutte, Ofelia. "Engaging Latin American Feminisms Today: Methods, Theory, Practice." Hypatia 26, no. 4 (2011): 783–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01200.x.

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This paper articulates a methodological strategy for creating a “conceptual home” whose aim is the enabling and promotion of Latin American feminist philosophy in the context of Latin American feminist theory's concern for the relationship between theory and practice. The author argues that philosophy as a discipline is still too compromised by masculine‐dominant, Anglocentric, and Eurocentric ways of representing knowledge such that discursive and ideological impediments make it difficult to conceive and develop ways of feminist theorizing that arise from an interpellation of the philosopher by the Latin American conditions affecting her social and cultural life. The author offers a fourfold approach to grounding knowledge, based on the principles of pursuing a critical approach to knowledge, a concern for the relationship of theory and practice, an orientation toward progressive political projects of freedom and liberation in the context of Latin American history and politics, and a transformative politics of culture. It is argued that through such specific methodological concerns, Latin American feminist philosophy can attain a distinct identity and stop depending for its articulation on paradigms of knowledge whose premises are not necessarily best attuned to understand the issues it must confront in its sociocultural practice.
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Korotchenko, Tatiana V. "Political Issues in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Writings: American Reception." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 464 (2021): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/4.

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The article explores the American reception of Fyodor Dostoevsky’s political ideology. The relevance of the study is due to the interdisciplinary character of modern literary criticism and perception of Dostoevsky not only as a talented writer, but also as an original philosopher and political thinker. It is for the first time when the reception of Dostoevsky’s political ideology is revealed on the basis of works by American philologists and political analysts; namely, the study unveils the image of Dostoevsky as a political thinker formed within American scientific discourse. In addition, the analysis of the reception of Dostoevsky’s writings in a foreign scientific culture contributes to a deeper understanding of the mechanisms of cultural interaction. The analysis of literary works on the basis of comparative-historical and comparative-cultural approaches, as well as modern semiotic concepts, reveals the basic periods and trends in the reception of Dostoevsky’s writings on political issues in the USA in the 20th and the 21st centuries. The evolution of scholars’ views on the writer’s political ideology is disclosed. In the 1950s–1960s, Dostoevsky’s political philosophy is primarily analyzed in terms of its fictional representation. In the context of cultural interaction, this period can be termed as a preliminary one followed by the period of active transmission of the texts that explore the essence of Dostoevsky’s political ideology. Indeed, an intensive study of political views of the writer started in the 1970s–1980s. At this time, scholars addressed Dostoevsky’s opinion journalism, incorporating the writer’s political ideology into his social and religious views. A new period started in the 2000s. It is characterized by the synthesis of the most characteristic features of Dostoevsky’s artistic method, his philosophical and political ideas. Thus, the image of Dostoevsky as a political thinker in American literary studies is characterized by analyzing the writer’s political philosophy within his religious and social thoughts and considering Russian literature closely connected with the state policy. The most negative evaluation of Dostoevsky’s political ideology, accusatory statements on writer’s nationalism, imperialism, and chauvinism are found in the works whose authors investigate Dostoevsky’s political ideology beyond his religious views. The interest of American scholars in Dostoevsky’s political ideology is registered at all stages of Dostoevsky studies development. The changes in diplomatic relations between Russia and the Western world stimulate American scholars to address political issues in Dostoevsky’s writings. However, besides pure political circumstances, the alteration of periods in addressing political issues in Dostoevsky’s writings is due to the mechanisms of cultural interaction when the period of passive saturation with new semiotic material is followed by the period of active transmission of new texts.
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Norman, Wayne. "‘Inevitable and Unacceptable?’ Methodological Rawlsianism in Anglo-American Political Philosophy." Political Studies 46, no. 2 (June 1998): 276–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00140.

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This article attempts two parallel tasks. First, it gives a sympathetic explication of the implicit working methodology (‘Methodological Rawlsianism’) of mainstream contemporary political theory in the English-speaking world. And second, principally in footnotes, it surveys the recent literature on justification to see what light these debates cast on the tenets of this methodology. It is worth examining methodological presuppositions because these can have a profound influence on substantive theories: many of the differences between philosophical traditions can be traced to their methodologies. My aim is to expose the central features of methodological Rawlsianism in order to challenge critics of this tradition to explain exactly where and why they depart from the method. While I do not defend it at length, I do suggest that methodological Rawlsianism is inevitable insofar as it is basically a form of common sense. This fact should probably lower expectations about the amount of progress consistent methodological Rawlsians are likely to make in grounding comprehensive normative political theories.
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Foley, Michael P. "The Truth About Leo Strauss: Political Philosophy and American Democracy." Catholic Social Science Review 12 (2007): 389–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20071221.

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Pereira, Diego Bertolo, and Wilson Alves de Paiva. "lipman e a filosofia para crianças: cultivo “do” pensamento ou cultivo de “um” pensamento?" childhood & philosophy 16, no. 36 (July 17, 2020): 01–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/childphilo.2020.49438.

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This text aims to perform a “fly over” the Philosophy for Children program--created by the philosopher and educator Matthew Lipman-–in order to identify certain philosophical problems that might appear there, one of them being the issue of universality. In response to Lipman’s claims of universality, we try to uncover his underlying ideological position that informs his approach to the concept. To achieve that goal, we return to the program’s beginnings, in order to ask how the idea of Philosophy for Children appeared and how it has developed up to the present moment. We argue that Lipman’s novel proposal to think philosophically with children emerged, in part, as a response to the student movements of 1968--a response, that is, to a specific political context that was marked by strong social and ideological disputes. Finally, we make a comparative analysis of the social and political context that informs Latin American Philosophy, and the extent to which it, also, has been shaped by a pragmatic response to a particular historical moment. The difference between the Anglo-American and the Latin American contexts is here characterized as an obstacle to a certain “universal” logos to which the Lipmanian project is linked. Our analysis is aided by the Discourse of marginalization and barbarism, produced by the Mexican philosopher Leopoldo Zea.
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Donoso, Antón. "Latin American Applied Philosophy." Latin American Research Review 27, no. 2 (1992): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016873.

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Ruíz-Aho, Elena. "Latin American Philosophy at a Crossroads." Human Studies 34, no. 3 (August 26, 2011): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10746-011-9191-z.

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Gifford, L. J. "Conservatism and American Political Development." Journal of American History 98, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar184.

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Basch, N. "American Marriage: A Political Institution." Journal of American History 100, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat141.

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Kaczmarczyk, Michal. "When Philosophy Met Social Psychology." European Journal of Sociology 59, no. 2 (August 2018): 257–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975618000127.

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AbstractThe Polish Peasant in Europe and America is one of the foundational works of American and world sociology, famous for its innovative qualitative methodology. Its authors proposed new theoretical ideas, including a concept of social causality and a new theory of personality combining a biologistic concept of temperament with a culturalist concept of character. Interpreters of the book still disagree about the extent of each author’s actual contribution to the work and about its scientific status in light of modern sociological theories. This article claims that to understand the book one has to take into account the previous intellectual trajectories of both authors. As a theoretical dialogue between representatives of two contrary approaches, the work may serve as an alternative to the supposed theoretical “convergence” offered two decades later by Talcott Parsons.
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Espada, João Carlos. "Edmund Burke and the Anglo-American Tradition of Liberty." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (March 2006): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100009383.

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It is proper for more reasons than the most obvious one that I should open this talk by quoting a former President of the Royal Institute of Philosophy, Lord Quinton, whose works on political philosophy I have so much enjoyed—and learnt from.In a chapter on political philosophy, which he contributed to the Oxford History of Western Philosophy, Lord Quinton says that ‘the effect of the importation of Locke's doctrines in to France was much like that of alcohol in an empty stomach’. In Britain, Lord Quinton adds, Locke's principles ‘served to endorse a largely conservative revolution against absolutist innovation’, whereas in France the importation of Locke's ideas would lead to the radicalism of the French revolution. Why was this so?
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37

Saito, Naoko. "Changing Politics: Thoreau, Dewey and Cavell, and Democracy as a Way of Life." Contemporary Pragmatism 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-01502001.

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This paper reconsiders the meaning of political action by way of a dialogue between Dewey, Thoreau, and Cavell. These philosophers demonstrate possibilities of political engagement and participation. Especially in response to the psychological and emotional dimensions of political crisis today, I shall claim that American philosophy can demonstrate something beyond problem-solving as conventionally understood in politics and that it has the potential to re-place philosophy in such a manner that politics itself is changed. First, I shall draw a contrast between the ways of political action demonstrated respectively by Dewey and Thoreau. Some points of divergence are revealed within American philosophy. I shall then explore the partially different sense of political action implied by Cavell’s ordinary language philosophy, identifying this as the politics of acknowledgment. Finally, I shall propose the idea of challenging inclusion as an alternative political education for human transformation, taking this as a key to changing politics.
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38

Eduardo Mendieta. "Latin American Philosophy as Metaphilosophy." CR: The New Centennial Review 7, no. 3 (2008): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncr.0.0004.

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39

Ma, Lin. "Cosmo-nationalism: American, French and German philosophy." Contemporary Political Theory 19, S2 (January 1, 2019): 130–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-018-00303-x.

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40

Adefarasin, Victor. "Lockean Political Philosophy And Its Implications For Nigerian Politics." Oguaa Journal of Religion and Human Values 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ojorhv.v6i1.331.

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The political ideas of John Locke have greatly influenced the modern world. His political ideas have actually given to the modern world the concepts of constitutional government, religious toleration, representative institutions, the freedom of individual and private property. In addition, the philosophical theories are embedded in the American and British Constitutions. It is against this background that Lockean political philosophy and its implications for Nigerian politics are discussed in this paper. The paper concludes that Lockean Political Philosophy is of vital importance to Nigerian politics.
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41

SUGANAMI, HIDEMI. "On Wendt's philosophy: a critique." Review of International Studies 28, no. 1 (January 2002): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502000232.

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This article subjects to a close philosophical scrutiny the internal logic of Wendt's extensive argument regarding his work's location in the field—in particular, how it relates to, and differs from, the American ‘rationalist’ orthodoxy in IR, comprising neorealism and neoliberalism. I argue that his empirical hypotheses regarding collective identity formation are plausible in their own right, but that his complex philosophical argumentation, by means of which he tries to locate his work within the American scientific orthodoxy, but away from its individualist core, is unconvincing.
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42

Hickey, Jeremiah P. "On Philosophy in American Law." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 13, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 751–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41940518.

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43

DeHart, Paul R. "Whose Social Contract?" Catholic Social Science Review 26 (2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20212617.

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Many scholars view political contractarianism as a distinctly modern account of the foundations of political order. Ideas such as popular sovereignty, the right of revolution, the necessity of the consent of the governed for rightful political authority, natural equality, and a pre-civil state of nature embody the modern rupture with classical political philosophy and traditional Christian theology. At the headwaters of this modern revolution stands Thomas Hobbes. Since the American founders subscribed to the social contract theory, they are often said to reject classical political philosophy and traditional Christian political theology as well. In America on Trial, Robert Reilly rejects the usual argument. He maintains that the building blocks of the American founding originate in medieval Christian political theology. In this essay, I argue that a morally and metaphysically realist contractarian tradition—one that affirms natural equality, the authority of the society over government, the necessity of consent for legitimate government, the right to resist tyrannical rulers, and the idea of a pre-civil state of nature—predates Hobbes and also that the voluntarist contractarian tradition inaugurated by Hobbes is self-referentially incoherent. A coherent political contractarianism logicially depends on the sort of metaphysics and moral ontology Hobbes rejects.
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44

Shevory, Thomas. "Likely Stories: Essays on Political Philosophy and Contemporary American Literature.Ethan Fishman." Journal of Politics 54, no. 2 (May 1992): 609–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2132052.

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45

Lasseter, Victor K., and Catherine H. Zuckert. "Natural Right and the American Imagination: Political Philosophy in Novel Form." American Literature 63, no. 4 (December 1991): 775. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2926905.

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46

Dimock, Wai-chee, and Catherine H. Zuckert. "Natural Right and the American Imagination: Political Philosophy in Novel Form." Journal of American History 78, no. 1 (June 1991): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078157.

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47

Forrester, Katrina. "The problem of the future in postwar Anglo-American political philosophy." Climatic Change 151, no. 1 (August 29, 2016): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10584-016-1783-1.

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48

Longmore, Paul K. "“Good English without Idiom or Tone”: The Colonial Origins of American Speech." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 4 (April 2007): 513–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.4.513.

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The interplay between modes of speech and the demographical, geographical, social, and political history of Britain's North American colonies of settlement influenced the linguistic evolution of colonial English speech. By the early to mid-eighteenth century, regional varieties of English emerged that were not only regionally comprehensible but perceived by many observers as homogeneous in contrast to the deep dialectical differences in Britain. Many commentators also declared that Anglophone colonial speech matched metropolitan standard English. As a result, British colonials in North America possessed a national language well before they became “Americans.” This shared manner of speech inadvertently helped to prepare them for independent American nation-hood.
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49

Rock-Singer, Cara. "A Prophetic Guide for a Perplexed World: Louis Finkelstein and the 1940 Conference on Science, Philosophy, and Religion." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 2 (2019): 179–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.2.

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ABSTRACTThis article traces negotiations over the epistemic, ethical, and political authority of Judaism, Protestantism, Catholicism, and science in mid-twentieth-century America. Specifically, it examines how the president of the Jewish Theological Seminary, Rabbi Dr. Louis Finkelstein, led a diverse group of intellectual elites as they planned and convened the 1940 Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion in Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life (CSPR). Based on the conference's transcripts, proceedings, and papers, in addition to Finkelstein's writings from the period, this article shows how Finkelstein used his vision of the Jewish tradition as a model to form a pluralistic intellectual space that brought together the representatives of multiple religious traditions and modern science. To accredit the American way of life to Judaism, Finkelstein traced America's ethical values, democratic politics, and scientific genius back to the Hebrew Prophets through Rabbinic Judaism. In response to Finkelstein's historiography and the political and ideological challenges of World War II, scientific and religious experts negotiated their authority and debated how to mobilize their traditions in a quest for political stability. By analyzing the CSPR as a meeting of multiple discourses, this article reinstates science as a fundamental player in the story of American pluralism and demonstrates the way a non-Protestant tradition shaped the terms of an elite public's understanding of the “democratic way of life.”
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50

Espada, João Carlos. "Edmund Burke and the Anglo-American Tradition of Liberty." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (May 2006): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246106058115.

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It is proper for more reasons than the most obvious one that I should open this talk by quoting a former President of the Royal Institute of Philosophy, Lord Quinton, whose works on political philosophy I have so much enjoyed—and learnt from.
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