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Journal articles on the topic 'American History Revolution'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 July 2024

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1

Zhang, Yidi, Guanjin Du, Jize Han, and Yiming Zhao. "Peculiarities of the Latin American Independence Revolutions: A Comparative Study with the American Revolution." Communications in Humanities Research 30, no. 1 (May 17, 2024): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/30/20231216.

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This paper aims to analyze the Latin American independence revolutions from a social and ideological perspective to contribute to revising the conventional wisdom of Latin American revolutionary history. The method chosen is a comparison between the aforementioned revolutions and the American Revolution, helping to demonstrate how, far from being a simple deviation or a failure, the Latin American independence revolutions had their own traits. The paper tries to answer mainly three questions: how Latin America and America received the enlightenment idea, how those ideas affected their revolutionary process, and how both regions rebuilt and restructured after the revolution.

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2

Toffoli, Erica. "Revolution and Revolutionary Movements in Latin America: A Special Teaching and Research Collection of The Americas." Americas 74, S1 (February 2017): S3—S12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.96.

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This curated collection of The Americas explores revolution and revolutionary movements in Latin American history from the colonial period to the present. This theme embraces events and processes contributing to the courses, outcomes, and reactions to both moments conventionally labeled “revolutions” in Latin American history, such as large-scale events like the Mexican Revolution, and more disparate efforts to secure—or resist—sociopolitical change.

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3

Leininger, Derek M. "“Moon-Struck Lunatics”." Journal of Early American History 7, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00701001.

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Historians have noted the wave of cultural and civil nationalism that swept the United States following the War of 1812. “Moon Struck Lunatics” positions American nationalism in the Era of Good Feelings within the broader context of global events. The article probes the impact of the Spanish-American Revolutions on early Americans’ consciousness as a nation. The revolutions contextualized for Americans the world historical significance of their own revolution and aided the articulation of an early manifest destiny ideology. This essay focuses on public rhetoric, including speeches, congressional debates, editorials, geographies, songs, poems, toasts, letters to the editor, and travel accounts.

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4

Hall, Mitchell. "The American Revolution." Michigan Historical Review 24, no. 2 (1998): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173763.

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5

Countryman, Edward, and Colin Bonwick. "The American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 59, no. 2 (May 1993): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209789.

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6

Earle, Rebecca. "Information and Disinformation in Late Colonial New Granada." Americas 54, no. 2 (October 1997): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007740.

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In 1814, Alexander von Humboldt, the great traveller and explorer of the Americas, drew attention to an unusual feature of the movement for independence in the Viceroyalty of New Granada: the establishment of printing presses and newspapersfollowedrather thanprecededthe outbreak of war. Humboldt was struck by the contrast New Granada's war of independence offered with the two more famous political revolutions of the age. A great proliferation of printed pamphlets and periodicals had preceded the outbreak of revolution in both the Thirteen Colonies and France. How curious, Humboldt commented, to find the process reversed in Spanish America. Humboldt is not alone in viewing the newspaper as the expected harbinger of change in the age of Atlantic revolution. While the precise role played by the printed word in the French and American revolutions remains a subject of debate, many historians acknowledge the importance of print in creating a climate conducive to revolutionary challenge. Were newspapers and the press really latecomers to the revolution in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, as Humboldt suggests? What does this tell us about late colonial New Granada? How, in the absence of a developed press, did information, revolutionary or otherwise, circulate within the viceroyalty? Moreover, what means were available to either the Spanish crown or the American insurgents to create and manipulate news and opinion? What, indeed, does it mean to speak of the spread of news in a society such as late colonial New Granada? This article seeks to address these questions.

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7

Daniels, Bruce C., and Colin Bonwick. "The American Revolution." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081037.

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8

Greene, Jack P. "The American Revolution." American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (February 2000): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652437.

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9

Wilson, John F. "Religion and Revolution in American History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 3 (1993): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206104.

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10

Cogliano, F. "The American Revolution: A People's History." English Historical Review 118, no. 476 (April 1, 2003): 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.476.450.

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11

Cuddy, Edward. "America's Cuban Obsession: A Case Study in Diplomacy and Psycho-History." Americas 43, no. 2 (October 1986): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007438.

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No more Cubas!” For a quarter of a century, that slogan has propelled American intervention into Latin America. President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was designed to head off more Castro-type revolutions in the region. In 1965, President Johnson crushed a revolution in the Dominican Republic, declaring that “another Cuba in this hemisphere would be unacceptable.” And the Nixon plan for subverting the Chilean government in the early 1970s was motivated, in Henry Kissinger's words, by fear of Allende's “patent intention to create another Cuba.”

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12

Grubb, F. W. "Growth of Literacy in Colonial America: Longitudinal Patterns, Economic Models, and the Direction of Future Research." Social Science History 14, no. 4 (1990): 451–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020897.

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Literacy underwent revolutionary growth in northwestern Europe during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This revolution coincided with other dramatic changes in European society, such as the industrial, demographic, agricultural, political, and religious revolutions (Deane 1969: 20–84). While the relationships between literacy and these other revolutions are not fully understood, their association is apparent and many potential influences exist (Cipolla 1969; Cremin 1970; Graff 1981: 232–60; 1987a, 1987b; Jensen 1986: 114–28; Maynes 1985: 117–31; Mitch 1984, 1988; Sanderson 1983; West 1978). The transplantation of European society across the Atlantic brought the literacy revolution to the American periphery. While numerous studies have shown that colonial America participated in this expansion of literacy, the common longitudinal patterns of literacy growth across the various regions and populations of colonial America have received less attention.

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13

Dr. Ajay Bhargava and Ashok Kumar Malviya. "The Chronicle of French Revolution in Alejo Carpentier’s Explosion in a Cathedral." Creative Launcher 4, no. 5 (December 31, 2019): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2019.4.5.07.

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Alejo Carpentier was a well-known author of Latin American Literature of twentieth century. Explosion in a Cathedral, (El siglo de las luces, 1962) has disclosed the author’s approach, who knew how to take advantages of the chance. This is considered Carpentier’s most effective historical achievement that revealed his destiny accidently. The novel is based on chronicle of French revolution in different circumstances and revealed the French history with winning destiny. It portrays the revolutionary hurdles, which were adopted from the other historians, who wrote about revolutions. Ultimately, Carpentier became successful to assemble immense information, dates and several documents; which were required to write the history of French revolution. The novel presents rare figures as characters without giving more importance to them. Some critics argued that it is characters who are more influenced with European modernity less than Latin America. The novel is about French revolution that is depicted through the character Victor Huggies and Esteban. The French revolution was fought twice as land and water with great efforts. The novel leaves it’s most noteworthy mark in the field of history.

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14

Frey, Sylvia R., Ronald Hoffman, and Peter J. Albert. "Women in the Age of the American Revolution. Perspectives on the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 57, no. 2 (May 1991): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210425.

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15

Freeman, Joanne, Ellen Hovde, and Muffie Meyer. "Liberty! The American Revolution." Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1415. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568724.

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16

Roberts, Strother E. "The American Revolution Reborn." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 4 (February 2018): 568–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01216.

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17

Birkner, Michael J. "William Livingston's American Revolution." Journal of American History 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa057.

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18

Taylor, Alan, Gordon S. Wood, Louise G. Wood, Theodore Draper, and Jack P. Greene. "Russian-American Dialogue on the American Revolution." Journal of American History 83, no. 3 (December 1996): 977. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945653.

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19

Nadelhaft, Jerome. ""Liberty! The American Revolution"." William and Mary Quarterly 55, no. 2 (April 1998): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674396.

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20

Knouff, Gregory T. "The Repressive American Revolution." Reviews in American History 30, no. 4 (2002): 541–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2002.0075.

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21

Riordan, Liam. "The American Revolution Illuminated." Reviews in American History 46, no. 3 (2018): 364–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2018.0055.

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22

Frey, Sylvia R. "Rethinking the American Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly 53, no. 2 (April 1996): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947407.

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23

York, Neil L. "Freemasons and the American Revolution." Historian 55, no. 2 (December 1, 1992): 315–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1993.tb00899.x.

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24

Stout, Neil R., Jonathan R. Dull, and Edward Countryman. "A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution." Journal of American History 73, no. 3 (December 1986): 733. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903004.

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25

Bowman, Albert H., and Jonathan R. Dull. "A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution." Eighteenth-Century Studies 20, no. 3 (1987): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2739058.

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26

Varg, Paul A., and Jonathan R. Dull. "A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 729. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869278.

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27

Clarfield, Gerard, Jonathan R. Dull, Ronald Hoffman, Peter J. Albert, and Prosser Gifford. "A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly 43, no. 4 (October 1986): 682. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1923696.

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28

Egan, Clifford, and Jonathan R. Dull. "A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 52, no. 4 (November 1986): 617. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209156.

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29

Weigley, Russell F., and James L. Stokesbury. "A Short History of the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 59, no. 1 (February 1993): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210356.

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30

Peters, T. Ralph. "Finklebine, Sources Of The African-American Past - Primary Sources In American History; Thomas, Ed., Plessy C. Ferguson - A Bried History With Documents." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 23, no. 2 (September 1, 1998): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.23.1.98-100.

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Two new works document the history of African-American struggle for equal rights in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Finklebine's work, Sources of the African-American Past: Primary Sources in American History, is a welcome addition to the primary source literature on the perpuity of, and challenges to, the social positions African Americans inhabited from the slave trade through recent times. Organized chronologically along topical lines, the book covers the slave trade, the colonial experience, the Revolution, free blacks, slavery, black abolitionism, emancipation, Reconstruction, segregation, progressivism, the New Deal, the two World Wars, migration, school segregation, the civil rights movement, black nationalism, and African Americans since 1968.

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31

La Botz, Dan. "American “Slackers” in the Mexican Revolution: International Proletarian Politics in the Midst of a National Revolution." Americas 62, no. 4 (April 2006): 563–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0081.

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In the spring of 1917, shortly after the United States entered World War I and adopted universal, male, military conscription, American war resisters and draft dodgers known at the time as “the slackers” began to arrive in Mexico. Senator Albert Bacon Fall claimed there were 30,000 slackers hiding out in Mexico, and slacker Linn A.E. Gale agreed with him. When American adventurer, reporter and writer Harry L. Foster passed through Mexico City in 1919, he noted that there were hundreds of Americans, many of them slackers, loitering in the city’s parks and plazas.

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32

Walker, Timothy. "Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence (1775-83)." Journal of Early American History 2, no. 3 (2012): 247–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00203003.

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This article explains and contextualizes the reaction of the Portuguese monarchy and government to the rebellion and independence of the British colonies in North America. This reaction was a mixed one, shaped by the simultaneous but conflicting motivations of an economic interest in North American trade, an abhorrence on the part of the Portuguese Crown for democratic rebellion against monarchical authority and a fundamental requirement to maintain a stable relationship with long-time ally Great Britain. Although the Lisbon regime initially reacted very strongly against the Americans’ insurrection, later, under a new queen, the Portuguese moderated their position so as not to damage their long-term imperial political and economic interests. This article also examines the economic and political power context of the contemporary Atlantic World from the Portuguese perspective, and specifically outlines the multiple ties that existed between Portugal and the North American British colonies during the eighteenth century. The argument demonstrates that Portugal reacted according to demands created by its overseas empire: maximizing trading profits, manipulating the balance of power in Europe among nations with overseas colonies and discouraging the further spread of aspirations toward independence throughout the Americas, most notably to Portuguese-held Brazil. The Portuguese role as a fundamental player in the early modern Atlantic World is chronically underappreciated and understudied in modern English-language historiography. Despite the significance of Portugal as a trading partner to the American colonies, and despite the importance of the Portuguese Atlantic colonial system to British commercial and military interests in the eighteenth century, no scholarly treatment of this specific subject has ever appeared in the primary journals that regularly consider Atlantic World imperial power dynamics or the place of the incipient United States within them. This contribution, then, helps to fill an obvious gap in the historical literature of the long eighteenth century and the revolutionary era in the Americas.

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33

Nordlander, David J., Gordon S. Wood, and Louise G. Wood. "Russian-American Dialogue on the American Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly 54, no. 2 (April 1997): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953295.

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34

Ricketts, Mónica, Eduardo Posada-Carbó, Clément Thibaud, and Brian Hamnett. "Imperial Collapse or Revolution?" Journal of Early American History 8, no. 3 (December 18, 2018): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00803005.

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A book forum featuring The End of Iberian Rule on the American Continent, 1770–1830 by Brian R. Hamnett. His 2017 volume argues that the origins of Ibero-American Independence must be found in the interplay between the Spanish and Lusitanian monarchies and the American empires ruled by them. It was internal conflict within these empires that led to independence, not revolution, separatist sentiment, or the emergence of American nation-states. Monica Ricketts, Eduardo Posada-Carbó, Clément Thibaud strongly commend the work while offering constructive criticism and analysis. Reviewers raise questions about socio-cultural forces and changes, the role of politics, the exclusion of an Atlantic perspective, and the lack of attention to revolutionary thought and nationalism. The book is celebrated for its breadth, its historiographical contribution, and the strength of its argument for the continuities from the Iberian monarchies and empires to the nation states that grew out of them. Hamnett responds to the reviewers.

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35

Hattem. "Revolution Lost? Vast Early America, National History, and the American Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly 78, no. 2 (2021): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.5309/willmaryquar.78.2.0269.

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36

Cull, N. J. "Review: Anglo-American Attitudes: From Revolution to Partnership: Anglo-American Attitudes: From Revolution to Partnership." Twentieth Century British History 13, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 316–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/13.3.316-b.

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37

Breen, T. H. "Will American Consumers Buy a Second American Revolution?" Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 404–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486236.

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38

Jarquín, Mateo. "The Nicaraguan Question: Contadora and the Latin American Response to US Intervention Against the Sandinistas, 1982–86." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 581–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.6.

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AbstractWhile much has been written about the United States’ efforts to undermine Nicaragua's Sandinista government (1979–90), historians have paid little attention to Latin American state perspectives on the only successful armed revolution in the region since Cuba. In fact, the war that subsequently emerged between Sandinista armed forces and US-backed contras was a thoroughly regionalized affair: at least 12 Latin American countries—including the five largest—became directly involved in efforts to broker peace by the mid 1980s. How and why did they become involved? What can Latin American diplomacy vis-à-vis the Sandinista Revolution tell us about the shape of inter-American relations in the twilight years of the Cold War?To answer these questions, this article uses diplomatic archival sources and oral history interviews from Nicaragua, the United States, Mexico, Cuba, Costa Rica, and Panama to trace Latin American state responses to US intervention against the Sandinista government between 1982 and 1986. While the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua as the place where it would begin to roll back Soviet-sponsored communism in the Third World, a bloc of Latin American governments—especially those associated with the Contadora peace process—saw Central America as the site where they would push back against US unilateralism and the threat it posed to their real interests and shared hopes for regional sovereignty. In stark contrast with the earlier reaction to the Cuban Revolution, most Latin American states rejected US intervention and sought to legitimize Managua's left-wing government. The regional dimensions of Nicaragua's civil war therefore show how the political fault lines of Latin America's Cold War shifted over time.

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39

Lewis, J. "Women and the American Revolution." OAH Magazine of History 8, no. 4 (June 1, 1994): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/8.4.23.

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40

Daalder, Ivo H., and James M. Lindsay. "Bush's Revolution." Current History 102, no. 667 (November 1, 2003): 367–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.667.367.

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At heart, Bush is a revolutionary. Everything he has done in his first 32 months as president shows that he is committed to challenging the existing order. He has been audacious rather than cautious, proactive rather than reactive, risk-prone rather than risk-averse. In his actions as well as his doctrines, he has changed the course of American foreign policy.

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41

Frederick, John. "Werner, Ed., The American Revolution." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 26, no. 2 (September 1, 2001): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.26.2.105-107.

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The American Revolution is one of those small, easily accessible supplements that all undergraduates (and some graduates) pine for, yet rarely find. It is part of a series entitled "Turning Points in World History." It is quite apt for the series, for what American has not been imprinted with the importance of the struggle of the founding of this nation?

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42

Byrd, Brandon R. "African Americans, Haiti, and the Incessant Common Wind." American Historical Review 125, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 936–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa234.

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Abstract The 2018 publication of Julius S. Scott’s The Common Wind: Afro-American Currents in the Age of the Haitian Revolution inspired a renewed focus on the reverberations of the Haitian Revolution. Here, six scholars of the Atlantic World and the Age of Revolutions consider the historiographical implications of The Common Wind and remind us how the Haitian upheaval belongs at the very center of the ripples of modernity that spread across the globe from the revolutionary Atlantic.

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43

Weir, Robert M., and Gordon S. Wood. "The Radicalism of the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 1 (February 1994): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210728.

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44

Helm, Ruth, and David B. Mattern. "Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 63, no. 2 (May 1997): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211296.

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45

Cashin, Edward J., and Dan L. Morrill. "Southern Campaigns of the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 61, no. 2 (May 1995): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211585.

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46

Shiraev, Eric. "Fake news for the American Revolution." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.2.006.shir.

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Abstract The case of the false letters attributed to George Washington—the first president of the United States—serves as a classical example of character attacks conducted with the help of “fake news”. The fake letters attributed to Washington were allegedly intercepted in 1776. The seven letters were addressed to Washington’s relatives and to a friend. This alleged Washington’s correspondence revealed his serious character flaws, indecisiveness, remorse, his sympathies toward Britain, as well as his wavering commitment to the revolution. These attacks attempted not only to discredit a major public figure and hurt him emotionally but also, feasibly, generate a public scandal and thus achieve or further certain political goals such as winning a military conflict. This article demonstrates whether and how this case fits into the general theory of character assassination and ultimately suggests that many forms, methods, and responses to character attacks remain consistent throughout the ages.

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47

Gould, Kevin Scot, and Gregory D. Massey. "John Laurens and the American Revolution." Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677278.

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48

Kierner, Cynthia A., Jack P. Greene, and J. R. Pole. "A Companion to the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 4 (November 2001): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070249.

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49

Haw, James, and Gregory D. Massey. "John Laurens and the American Revolution." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 4 (November 2001): 832. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070250.

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50

countryman, Edward. "The heirs of the American revolution." Social History 11, no. 2 (May 1986): 239–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071028608567654.

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