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1

Curtis, Myra. "American Office Management." Public Administration 10, no. 2 (April 3, 2007): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1932.tb02361.x.

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Matallana, Andrea. "BUILDING ART DIPLOMACY: THE CASE OF CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN ART EXHIBITION IN LATIN AMERICA, 1941." ShodhKosh: Journal of Visual and Performing Arts 3, no. 2 (October 20, 2022): 272–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/shodhkosh.v3.i2.2022.172.

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This article analyzes the construction of the visual narrative expressed in the exhibition Contemporary North American Painting in 1941. During the II World War, the U.S. government recovered the initiative to build a strong tight with Latin American countries by relaunching the Good Neighbor Policy. Cultural diplomacy was an important branch of this policy. With the purpose of winning friends in the continent, the government created the Office of Inter-American Affairs, led by Nelson Rockefeller, and he sent artists, intellectuals, and exhibitions to make North America known in the other Americas. The Contemporary North American Painting projected an image of the United States as a modern and industrialized society to South Americans. This narrative was one of the devices developed by the U.S. government as part of the soft diplomacy carried out in the 1940s.In this article, we delve into the construction of the visual narrative about the U.S as part of the Good Neighbor exhibition complex, and we will analyze how the exhibition process was thought of as part of representational and ideological machinery.The article was based on reading, analysis, and cataloging of primary sources. The sources were letters, catalogs, photos, and notes from the main characters of the Office of Inter-American Affairs. Likewise, the exhibited works of art were operationalized.
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3

King, Desmond. "Forceful Federalism against American Racial Inequality." Government and Opposition 52, no. 2 (January 16, 2017): 356–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.52.

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Why, many Americans rightly ask, can material racial inequality and widespread segregation still persist 50 years after the enactment of key civil rights legislation and eight years after the election of an African American to the nation’s highest office? Many from outside the US pose similar questions about modern America. The explanation, I argue, lies with inconsistent and fluctuating levels of federal engagement to building material racial equality. National engagement fluctuates because it is energetically resisted and challenged by opponents of racial progress. This vulnerability to disruption is exposed by varying strategies of resistance, some fiscal, some violent, some judicial, some desultory and some combining violent protest against change with local electoral triumphs for anti-reformers. Public resistance to employing national resources to reduce inequality encouraged a de-racialization strategy amongst many African American candidates for elected office who opt to de-emphasize issues of racial inequality in campaigns and in office. Whatever the means, the effect is uniform: the slowing down or outright death of federal civil rights activism.
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4

Armstrong, R. D. "North American Editorial Office." Electrochimica Acta 31, no. 11 (November 1986): 1357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0013-4686(86)87045-1.

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5

McKinnon, Susan. "The American Eugenics Record Office." Social Analysis 65, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2021.650402.

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In the first decades of the twentieth century, American researchers at the Eugenics Record Office utilized a theoretical framework that combined humoral and Mendelian principles of inheritance to measure, trace, and predict the intergenerational transmission of an expansive net of morally charged heritable traits. Their reductive understanding of Mendelian principles—guided by class- and race-based prejudices—allowed them to paint a portrait of a nation that was bifurcated by ‘good’ and ‘bad’ strains of the population and threatened by the presence of ‘degenerate families’. This article examines the theoretical and methodological strategies and the technologies of display and ‘scientific’ legitimization that brought into being the category of ‘degenerate families’ and provided the justification for social policies that controlled marriage, limited immigration, and sterilized tens of thousands of Americans.
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Przygoda, Zuzanna, and Miroslaw Przygoda. "Naturalised United States Citizens and Presidency – Why Naturalised Citizens Should Be Allowed to Run for President." Journal of International Business Research and Marketing 6, no. 2 (2021): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/jibrm.1849-8558.2015.62.3003.

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The United States of America is currently undeniably the world’s greatest economic and military superpower. This position allows US political leaders to fundamentally and decisively influence affairs the world over, as well as on the national level – because of the United States’ presidential system, the person chosen for the position is responsible, by their leadership abilities, personality and determination, for the fates of millions of their compatriots. However, the Constitution allows the office of the President to be held by a given person for a maximum of two 4-year terms – and only by a so-called natural-born citizen. This bars a large portion of citizens access from this highest of offices, most notably first generation naturalised immigrants. The American people are intimately attached to the principles of democracy, which is considered one of the defining pillars of the American nation. For this reason, the viability of that particular constitutional record has been debated for many years, as it fundamentally limits the rights of some Americans.
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Adelman, Joseph M. "“A Constitutional Conveyance of Intelligence, Public and Private”: The Post Office, the Business of Printing, and the American Revolution." Enterprise & Society 11, no. 4 (December 2010): 709–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700009514.

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This essay argues that American printers motivated by a deep commercial interest in fast and effective communication worked to overturn the British imperial postal service in 1774 and 1775. Printers enlisted merchants and members of the revolutionary elite, who also relied on long-distance communication through the post office for their own commercial and political purposes, to provide financial and political support. In making their case, printers mobilized a broad array of political ideology and imagery already familiar to colonists during the decade-long imperial crisis, emphasizing the political necessity of replacing the imperial institution. At the same time, they uncontroversially asserted that a new American post office would safeguard their precarious commercial ventures. The essay therefore demonstrates that printers were not “mere mechanics” but actively shaped the political debates leading to the American Revolution as part of a process that scholars have recently highlighted in a work on the economic and commercial influences on the Revolution. Furthermore, it grants the post office its due as part of the Habermasian public sphere; although understudied, the post office—both as a physical space and as a network through which information could travel—was a crucial means by which Americans developed a national infrastructure for political communications. Exploring the overthrow of the British post office, and the creation of an American post office, reveals an understudied but crucial episode to explain the symbiosis between politics and commerce during the American Revolutionary era.
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8

Hochstetler, Kathryn, and Margaret E. Edwards. "Failed Presidencies: Identifying and Explaining a South American Anomaly." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 2 (August 2009): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100202.

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Are presidential democracies inherently unstable and prone to breakdown? Recent work on Latin America suggests that the region has seen the emergence of a new kind of instability, where individual presidents do not manage to stay in office to the end of their terms, but the regime itself continues. This article places the Latin American experiences in a global context, and finds that the Latin American literature helps to predict the fates of presidents in other regions. The first stage of a selection model shows that presidents who are personally corrupt and preside over economic decline in contexts where democracy is paired with lower levels of GDP/capita are more likely to face challenges to their remaining in office for their entire terms. For the challenged presidents in this set, the risk of early termination increases when they use lethal force against their challengers, but decreases if they are corrupt. These factors help account for the disproportionately large number of South American presidents who have actually been forced from office, the “South American anomaly” of the title.
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9

Cooke, B. A. "Opening of the American editorial office." Molecular and Cellular Endocrinology 43, no. 1 (November 1985): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0303-7207(85)90035-8.

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Rosa-Lugo, Linda I., Silvia Martinez, Gloria Weddington, and Lily Waterston. "ASHA-PAHO Collaboration: Addressing Communication Disorders Across Three Countries." Perspectives on Global Issues in Communication Sciences and Related Disorders 5, no. 2 (October 2015): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/gics5.2.56.

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This article will focus on the work, challenges, and experiences of three American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA) Ad Hoc Committees that are collaborating in a project between ASHA and the Pan American Health Organization/Regional Office for the Americas of the World Health Organization (PAHO/WHO), known as the ASHA-PAHO/WHO project. Their charge, to provide technical assistance on educational initiatives and the delivery of high quality speech- language-pathology/audiology services in three of PAHO's priority countries in Latin America, El Salvador, Honduras and Guyana, is being addressed by ASHA professionals as they share their participation in the implementation phase in these three countries.
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Mizuno, Takeya. "Federal Government Uses of the Japanese-Language Press from Pearl Harbor to Mass Incarceration." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 82, no. 1 (March 2005): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900508200110.

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During World War II, federal officials used the Japanese “enemy language” press to pacify Japanese Americans and facilitate mass incarceration. While making efforts to preserve the press as a symbol of American democracy, the Office of Facts and Figures, and later the Office of War Information, sought to use it as a messenger of governmental news and views, as a morale builder among Japanese Americans, and as a defense against Axis propaganda from abroad.
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Cho, Eun-a. "The Strategies of Request in American Drama “The Office”." Journal of Mirae English Language and Literature 27, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46449/mjell.2022.02.27.1.159.

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13

Strom, Jonathan. "How the Priesthood of All Believers Became American." Lutheran Quarterly 37, no. 4 (December 2023): 424–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lut.2023.a911860.

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Abstract: This article examines how the common priesthood or priesthood of all believers emerged from a narrow German Lutheran context and became “Americanized” in the nineteenth century. References to the common priesthood in any of its variations were seldom in early America, and the article traces how Americans in the mid-nineteenth century, especially the church historian Philip Schaff, drew on new understandings of the common priesthood in nineteenth-century Germany propagated by August Neander, among others, and applied it to the American republican context. By the end of the nineteenth century, it had gained wide currency among Protestants in America and would become a key element of American Protestant self-understanding. Lutherans drew on it as well, but many remained ambivalent about broader claims, especially as it might impinge on the authority of the ordained office. In the formulation “the priesthood of all believers,” the common priesthood continues to resonate in the twentieth century among a diverse range of American denominations from peace church Quakers to conservative Evangelicals, although interpretations of it continue to vary widely.
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14

G., J. "All change at our American Editorial Office." Paediatric and Perinatal Epidemiology 15, no. 1 (January 2001): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-3016.2001.00329.x.

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15

DUFOUR, GENEVIÈVE, and PIERRE-LUC MORIN. "Buy America and Buy American: Can Canada Expect a Deal from the Biden Administration?" Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 59 (November 2022): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cyl.2022.24.

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AbstractAfter US President Joe Biden took office, some believed he would take a different path from that of his predecessor and that the Trump years were over. However, one of President Biden’s first moves was to strengthen American protectionism by heightening the United States’s “Buy America” and “Buy American” requirements. With this, the American government procurement market started to close off even more, and Canadian suppliers, in turn, grew worried. Given the United States’s international procurement commitments and the specificity of the Buy American Act and the Buy America Policy, this article explores the pathways to favourable treatment of Canadian suppliers in keeping with applicable international trade rules.
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Michalchuk, Victoria F., Soo-Jeong Lee, Catherine M. Waters, Oi Saeng Hong, and Yoshimi Fukuoka. "Systematic Review of the Influence of Physical Work Environment on Office Workers’ Physical Activity Behavior." Workplace Health & Safety 70, no. 2 (January 11, 2022): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21650799211039439.

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Background Many American workers spend over 7 hours a day at work in primarily sedentary office work. Physical activity is a key aspect of optimizing health and preventing disease; yet, 80% of American adults do not meet the recommended guidelines for physical activity. In this systematic review, the relationship between physical work environment and physical activity among office workers was explored. Methods Of the 321 studies screened, 26 studies met the eligibility criteria and were included for evaluation in this systematic review. Results Of the 26 studies, four were cross-sectional studies, 14 were quasi-experimental studies, and eight were randomized control trials. Physical activity during the workday was measured using self-report surveys and electromechanical devices such as accelerometers. Physical work environments examined by the studies included different types of desks ( n = 16), office arrangements ( n = 5), and building design ( n = 5). In nine studies, office environments and building work environments designed to promote activity using active design principles such as stairs and flexible workspaces were associated with increased physical activity. Sit–stand desks reduced overall sitting time, but had a minimal effect on physical activity. Conclusion/Application to practice Offices and buildings designed for activity had the largest impact on physical activity among office workers. To increase physical activity in office workers, focus should be placed on opportunities to increase incidental movement that can increase physical activity throughout the workday. Occupational health nurses should advocate workspace designs that can increase physical activity in workers.
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Shah, Mudassar Hussain, Muhammad Yaqoub, and Zhang Jingwu. "Post Covid-19 Comparison between Chinese and North American Film Industry: A Systematic Review of the Year 2020 Cinema." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-i).02.

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This article analyzes the Chinese post-Covid-19 cinema and compares it with the developments in North American Cinema. Coronavirus disease has significant detrimental effects on the worldwide film industry, and the annual box office of major film industries has seen a severe decline. This study presents the systematic review of the comparison of Chinese and North American Cinema during the year 2020. In this study, researchers have opted for the deductive approach on secondary source data with the keywords “Post Covid-19 Cinema”, “Chinese Film Culture Industry”, “Hollywood”, “Box Office”, and “Film Academy” on google search and consider all the significant sources in this systematic review. The Findings of the study reveal that China has already overtaken North America as the global most extensive box office crown for the first time, showing that in the post-COVID-19 era, the Chinese film industry is indeed among the first to get back on its feet.
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18

Schlesinger, Joseph A. "The New American Political Party." American Political Science Review 79, no. 4 (December 1985): 1152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956253.

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To understand changes taking place within political parties we must work from a realistic theory, one that accepts these parties as office-seeking coalitions. On that premise I lay out three interacting sets of variables: 1) The structure of political opportunities, or the rules for office seeking and the ways they are treated, and 2) the party system, or the competitive relations among parties, define the expectations of politicians, and thus lead them to create 3) party organizations, or the collective efforts to gain and retain office. Hypotheses derived from the relations among these variables allow us to examine changes in American parties in the twentieth century. They explain why the Progressive era reforms, in tandem with the post-1896 party system, produced an uneven distribution of party organization and weak linkages among candidates and officeholders. The same theory also explains why changes taking place since the 1950s are producing greater organizational effort and stronger partisan links among candidates and officeholders.
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Banta, David. "Health Technology Assessment in Latin America and the Caribbean." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (July 2009): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090710.

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The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), Regional Office of the World Health Organization (WHO) for the Americas, has tried to promote health technology assessment (HTA) in Latin America for 25 years. A certain awareness of HTA developed in several countries because of these efforts. In the late 1990's, there was a strong movement for health reform in Latin America, and HTA became part of that movement. Countries that now are actively institutionalizing HTA include Brazil, Mexico, Chile, and Argentina. Other countries, such as Costa Rica, Colombia, Cuba, Peru, Panamá, Paraguay, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uruguay, are following these trends and some others seem to be moving in this direction within the next few years.
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Barbash, David M. "Equal Employment Opportunity Commission v. Arabian American Oil Co." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 3 (July 1991): 552–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203113.

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Ali Boureslan, a naturalized U.S. citizen of Lebanese descent, was employed by the Arabian American Oil Co. (Aramco) as a cost engineer. Boureslan began his tenure with Aramco in 1979 in its Houston, Texas, office, but a year later he requested and received a transfer to the company’s offices in Saudi Arabia. Boureslan alleged that in the ensuing four years he was the victim of racial and religious harassment from his immediate supervisor. He was finally dismissed on June 16, 1984, for allegedly poor work performance.
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de Goyet, Claude De Ville. "Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Relief Coordination Program of the World Health Organization (Pan American Health Organization, PAHO)." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 1, S1 (1985): 300–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x0004485x.

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The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) has two components: (1) The Pan American Sanitary Bureau (PASB), founded in 1902, serves as the health agency affiliated with the Organization of the American States (OAS); in 1947, the PASB became the Regional office of the World Health Organization for the Americas. (2) The Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Relief Coordination office.In October 1976, the Directing Council of PAHO, “anxious that the international assistance given to countries affected by natural disasters should be better coordinated, rational, and more effective”, requested that the Director set up a “disaster unit with instructions to define the policy of the Organization, to formulate a plan of action for the various types of disasters, to make an inventory of the human and other resources available, to train the necessary personnel, to prepare and disseminate the appropriate guidelines and manuals, and to promote operational research.” In March 1977, a permanent office for Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Relief Coordination was established at PAHO Headquarters in Washington, D.C.
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Horten, Gerd. "“Propaganda Must Be Painless”: Radio Entertainment and Government Propaganda During World War II." Prospects 21 (October 1996): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006591.

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For a jittery radio industry concerned about the future of American broadcasting in the early months after America's entry into World War II, William B. Lewis came as a godsend. As head of the Domestic Radio Division of the Office of Facts and Figures (OFF), and later the Office of War Information (OWI, June 1942), Lewis, a former vicepresident of CBS, reassured the industry that the commercial structure of American radio would remain unchanged. In his first meeting with network executives and radio sponsors and advertisers in January 1942, he outlined his pragmatic approach to radio's war effort. As he argued, “radio is valuable only because of the enormous audiences it has created.” During wartime, his government office planned to use radio's popularity without unnecessarily disrupting radio structure and schedule: “Let's not forget that radio is primarily an entertainment medium, and must continue to be if it is … to deliver the large audiences we want to reach.”
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Dommen, Arthur J., and George W. Dalley. "The OSS in Laos: The 1945 Raven Mission and American Policy." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1991): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000391x.

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In September 1945, the U.S. Office of Strategic Services (OSS) headquarters in Kunming dispatched a mission to Laos. The purpose and composition of the mission were described on the first page of the mission's report as follows:The Raven Mission was put on by OSS in cooperation with AGAS [Air Ground Aid Section], and parachuted near Vientiane, French Indo-China on 16 September 1945 for Prisoner of War relief work. This mission was activated following a request by G-5 SOS. The mission was composed of the following personnel: Major [Aaron] Bank, Mission Leader; Major [Charles] Holland, Executive Officer; Lt. [Alger] Ellis, Asst. Executive Officer; Lt. Phelan, AGAS Representative; Lt. [B. Hugh] Tovar, Reports Officer; Lt. Reese, Reports Officer; T/5 McKowan, Radio Operator; T/5 Blandin, Medic; Lao Trug [Luu], Interpreter.
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Schuermann, Lily, Silvia Martinez, Gloria Weddington, and Linda I. Rosa-Lugo. "Strengthening Relationship between the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA) and the Pan American Health Organization, Regional Office for the Americas of the World Health Organization (PAHO/WHO)." Perspectives on Global Issues in Communication Sciences and Related Disorders 4, no. 2 (September 2014): 75–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/gics4.2.75.

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This article will provide a discussion of the innovative ways ASHA is collaborating with the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to improve the delivery of high quality SLP/A services in three of the most impoverished countries in Latin America, Guyana, El Salvador, and Honduras. The ASHA Board of Directors (BOD) established a Strategic Pathway to Excellence with an objective to “Strengthen Strategic Relationships” by engaging with organizations to support ASHA's mission and expand influence worldwide (ASHA, 2012). One priority was to identify opportunities to collaborate with the World Health Organization (WHO). Therefore, BOD approved a joint collaboration project between ASHA and the PAHO, Regional Office for the Americas of the World Health Organization (PAHO/WHO), known as the ASHA-PAHO/WHO project.
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Strom, Sharon Hartman. "“Light Manufacturing”: The Feminization of American Office Work, 1900–1930." ILR Review 43, no. 1 (October 1989): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904300106.

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This study challenges the impression left by most historical accounts of office work that the feminization of office work was total, inevitable, and somehow “natural.” The author argues that when business machines and rationalized systems of office work came together (around 1900), women were initially chosen to fill many of the new jobs partly because of the long-standing use of women in similarly routinized “light manufacturing”; and they were subsequently hired in ever-greater numbers primarily because the pervasive discrimination that denied them most career opportunities ensured that they would accept low wages. The feminization of office work was not, however, as extensive as the literature generally claims. By using the marriage bar, employers were able to create an office work force segmented by gender, with more prestigious job titles and almost all promotion opportunities reserved for men.
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Yang, Kou. "Becoming American: The Hmong American Experience." Ethnic Studies Review 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2001.24.1.58.

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Hmong Americans, who came from a pre-literate society and rural background, went through many acculturation barriers and have had many successes between the time they first arrived in 1975 and the year 2000. Their first decade was preoccupied with their struggle to overcome cultural shock and acculturation difficulties. The second decade is their turning point to be new Americans, beginning to run for political office, establish business enterprises, achieve in education, and reduce their high rate of unemployment and welfare participation. Hmong Americans in 2000 appeared to have achieved much, yet have some serious challenges still ahead.
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Lester, Neal A. "Curating Identities in the “Other” Office: My “Colored Museum”." Humanities 10, no. 1 (January 23, 2021): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10010019.

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In 1989, I began collecting and populating my university campus office with items reflecting what I knew—from my research, teaching, and lived experience as a Black American—was racist Americana. These items have supplemented my teaching of African American literature and culture for over thirty years, invigorating discussions and breathing life into the texts we study. My collection challenges one of the most esteemed aspects of our profession—alphabet literacy through reading, writing, and books. Embodying past and present, these artifacts are as powerful as books. As my personal traveling library, they go into human spaces in ways books cannot, allowing and inviting viewers’ sensory experiences. Every piece is a story and elicits a range of personal stories, documenting intersectional perspectives on race, gender, sexuality, class, ability, religion, and body size. An exercise in cultural literacy, this collection disrupts mythologies created to restrict and delegitimize the lives of Black people. Challenging my university campus office visitors to confront the reality of me—a Black male faculty member at a predominantly white institution—my collection invites open conversation about race on my terms. My “colored museum” invites all who experience it to reflect on how we experience community building and new meaning making.
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Laslovich, Michael J., and Ronald M. Peters. "The American Speakership: The Office in Historical Perspective." Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078489.

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Cooper, Joseph, and Ronald M. Peters. "The American Speakership: The Office in Historical Perspective." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 3 (1991): 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151753.

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Oxley, Zoe M., and Richard L. Fox. "Women in Executive Office: Variation Across American States." Political Research Quarterly 57, no. 1 (March 2004): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290405700109.

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Oxley, Zoe M., and Richard L. Fox. "Women in Executive Office: Variation across American States." Political Research Quarterly 57, no. 1 (March 2004): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3219838.

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Balmori, Diana. "George B. Post: The Process of Design and the New American Architectural Office (1868-1913)." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 46, no. 4 (December 1, 1987): 342–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990273.

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This article deals with an American architect, George B. Post, and the organization of his office. Post's practice was one of the earliest to be conducted as an office rather than an atelier. It was also the first large architectural practice based on what came to be considered the prototypical American building, the office tower. The article examines the organization of Post's office, the way work was done, the building types designed, and the nature of its clients. It concentrates on the design process of one particular building, the Western Union Telegraph Building in New York, which was pivotal not only for this practice but for American architecture. The Western Union Telegraph Building was an early example of the national corporate headquarters and, if it was not the first skyscraper, then it certainly was its immediate precursor.
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Veru, Peter Theodore. "The French bonds: the little-known bidding war for France's holdings in American debt, 1786–1790." Financial History Review 28, no. 2 (July 15, 2021): 259–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096856502100010x.

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In 1786, the Van Staphorst brothers, America's Dutch investment bank, entered the French office of the Director General of Finance, intent on making an offer for a portion of France's holdings of American bonds. Unknowingly, their offer set off a bidding war that could have ended with poorly capitalized American financial adventurers owing a large portion of bonds which could threaten the fragile health of American credit. At the eleventh hour, the Van Staphorsts conjured up a bold, unprecedented, scheme to persuade the French that it would be unnecessary to sell their American bonds at discounted prices.
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Wu, Jeremy, and Carson Eoyang. "Asian Pacific American Senior Executives in the Federal Government." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 4, no. 1 (2006): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus4.1_39-52_wuetal.

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This article calls attention to the lack of workforce diversity in promoting Asian Pacific Americans to the highest career levels in the federal government. It describes the historic difficulties in realizing significant numbers of APAs in the senior ranks of almost all government agencies. Two major reports from the General Accounting Office (GAO) corroborate this view and depict the pessimistic prospects for any significant improvement in the immediate future. It is urged that there be prompt implementation of the recommendations from the GAO, that specific agency plans and actions be established and monitored, that Congress continue to exercise close oversight regarding federal workforce diversity, and that Office of Personnel Management (OPM) collect and disseminate timely, accurate workforce demographics so that all agencies can be held accountable to the American public.
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Heller, Thomas Allan. "How the Use of Fees, Fines and Bail Have Been Used to Criminalize Poverty: Can Reforms Help Put the Genie Back in the Bottle?" LeXonomica 16, no. 1 (June 27, 2024): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/lexonomica.16.1.1-44.2024.

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The rallying cry of many American politicians is Law and Order. This tactic wins votes. As a result of its Wars on Crime, Drugs, and the Impoverished, America has the highest rate of incarceration in the world. This article explores how, over the past few decades, politicians have charged criminal defendants every imaginable fee and fine as they wind their way through the criminal justice system in order to fund the massive prison complex that the politicians do not want to tax Americans for. These tactics have criminalized poverty, as they disproportionately impact the most marginalized in American society. These abusive and unfair tactics have drawn scrutiny from policymakers in recent years, including the American Bar Association, which adopted stringent guidelines to help inform policymakers of this critical problem in an effort to reign in the abusive use of fees and fines. The paper discusses recent reforms, many at the urging of the Department of Justice, Office for Access to Justice, in conjunction with the ABA. It discusses the main Supreme Court cases that considered the Excessive Fines Clause of the Eighth Amendment.
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Lewandowski, Tadeusz. "Marie Baldwin, Racism, and the Society of American Indians." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 44, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.44.1.lewandowski.

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The French/Ojibwa lawyer, activist, and Office of Indian Affairs employee, Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin (1863–1952), often receives mention in scholarly works on the Society of American Indians (SAI). Very few, however, have examined her contributions in detail. Only one article focusing exclusively on Baldwin has ever been published. Cathleen D. Cahill’s flattering portrait depicts Baldwin as a devoted suffragette and leading SAI figure who, in her roles as cofounder and treasurer, promoted the cause of Indian rights and her own Ojibwa values concerning women’s equality. Cahill explains Baldwin’s sudden exit from the SAI as a result of attacks by male, anti-Indian Office “radicals” who condemned her as disloyal for holding a government post, such as Carlos Montezuma (Yavapai) and Philip Gordon (Ojibwa). Closer inspection of the SAI’s conference proceedings and epistolary record reveals a very different story. In providing the first full account of Baldwin’s involvement in intertribal activism, this essay counters Cahill’s inaccurate interpretation of Baldwin’s withdrawal from the society, and, more importantly, examines Baldwin’s underreported, yet openly racist campaign among key SAI members to ban African Americans from the Indian Service. Baldwin’s incendiary statements on race offers a point of departure for further study of how the Society of American Indians viewed African Americans during the Progressive era’s intense segregation and prevailing social Darwinist theories of race.
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Lee, Jivianne T., John DelGaudio, and Richard R. Orlandi. "Practice Patterns in Office-Based Rhinology: Survey of the American Rhinologic Society." American Journal of Rhinology & Allergy 33, no. 1 (October 11, 2018): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1945892418804904.

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Background Recent years have witnessed significant expansion in office-based rhinology. This study assesses practice patterns of the American Rhinologic Society (ARS) membership regarding office-based rhinologic procedures. Methods A 24-item survey was disseminated to the ARS membership from March 15 to May 31, 2016. Results A total of 157 physicians (11.9%) completed the survey. Office-based rhinologic procedures were performed by 99% of respondents, with sinonasal debridements (99%), polypectomy (77%), and balloon sinus ostial dilation (56%) being the most common. During a typical month, the number of sinonasal debridements was 0–10 in 23%, 11–20 in 34%, 21–30 in 26%, and >30 in 18%. For polypectomy, 57% of the respondents utilized a microdebrider (reusable electric—24%, disposable vacuum-powered—21%, and both—12%), 36% endoscopic forceps, and 7% a combination of both. With respect to balloon ostial dilation, the frontal sinuses were the most frequently addressed (53%) followed by the maxillary (46%) and sphenoid (39%) sinuses. In-office ethmoidectomies, antrostomies, sphenoidotomies, and frontal sinusotomies without the use of the balloon were performed by 35%, 31%, 24%, and 21% of the respondents, respectively. Thirty percent of respondents used steroid-eluting sinus implants and 10% used computer-assisted surgical navigation in the office setting. Overall, 63% of respondents reported that the number of office-based rhinologic procedures they performed had increased over the last 5 years. Conclusions The present study illustrates the integration of office procedures into rhinologic clinical practice among ARS survey respondents. With ongoing technologic innovations, the scope of office-based rhinology will likely continue to expand in the years to come.
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Mejía-Guinand, Luis Bernardo, Felipe Botero, and Angélica Solano. "Agency Loss and the Strategic Redesign of the Presidential Office in Colombia." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 3 (May 23, 2018): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.26.

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AbstractPresidents rely on their trusted advisers to collect, analyze, coordinate, and present information in a timely fashion. However, Latin American presidents often fail to form majority governments and must use cabinet appointments to secure legislative coalitions to pursue their policies. This article suggests that presidents strategically redesign their executive offices to address the ministry drift. Presidents who can transform the organizations attached to their executive office have additional tools to monitor their ministers’ flexibility. The article argues that the greater the number of ministers in the cabinet from parties different from the president’s, the greater the transformations to the presidential office. Using time-series analysis, hypotheses are tested with an original dataset of organizational changes to the presidential center in Colombia, 1967–2015. The findings indicate that the percentage of ministers from other parties is a good predictor of the transformations undertaken in the executive office of the president.
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DE MORAES, ISAIAS ALBERTIN. "Política e cinema na era da Boa Vizinhança (1933-1945) * Policy and cinema at the age of the Good Neighbor (1933-1945)." História e Cultura 4, no. 1 (March 6, 2015): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v4i1.1487.

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<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo apresenta uma análise histórica da Política Externa de Boa Vizinhança para América Latina, particularmente no Brasil, e de sua principal instituição o Office of the coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), destacando sua divisão de cinema, a Motion Picture Division (MPD)<em>. </em>Essas instituições são analisadas pelo enfoque teórico dos construtivistas modernistas-linguistas. Assim, o texto busca destacar a importância da construção de uma infraestrutura física, discursiva e humana com habilidade para selecionar, organizar, regular e redistribuir os discursos enunciados pela Política Externa de Boa Vizinhança no setor da indústria cinematográfica.<em></em></p><p><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>Política Externa de Boa Vizinhança; Office of the coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; Motion Picture Division. </p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper presents a historical analysis of the <em>Good Neighbor</em><em> </em>Policy for Latin America, particularly in Brazil, and its main institution the Office of the coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), focusing on its film department, the Motion Picture Division (MPD). These institutions are analyzed by the theoretical approach of modernist linguists constructivists. So this text sought to highlight the importance of building a physical infrastructure, discursive and human with the ability to select, organize, regulate and redistribute the speeches set out by the Good Neighbor Policy in the film industry sector.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong><em>Good Neighbor</em><em> </em>Policy; Office of the coordinator of Inter-American Affairs<em>; </em>Motion Picture Division.</p>
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40

Cordero, Guillermo, Juan Carlos Triviño-Salazar, Soledad Escobar, and Santiago Pérez-Nievas. "Representing the People: Latin American Councilors and Their Pathway to Power and Political Representation in Spain." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (March 17, 2021): 1251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996747.

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Latin Americans are one of the most relevant migrant minorities in Spain. In this article, we analyze their political representation at the local level by describing how councilors of Latin American councilors perceive three stages on their “pathway to power”: the selection method most frequently used by them to become electoral candidates, their ranking as candidates in the Spanish closed and blocked lists system, and their view of political representation once in office. The article contributes to a better understanding of the political incorporation of sizable minority groups in politics in recent immigration countries by implementing a mixed method strategy with survey data and in-depth interviews. The results show how candidates of Latin American origin are included in electoral lists following more participative ways of internal selection than their native-born counterparts, who are more frequently appointed by a party leader. Despite this, those who eventually get elected perceive that they have been ranked in “unsafe positions” of the electoral lists, and therefore with no guarantee of being appointed. Interestingly, once in office, councilors of Latin Americans perceive that they represent immigrants to a lesser degree, compared with their native-born counterparts.
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Bastian, Robert W. "Tall Office Buildings in Small American Cities 1923-1931." Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography 75, no. 1 (1993): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/490605.

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42

Myerson, Jeremy. "Open Plan: A Design History of the American Office." Design Issues 38, no. 2 (2022): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/desi_r_00684.

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Bastian, Robert W. "Tall Office Buildings in Small American Cities 1923–1931." Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 75, no. 1 (April 1993): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04353684.1993.11879648.

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44

Ramirez, Jacobo, and Anne-Marie Søderberg. "Recontextualizing Scandinavian practices in a Latin American regional office." Management Research: Journal of the Iberoamerican Academy of Management 18, no. 1 (August 24, 2019): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mrjiam-12-2018-0895.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore how Danish and Mexican communication and management practices are recontextualized at the Latin American office of a Scandinavian multinational corporation (MNC) located in Mexico. Design/methodology/approach A case study based on interviews, observations and company documents was conducted. Findings Well-educated Mexican middle managers appreciate the participative communication and management practices of Scandinavian MNCs, which transcend most experiences at local workplaces, but their interpretations and meaning system are influenced by the colonial legacy and political and socioeconomic context framing their working conditions. Originality/value This paper provides a contextualized analysis of a rich case study to further illustrate the challenges faced by MNCs in their quest to establish a regional office in a Latin American context and offers a theoretical model of the elements involved in complex recontextualization processes.
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45

Bernhard, Jeffrey D. "Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology editorial office." Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology 49, no. 6 (December 2003): 1028. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0190-9622(03)04010-6.

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Bernhard, Jeffrey D. "Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology Editorial Office." Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology 50, no. 6 (June 2004): 853. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0190-9622(04)01011-4.

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CROOK, WILLIAM G. "Pediatricians, Antibiotics, and Office Practice." Pediatrics 76, no. 1 (July 1, 1985): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.76.1.139b.

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To the Editor.— In his letter, "Pediatricians, Antibiotics, and Office Practice," Disney discussed a telephone conference dealing with the choice and use of antibiotics.1 Seven pediatricians participated. Disney, past president of the American Board of Pediatrics was "astonished" and "alarmed" at the methods that certified pediatricians in practice were using to select antibiotics. He was especially concerned that laboratory studies were little used and that "They (the pediatricians) mostly stated that either the drug was picked at random or was selected by the doctor's preference for one drug or another chosen on the basis of available samples or side effects...."
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48

Niven, David. "Can Republican African Americans Win African American Votes? A Field Experiment." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 5 (April 5, 2017): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717701432.

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In the face of its 2012 defeat and looming demographic trends that did not bode well for the party’s future presidential candidates, the Republican National Committee officially declared its intention to recruit more African American candidates for office. But will fielding more African American candidates likely attract more African American votes for Republicans? Here, I employ a field experiment using real candidates and real votes cast in two down-ballot races featuring African American Republican candidates. Among voters who received mailings highlighting both race and party, African American voters responded primarily to party, in the process largely rejecting these two candidates. By contrast, African American voters responded more favorably when they learned the race, but not the party, of these candidates. The results here suggest something of a self-affirming political preference order in which African Americans felt affirmed by voting for a fellow African American, but only when they did not see that candidate as conflicting with a more central aspect of their political identity.
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Schmidt, Laura. "Hungarian vs. American mediators and how to make communities more resilient." Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 8, no. 3 (September 14, 2023): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.327.

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Restorative justice practices are used in a wide array of criminal offence cases globally as it puts the need of victims and the community at the centre of the proceedings and focuses on repair and rehabilitation rather than judgement and punishment. This study focuses on the different experiences of mediators in Hungary and in Bloomington, Indiana, United States. Two local government offices in Hungary and a non-profit organization, called Community Justice and Mediation Center (CJAM) were selected for this study. Six Hungarian and five American mediators from the local government offices and CJAM were interviewed in person and online. Analyzing the interviews, we find that there are fundamental differences between the definitions, legislation, and the practices used in the two jurisdictions. The training of mediators is found to be similar in both countries but the way restorative practices are used is different. The system in Bloomington allows the process to be more flexible whilst in Hungary, the high caseloads and strict timeframes of the prosecutor’s office demand that cases be very quick and efficient. This is likely the reason why at CJAM, co-mediation is the norm, with at least two but sometimes three or four facilitators working on a case, while in Hungary co-mediation only happens in the most complex cases. However, it is apparent that the goal of mediation and restorative justice meetings is the same in both Hungary and Bloomington: to repair the harms and to help build a better community.
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Hayashi, Brian Masaru. "“Frank Knox’s Fifth Column in Hawai’i: The U.S. Navy, the Japanese, and the Pearl Harbor Attack”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 142–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02702003.

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Secretary of Navy Frank Knox declared a week after Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor that fifth columnist activities were partly responsible for the success of Imperial Japanese forces. Who and what he meant when he used the phrase “fifth columnist activities” is subject to debate. Most assume he was referring to all Japanese Americans or Japanese nationals residing in Hawai’i. But this essay, based on Knox’s personal correspondence, supplemented with the Pearl Harbor Attack hearings’ published reports, Judge Advocate General records, and the 14th Naval District Intelligence Officer reports, finds that Knox was referring to the Japanese Consul-General Office and a small handful of Japanese American assistants who voluntarily carried out the task of keeping the U.S. Fleet and military installations under surveillance, thereby contributing to the success of the Imperial Japanese attack.
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