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1
Musalo, Karen, and Eunice Lee. "Seeking a Rational Approach to a Regional Refugee Crisis: Lessons from the Summer 2014 “Surge” of Central American Women and Children at the US-Mexico Border." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 1 (March 2017): 137–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500108.
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Executive Summary2 In the early summer months of 2014, an increasing number of Central American children alone and with their parents began arriving at the US-Mexico border in search of safety and protection. The children and families by and large came from the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala — three of the most dangerous countries in the world — to seek asylum and other humanitarian relief. Rampant violence and persecution within homes and communities, uncontrolled and unchecked by state authorities, compelled them to flee north for their lives. On the scale of refugee crises worldwide, the numbers were not huge. For example, 24,481 and 38,833 unaccompanied children, respectively, were apprehended by US Border Patrol (USBP) in FY 2012 and FY 2013, while 68,631 children were apprehended in FY 2014 alone (USBP 2016a). In addition, apprehensions of “family units,” or parents (primarily mothers) with children, also increased, from 15,056 families in FY 2013 to 68,684 in FY 2014 (USBP 2016b).3 While these numbers may seem large and did represent a significant increase over prior years, they are nonetheless dwarfed by refugee inflows elsewhere; for example, Turkey was host to 1.15 million Syrian refugees by year end 2014 (UNHCR 2015a), and to 2.5 million by year end 2015 (UNHCR 2016) — reflecting an influx of almost 1.5 million refugees in the course of a single year. Nevertheless, small though they are in comparison, the numbers of Central American women and children seeking asylum at our southern border, concentrated in the summer months of 2014, did reflect a jump from prior years. These increases drew heightened media attention, and both news outlets and official US government statements termed the flow a “surge” and a “crisis” (e.g., Basu 2014; Foley 2014; Negroponte 2014). The sense of crisis was heightened by the lack of preparedness by the federal government, in particular, to process and provide proper custody arrangements for unaccompanied children as required by federal law. Images of children crowded shoulder to shoulder in US Customs and Border Protection holding cells generated a sense of urgency across the political spectrum (e.g., Fraser-Chanpong 2014; Tobias 2014). Responses to this “surge,” and explanations for it, varied widely in policy, media, and government circles. Two competing narratives emerged, rooted in two very disparate views of the “crisis.” One argues that “push” factors in the home countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala drove children and families to flee as bona fide asylum seekers; the other asserted that “pull” factors drew these individuals to the United States. For those adopting the “push” factor outlook, the crisis is a humanitarian one, reflecting human rights violations and deprivations in the region, and the protection needs of refugees (UNHCR 2015b; UNHCR 2014; Musalo et al. 2015). While acknowledging that reasons for migration may be mixed, this view recognizes the seriousness of regional refugee protection needs. For those focusing on “pull” factors, the crisis has its roots in border enforcement policies that were perceived as lax by potential migrants, and that thereby acted as an inducement to migration (Harding 2014; Navarette, Jr. 2014). Each narrative, in turn, suggests a very different response to the influx of women and children at US borders. If “push” factors predominately drive migration, then protective policies in accordance with international and domestic legal obligations toward refugees must predominately inform US reaction. Even apart from the legal and moral rightness of this approach, any long-term goal of lowering the number of Central American migrants at the US-Mexico border, practically speaking, would have to address the root causes of violence in their home countries. On the other hand, if “pull” factors are granted greater causal weight, it would seem that stringent enforcement policies that make coming to the US less attractive and profitable would be a more effective deterrent. In that latter case, tactics imposing human costs on migrants, such as detention, speedy return, or other harsh or cursory treatment — while perhaps not morally justified —would at least make logical sense. Immediately upon the summer influx of 2014, the Obama administration unequivocally adopted the “pull” factor narrative and enacted a spate of hostile deterrence-based policies as a result. In July 2014, President Obama asked Congress to appropriate $3.7 billion in emergency funds to address the influx of Central American women and children crossing the border (Cohen 2014). The majority of funding focused on heightened enforcement at the border — including funding for 6,300 new beds to detain families (LIRS and WRC 2014, 5). The budget also included, in yet another demonstration of a “pull”-factor-based deterrence approach, money for State Department officials to counter the supposed “misinformation” spreading in Central America regarding the possibility of obtaining legal status in the United States. The US government also funded and encouraged the governments of Mexico, Guatemala, and Honduras to turn around Central American asylum seekers before they ever could reach US border (Frelick, Kysel, and Podkul 2016). Each of these policies, among other harsh practices, continues to the present day. But, by and large they have not had a deterrent effect. Although the numbers of unaccompanied children and mothers with children dropped in early 2015, the numbers began climbing again in late 2015 and remained high through 2016, exceeding in August and September 2015 the unaccompanied child and “family unit” apprehension figures for those same months in 2014 (USBP 2016a; USBP 2016b). Moreover, that temporary drop in early 2015 likely reflects US interdiction policies rather than any “deterrent” effect of harsh policies at or within US own borders, as the drop in numbers of Central American women and children arriving at the US border in the early months of 2015 corresponded largely with a spike in deportations by Mexico (WOLA 2015). In all events, in 2015, UNCHR found that the number of individuals from the Northern Triangle requesting asylum in Mexico, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama had increased 13-fold since 2008 (UNCHR 2015b). Thus, the Obama administration's harsh policies did not, in fact, deter Central American women and children from attempting to flee their countries. This, we argue, is because the “push” factor narrative is the correct one. The crisis we face is accordingly humanitarian in nature and regional in scope — and the migrant “surge” is undoubtedly a refugee flow. By refusing to acknowledge and address the reality of the violence and persecution in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, the US government has failed to lessen the refugee crisis in its own region. Nor do its actions comport with its domestic and international legal obligations towards refugees. This article proceeds in four parts. In the first section, we examine and critique the administration's “pull”-factor-based policies during and after the 2014 summer surge, in particular through the expansion of family detention, accelerated procedures, raids, and interdiction. In section two, we look to the true “push” factors behind the migration surge — namely, societal violence, violence in the home, and poverty and exclusion in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Our analysis here includes an overview of the United States' responsibility for creating present conditions in these countries via decades of misguided foreign policy interventions. Our penultimate section explores the ways in which our current deterrence-based policies echo missteps of our past, particularly through constructive refoulement and the denial of protection to legitimate refugees. Finally, we conclude by offering recommendations to the US government for a more effective approach to the influx of Central American women and children at our border, one that addresses the real reasons for their flight and that furthers a sustainable solution consistent with US and international legal obligations and moral principles. Our overarching recommendation is that the US government immediately recognize the humanitarian crisis occurring in the Northern Triangle countries and the legitimate need of individuals from these countries for refugee protection. Flowing from that core recommendation are additional suggested measures, including the immediate cessation of hostile, deterrence-based policies such as raids, family detention, and interdiction; adherence to proper interpretations of asylum and refugee law; increased funding for long-term solutions to violence and poverty in these countries, and curtailment of funding for enforcement; and temporary measures to ensure that no refugees are returned to persecution in these countries.
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Scribner, Todd. "You are Not Welcome Here Anymore: Restoring Support for Refugee Resettlement in the Age of Trump." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500203.
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After descending an escalator of his hotel at Central Park West on a June day in 2015, Donald Trump ascended a podium and proceeded to accuse Mexico of “sending people that have lots of problems, and they're bringing those problems with us (sic). They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists” (Time 2015). It was a moment that marked the launch of his bid for president of the United States. From that point forward, Trump made immigration restriction one of the centerpieces of his campaign. Paired with an economically populist message, the nativist rhetoric shaped a narrative that helped launch him to the White House. His effectiveness partly lay in his ability to understand and exploit preexisting insecurities, partly in his outsider status, and partly in his willingness to tap into apparently widespread public sentiment that is uneasy with, if not overtly hostile to, migrants. This paper will try to make sense of the restrictionist logic that informs the Trump administration's worldview, alongside some of the underlying cultural, philosophical, and political conditions that inspired support for Trump by millions of Americans. This paper contends that the Clash of Civilizations (CoC) paradigm is a useful lens to help understand the positions that President Trump has taken with respect to international affairs broadly, and specifically in his approach to migration policy. This paradigm, originally coined by the historian Bernard Lewis but popularized by the political theorist Samuel Huntington (Hirsh 2016), provides a conceptual framework for understanding international relations following the end of the Cold War. It is a framework that emphasizes the importance of culture, rather than political ideology, as the primary fault line along which future conflicts will occur. Whether Trump ever consciously embraced such a framework in the early days of his candidacy is doubtful. He has been candid about the fact that he has never spent much time reading and generally responds to problems on instinct and “common sense” rather than a conceptually defined worldview developed by academics and intellectuals (Fisher 2016). Nevertheless, during the presidential campaign, and continuing after his victory, Trump surrounded himself with high-level advisers, political appointees, and staff who, if they have nothing else in common, embrace something roughly akin to the Clash of Civilizations perspective (Ashford 2016).2 The paper will focus primarily on Trump's approach to refugee resettlement. One might think that refugees would elicit an almost knee-jerk sympathy given the tragic circumstances that drove their migration, but perceptions of refugees are often tied up with geopolitical considerations and domestic political realities. Following 9/11, the threat of Islamic-inspired terrorism emerged as a national security priority. With the onset of the Syrian Civil War and the significant refugee crisis that ensued in its wake, paired with some high-profile terrorist attacks in the United States and Europe, the “Islamic threat” became even more pronounced. The perception that Islamic-inspired terrorism is a real and imminent threat has contributed to a growing antagonism toward the resettlement of refugees, and particularly Muslims. When viewed through the lens of the CoC paradigm, victims of persecution can easily be transformed into potential threats. Insofar as Islam is understood as an external and even existential threat to the American way life, the admission of these migrants and refugees could be deemed a serious threat to national security. This paper will begin by examining some of Trump's campaign promises and his efforts to implement them during the early days of his administration. Although the underlying rationale feeding into the contemporary reaction against refugee resettlement is unique in many respects, it is rooted in a much longer history that extends back to the World War II period. It was during this period that a more formal effort to admit refugees began, and it was over the next half century that the program developed. Understanding the historical backdrop, particularly insofar as its development was influenced by the Cold War context, will help to clarify some of the transitions that influenced the reception of refugees in the decades after the fall of the Soviet Union. Such an exploration also helps to explain how and why a CoC paradigm has become ascendant. The decline of the ideologically driven conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union has, according Huntington's thesis, been superseded by culturally based conflicts that occur when competing civilizations come into contact. The conceptual framework that the CoC framework embodies meshes well with the cultural and economic dislocation felt by millions of Trump supporters who are concerned about the continued dissolution of a shared cultural and political heritage. It is important to keep in mind that the CoC paradigm, as a conceptual framework for understanding Donald Trump and his approach to refugee resettlement and migration more broadly, is at its core pre-political; it helps to define the cultural matrix that people use to make sense of the world. The policy prescriptions that follow from it are more effect than cause.
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Rocha Romero, David, José Humberto Juárez Márquez, and Jimmy Emmanuel Ramos Valencia. "Tijuana at the Crossroads of Migration. Laws, Institutions and Budget to Attend to Migrants in a Violent Region." Política, Globalidad y Ciudadanía 9, no. 18 (June 30, 2023): 01–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29105/pgc9.18-1.
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The city of Tijuana has become a necessary stopover for thousands of migrants who, in order to avoid violence and legal complexities, must face a hostile environment. Despite the existence of the Migration Law and the Law on Refugees and Complementary Protection, both from 2011, as well as the creation of the Municipal Directorate of Attention to Migrants (DMAM) in 2015, the Law for the Attention, Protection of the Rights and Support of Migrants in the State of Baja California, enacted in 2021, and the Protocol for Attention to the Migrant Population of 2022, the resources and efforts of the local government are limited, making it difficult to achieve the stated objective of protecting the physical integrity of migrants. The objective of this paper is to explore the legal path followed by those who arrive at the southern border in pursuit of the "American dream", within the context of the violence that has grown exponentially in Mexico and the health emergency caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The results of this study highlight the importance of international organizations and local civil associations as valuable allies of local authorities in Tijuana.
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Iriqat, Dalal. "Coercive Diplomacy: Camp David 2000." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 1 (August 2, 2022): 625–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i1.1690.
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July 2000 hosted the most significant talks at Camp David bringing the final status issues to the negotiating table. However, no deal was completed; moreover, since then, violence and instability have escalated in the region, with the arrival of President Donald Trump to the White House, the Palestinian/Israeli peace process had taken a dramatic shift mainly because of the decisions that the administration had adopted regarding the final status issues; and more specifically on Jerusalem and refugees, which were finalized with the so called Trump Peace to Prosperity Plan. This paper sheds light on the theory of Coercive Diplomacy and applies it into the Palestinian/Israeli negotiations taking the Camp David 2000 Peace talks as case study and then examining what was presented at those talks in relation to what is now being implemented by the current US administration which dared to translate previous threats into reality. Reviewing past literature and relying on a number of books and conducting interviews with prominent negotiators from the American, Palestinian and the Israeli sides who participated at those peace talks, the study tells the true story of Camp David, demonstrates Coercive Diplomacy in Practice as it illustrates how the third party mediators have strongly crossed their limits by abandoning their role as mediators and by wearing the hats of interveners, the paper also demonstrates how Trump’s arrangement to an extent considered what was discussed at Camp David.
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Somlai, Réka. "Conceptions and misconceptions of hostels worldwide." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 8, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2014): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2014/2-3/7.
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Present research is inspired to study the conceptions and misconceptions of hostels in eight different countries (Spain, United States, United Kingdom, Germany, Hungary, Venezuela, China, Australia). The outcome of the research reports that the participants in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany and in Hungary define hostels as youth accommodations, Spanish participants as cheap hotels and Venezuelans call them homeless shelters. The majority of the participants of all the above mentioned countries determine that the most important difference between hostels and hotels is the price. Americans, English, Germans, and Hungarians believe that a night would cost between 10 and 30 Euro in an average hostel, while Spaniards and Venezuelans say it would be under 10 Euro. Most respondents agree that hostels are; located in the city center, great places to socialize, offer safe accommodation, staying in there allows guests to save up money, and they are popular choices among travelers. American and English participants think hostels are only for people who like to party. Spaniards and Venezuelans think, hostels are outside of the city center. Spanish and English participants believe that hostels are too cheap to be able to offer a good service. Most participants say, the low price would be the main reason to stay in a hostel. Americans, English and Germans also think that other values are important besides the price: fun, the opportunity to meet people and atmosphere. In spite of all the above, most participants think people would rather stay in a hotel than in a hostel. Stereotypes evolve in different ways, which also explains how misconceptions about hostels developed.
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Edwards, Beatrice, and Elizabeth Ferris. "The Central American Refugees." International Migration Review 22, no. 2 (1988): 312. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546654.
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Santiago, Gloria Bonilla, and Elizabeth G. Ferris. "The Central American Refugees." International Migration Review 22, no. 2 (1988): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546655.
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Bird, John Wallace, and Elizabeth G. Ferris. "The Central American Refugees." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1988): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516261.
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Bird, John Wallace. "The Central American Refugees." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1, 1988): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.1.153.
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Goings, Ramon B., Travis J. Bristol, and Larry J. Walker. "Exploring the transition experiences of one black male refugee pre-service teacher at a HBCU." Journal for Multicultural Education 12, no. 2 (June 11, 2018): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jme-01-2017-0004.
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PurposeThere is limited discussion in the teacher education literature about the experiences of pre-service black male teachers generally and the ethnic diversity among black male pre-service teachers specifically. Thus, this paper aims to explore the experiences of Frank, a black male refugee health education major attending an historically black college and university (HBCU).Design/methodology/approachThis research study is theoretically guided by selected tenets of Bush and Bush’s (2013) African American male theory and Goodman et al.’s (2006) transition framework and uses a qualitative approach to explore Frank’s transition experiences when coming to America, attending college and engaging in his student teaching experience.FindingsFrank experienced some difficulty transitioning to America, as a result of not having a strong financial foundation. During his college transition, Frank believed that the HBCU environment was nurturing; however, he encountered numerous ethnocentrically charged hostile confrontations from US-born black students at his university because of his accent. While he had some disagreements with the US education system in terms of discipline, Frank believed that his accent served as an asset during student teaching.Originality/valueThis study adds to the burgeoning research that explores the intersectional identities among pre-service black male teachers. As we argue in this paper, researchers, policymakers and practitioners cannot treat black male teachers as a monolithic group and must contemplate the unique supports needed that can attend to the racial and ethnic needs of black male teachers.
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Edwards, Beatrice. "Book Review: The Central American Refugees." International Migration Review 22, no. 2 (June 1988): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838802200208.
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Santiago, Gloria Bonilla. "Book Review: The Central American Refugees." International Migration Review 22, no. 2 (June 1988): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838802200209.
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Ima, Kenji, and Ruben G. Rumbaut. "Southeast Asian refugees in American schools." Topics in Language Disorders 9, no. 3 (June 1989): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00011363-198906000-00008.
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Yundt, Keith W. "The Organization of American States and Legal Protection to Political Refugees in Central America." International Migration Review 23, no. 2 (June 1989): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838902300202.
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Since 1978, massive influxes of asylum seekers have placed great strain upon recipient states in Central America. At the global level, protection and assistance to refugees is entrusted to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). At the regional level, one would expect involvement by the Organization of American States with Central America refugees; either to supplement UNHCR activities or to enforce independent inter-American standards. This article reviews inter-American standards and agencies of concern for asylum seekers and refugees. Special attention is given to the inter-American human rights regime as the mechanism best suited to supplement or complement UNHCR activities in Central America.
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Steimel, S. J. "Refugees as People: The Portrayal of Refugees in American Human Interest Stories." Journal of Refugee Studies 23, no. 2 (April 29, 2010): 219–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feq019.
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Chalupský, Petr. "The landscape of trauma, pain and hope in Jim Crace’s The Pesthouse." Ars Aeterna 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aa-2018-0001.
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Abstract Jim Crace likes to refer to himself as a “landscape writer” and indeed, in each of his eleven novels he has created a distinct yet recognizable imaginary landscape or cityscape. This has led critics to coin the term “Craceland” to describe the idiosyncratic milieux he creates, which, through his remarkably authentic and poetic rendering of geography and topography, appear to be both other and familiar at the same time. In The Pesthouse 2007, the milieu is the devastated America of an imagined future, a country which has deteriorated into a pre-modern and pre-industrial wasteland so hostile to sustainable existence that most of its inhabitants have become refugees travelling eastwards to sail to a new life on another continent. Franklin and Margaret, two such refugees, are leaving their homes not only to flee misery and destitution, but also the trauma and pain occasioned by the loss of their relatives. Using geocriticism as a practice and theoretical point of departure, this article presents and analyses the various ways in which Crace’s novel renders and explores its spaces, landscapes and places, as well as how it links them with the transformation of the protagonists’ psyches and mental worlds.
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Goyal, Yogita. "Un-American: Refugees and the Vietnam War." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 133, no. 2 (March 2018): 378–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2018.133.2.378.
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Viet thanh nguyen always insists that he is a refugee, not an immigrant, and that his novel the sympathizer is a war novel rather than an immigrant story (“Viet Thanh Nguyen”). In an era when the refugee has become the epicenter of debates about extreme nationalism and closed borders, the distinction between refugee and immigrant demands further parsing. Nguyen states the difference clearly when he contrasts the refugee, rendered stateless and vulnerable by persecution or catastrophe, to the immigrant, whose mobility reaffirms existing narratives of bounded territories. “Immigrant studies,” he writes, “affirms the nation-states the immigrant comes from and settles into; refugee studies brings into question the viability of the nation- state” (“Refugee Memories” 930).
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Gilley, Sheridan. "Catholic Revival in the Eighteenth Century." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 7 (1990): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001356.
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In his famous essay on von Ranke‘s history of the Popes, Thomas Babington Macaulay remarked that the ‘ignorant enthusiast whom the Anglican Church makes an enemy… the Catholic Church makes a champion’. ‘Place Ignatius Loyola at Oxford. He is certain to become the head of a formidable secession. Place John Wesley at Rome. He is certain to be the first General of a new Society devoted to the interests and honour of the Church.’ Macaulay’s general argument that Roman Catholicism ‘unites in herself all the strength of establishment, and all the strength of dissent’, depends for its force on his comparison of the Catholic Regular Orders with the popular preachers of Nonconformity. As the son of a leader of the Clapham Sect, his witness in the matter has its interest for scholars of the Evangelical Revival, and has been echoed by Ronald Knox in his parallel between Wesley and the seventeenth-century Jesuit, Paolo Segneri, who walked barefoot 800 miles a year to preach missions in the dioceses of northern Italy. More recently the comparison has been drawn again by Owen Chadwick, with the judgement that the ‘heirs of the Counter-Reformation sometimes astound by likeness of behaviour to that found in the heirs of the Reformation’, and Chadwick’s volume on the eighteenth-century Popes contains some fascinating material on the resemblances between the religion of the peoples of England and of Italy. An historian of Spanish Catholicism has compared the Moravians and the mission preachers of eighteenth-century Spain, not least in their rejection of modern commercialism, while an American scholar has traced some of the parallels between nineteenth-century Protestant and Catholic revivalism in the United States. Not that Wesleyan historians have been attracted to study the great movements of revival religion in the Catholic countries in Wesley’s lifetime—a neglect which is hardly surprising. One point of origin of the Evangelical revival was among refugees from Roman Catholic persecution, and for all the popular confusion, encouraged by men like Bishop Lavington, between Methodists and Papists, and for all Wesley’s belief in religious toleration and tenderness for certain Catholic saints and devotional classics, he was deeply hostile to the Roman Catholic Church, as David Hempton has recently shown. Yet there are many points of likeness as well as difference between the enthusiasts of Protestant and Catholic Europe, and both these need to be declared if Catholics and Protestants are ever to attempt to write an ecumenical history.
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de Laat, Sonya. "In Then Out of the Frame." Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 3, no. 2 (November 11, 2021): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.061.
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From June 1918 to April 1919, the American social photographer Lewis Hine made photographs of refugees in Europe. Refugees emerged as an unexpectedly humanitarian subject during World War I. Care for them was part of the American Red Cross’ (ARC) overall war relief activities, which Hine was hired to visually record. In this paper, I present the way in which refugees went from being framed in the ARC’s mass-circulated popular Red Cross Magazine as unique, innocent, idealized war-affected civilians to eventually being visually displaced in a shifting humanitarian landscape. For refugees who were, by 1920, making their way across the ocean to North America, visual displacement from the humanitarian visual sphere was tantamount to territorial displacement. Anxieties and negative rhetoric of the unassimilated alien prevailed, resulting in the temporary ‘closure’ of America’s borders and the ARC’s growing American-centric relief activities. Entwined with anti-Bolshevism, American immigration, and isolationist politics of the early twentieth century, Hine’s photographs and the ARC’s role in contributing to humanitarian photography are an early example of a rise and fall in sympathies towards refugees that would continue throughout the century.
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Aronson, Louise. "Health Care for Cambodian Refugees." Practicing Anthropology 9, no. 4 (September 1, 1987): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.9.4.51p323mt13751031.
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One of the major challenges to the American health care system posed by the hundreds of thousands of Southeast Asian refugees who have come to the United States since 1975 initially appeared to be the containment and treatment of infectious diseases carried by many. However, this challenge was rapidly overshadowed by another more fundamental one: the cultural differences between American care-givers and their refugee patients. Since culture controls perceptions of health, illness, and disease causation and classification, culturally regulated beliefs and practices are key determinants of patient behavior and clinical care. Hospitals and clinics with significant Southeast Asian clientele have attempted to minimize cultural misunderstanding between staff and refugee patients by adding refugees to treatment teams. These refugees act as intermediaries between medical staff and members of their own ethnic communities.
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Bruneau, Emile G., Mina Cikara, and Rebecca Saxe. "Parochial Empathy Predicts Reduced Altruism and the Endorsement of Passive Harm." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 8 (June 7, 2017): 934–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617693064.
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Empathic failures are common in hostile intergroup contexts; repairing empathy is therefore a major focus of peacebuilding efforts. However, it is unclear which aspect of empathy is most relevant to intergroup conflict. Although trait empathic concern predicts prosociality in interpersonal settings, we hypothesized that the best predictor of meaningful intergroup attitudes and behaviors might not be the general capacity for empathy (i.e., trait empathy), but the difference in empathy felt for the in-group versus the out-group, or “parochial empathy.” Specifically, we predicted that out-group empathy would inhibit intergroup harm and promote intergroup helping, whereas in-group empathy would have the opposite effect. In three intergroup contexts—Americans regarding Arabs, Hungarians regarding refugees, Greeks regarding Germans—we found support for this hypothesis. In all samples, in-group and out-group empathy had independent, significant, and opposite effects on intergroup outcomes, controlling for trait empathic concern.
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Mármora, Lelio. "SOCIAL INTEGRATION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CENTRAL AMERICAN REFUGEES." Center for Migration Studies special issues 6, no. 2 (March 1988): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411x.1988.tb00560.x.
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Pastor, Peter. "The American Reception and Settlement of Hungarian Refugees in 1956–1957." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.255.
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In the wake of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, close to two hundred thousand Hungarians crossed into Austria. About thirty thousand of these refugees were allowed to enter the United States. Their common experience of living under totalitarian communism and participating or being a witness to the exhilarating thirteen days of the revolution and their sudden, previously unplanned, departure from the homeland gave them a collective identity that was different from the one shared by the people of previous waves of Hungarian influx to the United States. The high educational level of the refugees attained before and after their arrival made their absorption into the mainstream relatively easy. The integration process was facilitated by the shaping of a positive image of the 1956 refugees by the US government and the media. The reestablishment of the communist system in post-1956 Hungary contributed to the perception that, for the refugees in the United States, there was no hope for return to the homeland. This assumption strengthened the attitudes of those who wished to embrace the American melting pot model. Many of the 1956-ers in the United Sates, however, were also comfortable with the notion of ethnic pride and believed in the shaping of a dual national identity.
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Kinyanjui, Benson, Veronica I. Umeasiegbu, and Malachy L. Bishop. "Rehabilitation Needs of Refugees with Disabilities in the United States: Implications for Vocational Rehabilitation Counselors." Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 48, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.48.2.5.
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The global instability caused by natural and human-made disasters has resulted in increased numbers of refugees who seek shelter in other countries. The United States admits refugees and provides services that enable these refugees to resettle in a new environment. Among these refugees are individuals with various disabilities who require specialized rehabilitation services. This paper reviews the challenges faced by refugees with disabilities before, during and after their resettlement in the US and explores how counselors can better serve this population in order to facilitate more effective and timely integration into American society. Implications for research and practice are discussed.
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Johnson, Jr., James H. "Coronavirus Pandemic Refugees and the Future of American Cities." Urban Studies and Public Administration 4, no. 1 (December 5, 2020): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/uspa.v4n1p1.
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Paralleling crisis behavior in prior pandemics and continuing a contemporary migration trend already underway, wealthy individuals and families as well as remote workers in a host of other demographic groups are fleeing major, high cost, densely settled urban centers in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. These coronavirus pandemic refugees are relocating to less densely settled suburbs, exurbs, and rural areas—creating, in some instances, new “Zoom Towns.” The implications for the future viability of large cities are far ranging if, unlike prior pandemics, the social distance moves of coronavirus pandemic refugees and the aversion to dense urban living continue post-Covid-19.
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Poethig, Kathryn A. "Braving a New World: Cambodian (Khmer) Refugees in an American City:Braving a New World: Cambodian (Khmer) Refugees in an American City." American Anthropologist 100, no. 1 (March 1998): 197–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1998.100.1.197.
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Khan, Saima, Dr Qamar-uddin Zia Ghaznavi, and Muhammad Tariq. "Assessing Refugee Crisis through the Lens of Media Discourse; A comparative Analysis of American and Pakistani Newspapers." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication me 05, issue 2 (June 30, 2021): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i02-02.
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Study focuses on portrayal refugee crisis in American and Pakistani newspapers (The Washington Post and Dawn) during one year (May 2017-April 2017). Recently two major events played a key role in heightening this tragedy, firstly post 9/11 war on terror and secondly Arab spring. The consequent conflicts in countries have caused millions of people to flee from their homelands. Now 22 million people are refugees out of the total 65.6 million of world population. America being a key player in international media, can make or break the story through its information handling techniques. Likewise Pakistan, the second largest host of refugees in the world, lost its top position only after Syrian conflict. Issue of Afghan refugees is the most delayed refugee issue in the world and Pakistan being top host has greater place at international scenario in these terms. As the refugee crisis goes on with no end in sight, increasing socio-economic pressures in neighboring countries; acceptance of refugees has become questionable. Since refugees are being subjected to major human rights violation, analyzing role of media in this regard becomes significant. While considering main objectives of the study, findings of critical discourse analysis (CDA) reveal that American and Pakistani newspapers’ portray refugees as victim of human rights violations.
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Clark, Shelia, Jose Lichtszajn, Wendell J. Callahan, and Roberto J. Velasquez. "MMPI Performance of Central American Refugees and Mexican Immigrants." Psychological Reports 79, no. 3 (December 1996): 819–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1996.79.3.819.
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This study compared the MMPI scores of Central American refugees from Guatemala and El Salvador to those of Mexican immigrants. It was expected that subjects from Guatemala and El Salvador would obtain higher scores on the F, D, Pa, and Sc scales because these subjects came from “war-torn” countries. A multivariate analysis of variance yielded no significant differences between the three groups on any of the validity and clinical scales including F, D, Pa, and Sc. Recommendations for cross-national research ace noted especially in light of the new version, or MMPI-2.
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Jaffe, Uri. "The American immigrants' response to Ethiopian refugees in Israel." International Social Work 32, no. 3 (July 1989): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002087288903200307.
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Donà, G., and J. W. Berry. "Acculturation attitudes and acculturative stress of central american refugees." International Journal of Psychology 29, no. 1 (January 1994): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207599408246532.
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Jamil, Hikmet, Julie Hakim-Larson, Mohamed Farrag, Talib Kafaji, Laith H. Jamil, and Adnan Hammad. "Medical Complaints Among Iraqi American Refugees With Mental Disorders." Journal of Immigrant Health 7, no. 3 (July 2005): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10903-005-3671-z.
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Pryor, Carolyn B. "New Immigrants and Refugees in American Schools: Multiple Voices." Childhood Education 77, no. 5 (August 2001): 275–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00094056.2001.10521650.
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Deckys, Cathy, and Pamela Springer. "The Elderly Somali Bantu Refugees' Adjustment to American Healthcare." Online Journal of Cultural Competence in Nursing and Healthcare 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.9730/ojccnh.org/v3n1a1.
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Moss, Nancy, Michael Stone, and Jason Smith. "Fertility among Central American Refugees and Immigrants in Belize." Human Organization 52, no. 2 (June 1993): 186–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.52.2.d5148v8415776537.
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Menjivar, C. "The Mercy Factory: Refugees and the American Asylum System." Journal of Refugee Studies 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/14.4.449.
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Tortel, Emilien. "Marseille, city of refuge: international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France (1940-1942)." Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 28, no. 48 (August 12, 2021): 364–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e78244.
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Anchored in the port of Marseille, this article studies encounters between international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France’s nationalism in times of war and exile. Being the main free harbour in France after the country’s defeat against Germany in the spring of 1940, Marseille saw hundreds of thousands of refugees seeking refuge and exile on its shores. This massive flux gave rise to a local internationalism of humanitarian and solidarity networks bonded by an anti-fascist ideology. American humanitarians, diplomats, and radical leftist militants shaped this eclectic internationalism by providing crucial support for European refugees escaping the Nazi-backed state repression in France. Using the local archives of the department of Bouches-du-Rhône, this paper analyses how these actors and their ideologies met in Marseille and interacted with or against Vichy France’s nationalism. In the end, the extended historiography on refugees, American humanitarianism, solidarity networks, and French nationalism will be used to analyse global ideologies in a local context during the Second World War.
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Nilsson, Johanna E., and Katherine C. Jorgenson. "Refugees in Resettlement: Processes, Policies, and Mental Health in the United States." Counseling Psychologist 49, no. 2 (January 7, 2021): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011000020966240.
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According to 2019 data, there are 26 million refugees and 3.5 million asylum seekers around the globe, representing a major humanitarian crisis. This Major Contribution provides information on the experiences of refugees resettled in the United States via the presentation of five manuscripts. In this introductory article, we address the current refugee crisis, refugee policies, and resettlement processes in the United States, as well as the American Psychological Association’s response to the crisis and the role of counseling psychology in serving refugees. Next follows three empirical articles, addressing aspects of the resettlement experiences of three groups of refugees: Somali, Burmese, and Syrian. The final article provides an overview of a culturally responsive intervention model to use when working with refugees.
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Carreño-Calderón, Alejandra, Baltica Cabieses, and M. Eliana Correa-Matus. "Individual and structural barriers to Latin American refugees and asylum seekers' access to primary and mental healthcare in Chile: A qualitative study." PLOS ONE 15, no. 11 (November 6, 2020): e0241153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241153.
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Background Since 2010 there has been a growing population of refugees and asylum seekers in Latin America. This study sought to investigate the perceived experiences and healthcare needs of refugees and asylum seekers of Latin American origin in Chile in order to identify main barriers to healthcare and provide guidance on allied challenges for the public healthcare system. Methods Descriptive qualitative case study with semi-structured interviews applied to refugees and asylum seekers (n = 8), healthcare workers (n = 4), and members of Non-Governmental Organizations and religious foundations focused on working with refugees and asylum seekers in Chile (n = 2). Results Although Chilean law guarantees access to all levels of healthcare for the international migrant population, the specific healthcare needs of refugees and asylum seekers were not adequately covered. Primary care and mental healthcare were the most required types of service for participants, yet they appeared to be the most difficult to access. Difficulties in social integration -including access to healthcare, housing, and education- upon arrival and lengthy waiting times for legal status of refugees also presented great barriers to effective healthcare provision and wellbeing. Healthcare workers and members of organizations indicated the need for more information about refugee and asylum-seeking populations, their rights and conditions, as well as more effective and tailored healthcare interventions for them, especially for emergency mental healthcare situations. Conclusions All participants perceived that there was disinformation among institutional actors regarding the healthcare needs of refugees and asylum seekers in Chile. They also perceived that there were barriers to access to primary care and mental healthcare, which might lead to overuse of emergency services. This study highlights a sense of urgency to protect the social and healthcare needs of refugees and asylum seekers in Latin America.
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Schreiber, Rebecca M. "Visions of Refuge: The Central American Exodus and the Floating Ladder." American Literary History 34, no. 3 (August 19, 2022): 1015–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac076.
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Abstract This essay focuses on two performative acts. The first is the fall 2018 caravan, a work of political performance, which involved thousands of Central American migrants/refugees fleeing their countries in response to structural and other forms of violence. These caravaneros (caravaners) traveled collectively through Honduras, Guatemala, and Mexico to protect themselves from being targeted by state and nonstate actors en route to the US–Mexico border. The second performative act, which took place in Tijuana in January 2019, involved an artistic collaboration between Caleb Duarte and a group of caravaneros temporarily residing at El Barretal, a heavily guarded Mexican government-run refugee camp. Together, Duarte and the caravaneros co-authored a sculptural performance, creating a fabric ladder tied to helium balloons, which the wind lifted above the camp. I argue that Floating Ladder enacts how these caravaneros imagine their movement and mobility, as it challenges the regional immigration regime aiming to block migrants/refugees from making asylum claims in the US. Both the fall 2018 caravan and Duarte’s collaborative artwork with caravaneros are political acts by migrants/refugees that entailed the construction of social and political imaginaries beyond the constraints and violence of national borders. Both the fall 2018 caravan and Duarte’s collaborative artwork with caravaneros (caravaners) are political acts by migrants/refugees that entailed the construction of social and political imaginaries beyond the constraints and violence of national borders.
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Goyal, Yogita. "Exiles, Migrants, and Refugees." American Literary History 34, no. 3 (August 19, 2022): 853–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac081.
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Abstract The introduction to this special issue argues that new work on borders and refugees does not simply serve as an urgent response to contemporary politics but requires an unsettling of core conceptions of nation and empire, citizenship and migrancy, and rights and rightlessness. Prioritizing the perspectives of exiles, migrants, and refugees entails new understandings of the relationship between mutating racial formations and international border regimes across past and present landscapes. Reading the refugee necessitates rethinking belonging in order to expand our political imagination beyond anodyne notions of multiculturalism or liminality. Such work undoes American Studies from the inside rather than institutionalizing a distinct sub-field of border studies. Recognizing that the border is everywhere, and is not limited to the construction of a wall or checkpoint, such study strives to undo the exceptionality of the border as a site to link the practices of surveillance, capture, and detention that operate there to similar practices within the domestic sphere. An attempt to grasp US literary history from the vantage of exiles, migrants, and refugees is not timely, but fundamentally belated—impossible to arrive at and long overdue.
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López Severiche, Alfredo José. "The Quality of Life of Latinos in New Zealand: Defining their Quality of Life." Pensamiento Americano 16, no. 31 (May 11, 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21803/penamer.16.31.491.
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Introduction: This research explores how Latin American refugees and immigrants living in New Zealand define the quality of life. The main reason for conducting this investigation was the lack of academic research on Latin American refugees and Immigrants in New Zealand. Objective: The purpose of this research is to contribute to the development of research on Latin American people in New Zealand, to discover the factors that impact the quality of life of these people in New Zealand, and what can be done to improve their quality of life. Methodology: Ethnographic and autoethnographic were the methodologies used in this study. Also, 20 semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 participants. Results: The findings of this research show that the definitions of quality of life given by the participants are aligned with those of the academic literature. For example, the participants believe that quality of life means having sufficient financial resources to live with dignity. They also think that it is necessary to feel at peace, tranquillity, happy and safe to enjoy a true quality of life. Conclusion: In summary, this research presents the definitions of quality of life given by Latin American refugees and immigrants in New Zealand and the factors that contribute to quality of life
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Dona, Giorgia. "Acculturation and Ethnic Identity of Central American Refugees in Canada." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 13, no. 2 (May 1991): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07399863910132009.
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Higonnet, Margaret R., and Michael Levy. "Portrayal of Southeast Asian Refugees in Recent American Children's Books." MELUS 27, no. 2 (2002): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3250613.
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Schein, Louisa. "5: Control of Contrast: Lao Hmong Refugees in American Contexts." Center for Migration Studies special issues 5, no. 2 (March 1987): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411x.1987.tb00496.x.
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Keely], [Charles B., and Ignatius Bau. "This Ground is Holy: Church Sanctuary and Central American Refugees." Population and Development Review 12, no. 2 (June 1986): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1973120.
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Klapsis, Antonis. "American Initiatives for the Relief of Greek Refugees, 1922-1923." Genocide Studies and Prevention 6, no. 1 (2011): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsp.2011.0113.
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Hammond, John L. "War-Uprooting and the Political Mobilization of Central American Refugees." Journal of Refugee Studies 6, no. 2 (1993): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/6.2.105.
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Nassar, Rita. "Threat, Prejudice, and White Americans’ Attitudes toward Immigration and Syrian Refugee Resettlement." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 5, no. 1 (September 23, 2019): 196–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2019.37.
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AbstractThe literature on immigration is divided between theories that highlight the importance of prejudice and theories that emphasize realistic threat as the primary driver of anti-immigration attitudes. This study examines how prejudice and realistic threat impact White Americans’ attitudes toward accepting refugees and immigrants in general. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study and the 2016 Chicago Council Survey, I show that even though refugees differ from other immigrants in terms of their legal status and the rhetoric pertaining to them, attitudes toward immigration policies relating to both refugees and immigrants in general are primarily driven by prejudice.
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Sarto de Lucena, Manoela, Raquel Carvalho Hoersting, and João Gabriel Modesto. "The sociocultural and psychological adaptation of Syrian refugees in Brazil." Psico 51, no. 3 (December 31, 2020): e34372. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-8623.2020.3.34372.
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Considering the challenges of the cultural adaptation process for refugees and the importance of analyzing these in a Latin American context, the present study aimed to investigate the influence of cultural orientations and cultural distance on psychological and sociocultural adaptation of Syrian refugees living in Brazil. Eighty-four adult Syrian refugees, living in Brazil for at least 6 months completed an online survey regarding acculturation variables. Results showed that greater perception of cultural distance was related to lower sociocultural adaptation; higher rates of home culture orientation were related to low psychological and sociocultural adaptation. Having a Brazilian culture orientation was related with better psychological and sociocultural adaptation. The present research has theoretical and practical implications, allowing for a better understanding of some aspects of the adaptation of Syrian refugees in Brazil.
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Saldaña-Portillo, María Josefina. "The Violence of Citizenship in the Making of Refugees." Social Text 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-7794343.
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The Central American refugee crisis has been aggravated by the Trump administration’s policies, but this administration certainly did not precipitate it. The first half of this article examines the determinant role US policy played—and continues to play—in the violence that has sent tens of thousands of refugees to the US-Mexico border, showing how Carl Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction has repeatedly been used to represent Central Americans as the existential enemy. From Ronald Reagan through Bill Clinton, administrations crafted policies toward the Central American enemy, directly creating the gang violence in the Northern Triangle. This article considers if the cost of security for the US citizenship is borne by the insecurity of Central American citizenship. The second half of the article examines fictionalized accounts drawn from the testimonies of women held in detention at Dilley, Texas, the existential enemy par excellence of the Trump administration. The reasons for their flight elucidate the particular ways in which gang violence against them and their children is gendered, showing how heteropatriarchy is decisive in both Mara violence and ICE and Border Patrol response to that violence, as evidenced in the experience of these women and their families.