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1
Seay, Stephen Heywood. "The transformation of the American Constitution." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/576.
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Tidwell, Wylie Jason Donte' III. "Colonial South Carolina's influence on the American constitution." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2010. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/151.
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This research examines whether or not the colonial statutes of South Carolina, created between 1600 and 1787, helped to shape the American Constitution regarding race and the institution of slavery. The research suggests that South Carolina’s persistence and insistence that the institution of racial slavery be protected by the Constitution was a major influence on the perception of slavery by its framers. The Constitution was the document that ultimately encompassed most of the political thoughts and issues found in colonial America. This research was based on the premise that the field of Black Studies was in need of an analysis and comparison of the similarities between the racism that existed in colonial America and racism after the adoption of the American Constitution and its amendments. The researcher found that South Carolina’s diligence and insistence during the Constitutional Convention of 1787, that racial slavery be protected by the Constitution, was the major influence on how the American Constitution would be worded, in reference to slavery as a means of representation and possible economical gains. The conclusions drawn from the findings suggest that, the American Constitution emerged as an inherently racist document supporting slavery as a means of furthering American economic needs. The colonists in all the British colonies (South Carolina included) passed a series of laws that helped maintain the structure of slavery and gave them control over their slave labor. However, colonial South Carolina statutes, more than other colonies, were developed to maintain slavery. These statutes were later supported by the American legal system.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Slavery in the Constitution." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/740.
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Faber, Michael J. "Founding expectations American politics and the debate over the Constitution /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337245.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2008.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 28, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-12, Section: A, page: 4855. Adviser: Russell L. Hanson.
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Harris, Carissa Joan-Zall. "Civics in American Public Schools: State Constitutions and the Right to an Education." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/23688.
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A literal reading of the United States Constitution finds no mention of education. Because no fundamental federal mandate exists to provide public education for citizens, the Tenth Amendment gives states the authority for public education policy. Because states have different constitutional standards for education, civics requirements have little national consistency. This thesis explores the connections between state constitutional provisions for public education and graduation requirements for civics in each state. The research examined how state constitutions address education policy and whether states with language specifically connecting education to the maintenance of democracy required more stringent civics requirements for students to graduate from secondary school. Further investigation explored whether and how state constitutions in Minnesota and Wisconsin appeared to influence the development of graduation requirements. Indeed, Minnesota, whose constitution connects education to the maintenance of democracy, had a curriculum policy process far more rooted in its constitutional traditions than did Wisconsin, which had no such constitutional language or curriculum process.<br>Master of Arts
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Mayo, Walker P. "The Federal Bill of Rights and the States before the Fourteenth Amendment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358546.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "The U.S. Constitution and Slavery Debate." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/735.
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Edling, Max. "The American Constitution and the Federalist concept of the State, 1787-1788." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251726.
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Ingraham, Kevin R. ""True Principles of Liberty and Natural Right"| The Vermont State Constitution and the American Revolution." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10752319.
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<p> The Vermont state constitution was the most revolutionary and democratic plan of government established in America during the late eighteenth century. It abolished adult slavery, eliminated property qualifications for holding office, and established universal male suffrage. It invested broad power in a unicameral legislature, through which citizens might directly express their will through their elected representatives. It created a weak executive with limited power to veto legislation. It mandated annual elections for all state offices, by which the people might frequently accept, or reject, their leaders. It thus established a participatory democracy in which ordinary citizens enjoyed broad access to power. It was, in the words of Ethan Allen, government based on “true principles of liberty and natural right.” </p><p> Over the course of the revolutionary period, furthermore, the people of Vermont defended their democratic system against repeated attempts to weaken it. The constitution included a mechanism by which, every seven years, a Council of Censors would be elected which had the power to propose revisions to the plan of government. Constitutional conventions met in 1786 and 1793 to consider these recommendations, and though the delegates accepted a number of minor revisions, they rejected innovations that would have significantly altered the state’s system of participatory democracy. In this sense, the experience of Vermont during this period differed from that of other states, which had by the end of this period established systems that concentrated power in the hands of a limited number of citizens. </p><p> The people of Vermont established this form of government for a number of reasons. Perhaps the most important factor was that Vermont was a rural, agrarian and backcountry region, populated by small subsistence farmers with a common set of interests and grievances. Here, and elsewhere across America during this period, small farmers often clashed with political and economic elites over issues of taxation and the conditions of land ownership. When confronted with policies they perceived to be unjust, they often rose up to defend their interests. However, unlike other rebellions during this period, the New Hampshire Grants insurgency succeeded, and led to the establishment of an independent state. Moreover, the grievances that motivated these backcountry insurgents included political dimensions. Subsistence farmers demanded a greater voice in the governments that had promulgated policies they perceived to be unjust. Living under more democratic forms of government, they realized, would enable them to enact laws that promoted their interests. </p><p> This study informs our understanding of the American Revolution in a number of ways. For one, events in Vermont demonstrate the importance of internal divisions and conflict in the Revolution. Rural farmers challenged the land-owning and mercantile elite of New York, and won. In the process, they created the most revolutionary and democratic constitution in America. Vermont thus went further than any other state in fulfilling the promise of the Revolution. Ironically, however, this very achievement illustrates the limits of the Revolution. In other states, common people continued to face significant restrictions on their access to power. Universal suffrage for white males, for example, was not achieved until the mid-nineteenth century, and slavery was not abolished until 1865. Perhaps, then, the Revolution is best understood not as a watershed event that radically changed American society, but rather as one episode in a much longer continuum of change. </p><p> This study also seeks to change Vermont’s place in the historiography of the Revolution. As an independent republic, unrecognized by any outside power, historians often treat it as an anomaly. As a result, it is often neglected. Vermont, however, deserves to be taken seriously. Though it was not formally recognized by other states, its government exercised full authority and sovereignty within its borders. Its constitution, furthermore, embodied the purest expression of radical republican ideals in America at the time. It was a singular achievement of the American Revolution. Rather than be relegated to the shadows, therefore, Vermont deserves to be at the forefront of the discussion. By doing so we may more clearly understand the nature of the American Revolution itself, with all its achievements, limitations, and contradictions.</p><p>
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Flint, Brian M. "LOSING THE COLONIES: HOW DIFFERING INTERPRETATIONS OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION CAUSED THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2011. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/483.
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Faced with an economic crisis following the French and Indian War, the British Parliament, along with a young and inexperienced King George III changed its longstanding policy towards the North American colonies. Prior to 1763, Parliament allowed the colonies to generally govern themselves. After 1763, Parliament began to pass legislation aimed at increasing revenue received from the colonies. As the colonies protested these new taxes on constitutional grounds Parliament began a process of implementing and repealing different attempts at controlling the economic system in the colonies. Due to differing interpretations of the British Constitution regarding Parliament's authority over the colonies, resistance to the change in policy by Parliament escalated in the 1760s and 1770s. It is this difference in interpretation that eventually led the colonists to open rebellion in 1775.
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Gardères, Nicolas. "Les origines et modèles de la Constitution russe de 1993." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D003.
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L’objet de cette thèse est de replacer la Constitution de la Fédération de Russie, adoptée par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, dans ses différents contextes de production. En effet, ce texte juridique est à la fois le produit d’une Histoire courte et d’une Histoire longue, d’un conflit intra-élite et d’une somme de représentations héritées des périodes précédentes et reconstruites à la fin des années 80 et au début des années 90. Ainsi, il ne semblait pas suffisamment pertinent de limiter notre étude au processus rédactionnel proprement dit, entamé à l’été 1990. Nous avons pris le parti de tenter de reconstituer ce que pouvait être l’« épistémè », les représentations politico-juridiques, des acteurs ayant joué un rôle décisif dans la discussion de la Constitution. Ce parti nécessitait de retracer les occurrences les plus significatives de l’Histoire du droit et des institutions en Russie tsariste et en Union Soviétique. Cette démarche fait l’objet de la première partie de la Thèse, « La Péréstroïka comme réceptacle, révolution et modèle ». Il ressort de l’analyse que malgré la présence de traditions intellectuelles libérales et d’institutions proto-parlementaires, la tradition dominante, et acceptée comme telle par les rédacteurs de la Constitution russe, est largement antijuridique et autoritaire. C’est dans ce contexte que les acteurs de la Ière République russe ont cherché à puiser dans les modèles étrangers (américain et français en particulier) et les modèles théoriques du Droit constitutionnel (régime parlementaire et régime présidentiel) pour créer le nouvel agencement institutionnel. La seconde partie de la thèse, « Le processus de rédaction de la Constitution de 1993 », porte sur l’Histoire courte, c’est-à-dire sur les années 1990-1993 qui ont vu s’affronter deux camps, tant sur le plan politique que constitutionnel. Le camp du Congrès des députés du peuple emmené par son Président Rouslan Khasboulatov défendait un projet permettant d’assurer la domination du Parlement, alors que le camp du Président de la Fédération, emmené par Boris Eltsine, cherchait à imposer un projet assurant à la présidence une position dominante. De part et d’autre, les modèles empiriques et théoriques du Droit constitutionnel furent instrumentalisés et largement trahis. Entre ces deux camps, la Commission constitutionnelle crée au sein du Congrès des députés du peuple cherchait, à travers ses différents projets, à trouver un agencement équilibré nourri des expériences étrangères et de la science du Droit constitutionnel. Le camp de la présidence réussit finalement à faire prévaloir ses vues, dans le cadre d’une Conférence constitutionnelle organisée en juin 1993, mais surtout par sa victoire politique sur le camp du Congrès suite à la crise d’octobre 1993. Le texte adopté par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, très favorable à la Présidence, peut être considéré comme l’héritier de ce conflit, mais également en partie comme l’héritier des traditions politiques russes et soviétiques<br>The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the Constitution of the Russian Federation passed by referendum on 12 December 1993, in its various contexts of production. Indeed, this legal text is both the result of a short history and of a long history, of an intra-elite conflict and of an amount of representations, inherited from the past and rebuilt at the end of the 80’s and at the beginning of the 90’s. We chose to attempt to reconstruct what has been the « épistémè », the legal and political representations of the key actors of the constitutional discussions. This choice made it necessary to recount the most significant facts and conceptions of the legal and institutional history of Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union. This approach is found in the first part of this dissertation, « Perestroika as a recipient, a revolution and a model ». It appears that despite the existence of liberal traditions and proto-parliamentary institutions, the dominant tradition, granted as such by the drafters of the Russian Constitution, is basically anti-juridical and authoritarian. It is in this context that the actors of the first Russian Republic tried to use foreign patterns (mostly American and French) and the theoretical patterns of Constitutional law (parliamentary regime and presidential regime) in order to create the new institutional design. The second part of the dissertation, « The redaction process of the Constitution of 1993 », deals with short history, that is years the 1990-1993 during which two sides challenged each other, both on a political and on constitutional grounds. The side of the Congress of People’s Deputies led by its President, Ruslan Khasbulatov, promoted a project of Parliament domination, while the side of the President of the Federation promoted a project of President domination. On both sides, empirical and theoretical patterns of constitutional law were exploited and their true meanings betrayed. Between these two sides, the Constitutional Commission created by the Congress of People’s Deputies, through its several drafts, tried to find a balanced design on the basis of foreign patterns and of the science of constitutional law. Finally, on the side of the President there was success in making its conceptions prevail, within a Constitutional Conference organized in June 1993, but mainly through its political victory of October 1993. The text passed on 12 December 1993, very much in favor of the Presidency, can be considered as the heir of this conflict, but as well partly as the heir of Russian and Soviet political traditions
12
Taylor, Robert C. "The constitution of the contemporary public realm within the privatized American urban landscape." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/23005.
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Culleen, Chandos Philip Weisbroth. "The Hawaiian Constitution of 1840: Acquiescence to or Defiance of Euro-American Pacific Colonialism?" Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/293537.
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The Hawaiian Constitution of 1840 has often been portrayed as the inescapable end-result of missionary led efforts to overthrow traditional Hawaiian ways of life. This thesis argues that the Constitution was in fact the result of deliberate steps taken by the Hawaiian leadership to defend against growing European and American colonialism in the Pacific. Further, this work will demonstrate that while the Hawaiians adopted the trappings of Euro-American government, the institutions they used to govern themselves remained primarily Hawaiian. Primary source material will be used to detail the process by which the Constitution was written and conduct an in-depth analysis of many of the structures embodied in the Constitution. Contemporary Hawaiian diplomatic efforts will also be discussed as a way of contextualizing the Constitution's place in the midst of colonial ventures and as proof that the Hawaiians were engaged in several efforts to protect their sovereignty.
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Vance, James. "Constitutional radicalism in Scotland and Ireland in the era of the American Revolution c.1760-1789." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266899.
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The main objective of this body of work is to define and delineate radical activity in Scotland and Ireland c. 1760-1789 and through this to assess the nature and construction of the contemporary British identity. In their various campaigns Scottish and Irish radicals held the restoration of the lustre of the British constitutional system and the promotion of integrity and propriety in the British state as both motives for, and objectives of, their actions. These radicals sought a restoration of what they perceived to be the post-Glorious Revolution constitutional system. Their actions and writings were based on the premise that the propriety of the British constitution had been compromised by Westminister in the years after 1691. Following a near seventy year long gestation period, Scottish and Irish constitutional grievances were galvanised in the years after the end of the Seven Years' War by the North American colonial challenge to Westminster's constitutional vision. Scotsmen and Irishmen impugned the civil, ecclesiastical and political constitution which had been imposed upon them. Each campaign was an assertion of contemporaneous perceptions of the rights of Britons, or perhaps more accurately an assessment of what Britishness was, contrasted to what it they believed it should have been.
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Guillemin, Maxence. "L'exceptionnalisme religieux et la Constitution américaine." Thesis, Reims, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015REIMD002/document.
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La présente étude tend à replacer le contexte de la construction fédérale américaine à la lumière d'un théisme politique émergent. L'exceptionnalisme procède à ce titre d'un paradoxe originel qui vient directement nourrir nos interrogations : la reconnaissance par la lettre constitutionnelle puis par les juges de la Cour Suprême d'un véritable « mur de séparation » entre le spirituel et le temporel, parfois exacerbé par les instruments du droit, mais qui doit être associé à la mise en place d'une «religion de la République» élaborée et fortement institutionnalisée. De là, l'auteur voit dans la notion d'exceptionnalisme religieux la mise en œuvre d'une rhétorique nouvelle qui entend offrir les instruments conceptuels permettant de revisiter la subtile immixtion de l' « esprit de religion » et de l' « esprit de liberté » chers à Alexis de Tocqueville. Cette perspective a dès lors pour dessein d'entrevoir une résolution de l'impossible oxymore que forme la république théocratico-laïque. Cette apparente dichotomie ne peut être entrevue à travers une lecture exclusivement doctrinale, elle emporte au contraire nombre d'incertitudes sur le plan jurisprudentiel. L'étude démontre à ce titre que les juges, en éludant la notion d'exceptionnalisme américain, ne peuvent construire un paradigme juridique apte à apprécier de manière satisfaisante les dispositions de droit positif en matière religieuse. Aussi, le constitutionnaliste œuvre à étudier les mécanismes juridiques traduisant un phénomène sociologique exceptionnaliste. Cette approche éclaire de telle manière la notion sans cesse revisitée de « laïcité américaine »<br>This study tends to put the federal construction in context of an emerging political theism. Exceptionalism reveals an original paradox that directly feeds our questions: the recognition by the Constitution then by the judges of the Supreme Court of a “wall of separation” between spiritual and temporal powers, sometimes exacerbated by the instruments of the law, but which must be associated with the establishment of a “religion of the Republic” highly developed and institutionalized. From there, the author sees the notion of religious exceptionalism as the implementation of a new rhetoric that aims to provide the conceptual tools to revisit the subtle interference of the “spirit of religion” and the “spirit of liberty”, quoted from Alexis de Tocqueville. This perspective has therefore the ambition of establishing a possible resolution of the oxymoron that forms the theocratic-secular republic. This apparent dichotomy cannot be seen through a purely doctrinal reading, it brings on the contrary many uncertainties on the jurisprudential work. The study shows that the judges, eluding the notion of American exceptionalism, cannot build a legal paradigm able to appreciate adequately the provisions of substantive law in religious matters. To this end, the constitutionalist studies the legal mechanisms resulting from an exceptionalist sociological phenomenon. This approach sheds light on the concept so constantly revisited of “American secularism”
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Petersen, Megan A. "Rights We Are Bound to Disrespect: John Locke, Dred Scott, and the American Social Contract." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/585.
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This article traces different forms of the same present throughout several eras in American political and social history. I focus on two texts, John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government, and Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney’s majority opinion in Dred Scott v. Sandford, in order to examine slavery as a legal institution in the United States, and, in particular, the constitutionality of slavery. Rather than a massive contradiction, the Dred Scott decision is just another iteration of American political and racial philosophy as it was 100, even 200 years earlier. Taney’s opinion is a reflection of what the Lockean social contract came to look like in a racially hierarchized, colonial society. The Dred Scott decision paints one of the most accurate pictures of American political thought but is always written off as nothing but bad law. A close examination of race and social contract theory as they influenced the American Constitution gives insight into more productive ways to talk about race today.
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Hakansson, Nieto Carlos Guillermo. "The characteristics and perspectives of Ibero-American Constitutionalism." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/119071.
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The Ibero-American constitutions over the years have had multiple purposes from a formalistic conception to a materialistic conception. In these circumstances, it is vital to determine the new conception of these constitutions, due to the subsequent influence that could lead to the constitutions of countries of civil law tradition, such as Latin America.<br>Las Constituciones Iberoamericanas a lo largo de los años han tenido múltiples finalidades, desde una concepción formalista hasta una concepción materialista. En estas circunstancias, es de vital importancia determinar la nueva concepción de estas constituciones, debido a la influencia posterior que podría generar a las constituciones de países de tradición civil law, como el latinoamericano.
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Owens, Robin L. "My Faith in the Constitution is Whole: Barbara Jordan Signifies on Scriptures." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/101.
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This dissertation is a critical investigation of the engagements of scriptures in the life and speeches of U.S. Congresswoman Barbara C. Jordan (1936–1996). I engage in a research methodology that utilizes critical historical, auto/biographical, literary, and rhetorical analyses. My research agenda is to explain how scriptures work and are used by Barbara Jordan to illustrate an example of a larger phenomenon of scripturalizing and scripturalization outside of the context of institutional religion. In order to give a fuller context to Barbara Jordan’s rhetorical strategies, as an African American woman, I first consider the lives, speeches and use of scriptures of formidable 19th century African American women orators and political activists, Maria W. Stewart and Anna Julia Cooper, who serve as functional equivalents or precursors to Barbara Jordan. In this study, I found that Barbara Jordan makes American scripture, i.e. the Constitution, function in her speeches as a central component in a discursive rhetorical strategy of indirection, which I refer to as signifying on scriptures. She uses the Constitution, along with her personal history as an African American woman, to pretend mere sociopolitical conviction about social injustice. However, at the same time, she is strategic and intends to promote advocacy for racial justice and gender equality. Jordan uses the Constitution to signify on scriptures in a similar manner to how Maria W. Stewart and Anna Julia Cooper use Christian scriptures, i.e. the Bible, in their speeches to negotiate social and political power.
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Cooke, Alexandra. "Federalism: The Struggle for Constitutional Authority." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/808.
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Henighan, Stephen. "Assuming the light : the constitution of cultural identity in the Parisian literary apprenticeships of Miguel Angel Asturias and Alejo Carpentier." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318891.
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BENTES, FERNANDO RAMALHO NEY MONTENEGRO. "THE SEPARATION OF POWERS FROM THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES: THE DEBATE OVER THE JEFFERSON S, MADISON S AND HAMILTON S CONSTITUTIONAL PROJECTS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2006. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=11347@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO<br>A Revolução Americana registrou uma intensa participação
política
popular nos Estados da Confederação. Este período marcou a
preferência pela
doutrina da separação absoluta de Poderes, uma vez que o
sistema de governo
balanceado inglês permitiu que o clientelismo real
corrompesse a independência
do Parlamento, órgão supostamente responsável pela defesa
das liberdades civis
nas colônias. Porém, o engajamento do povo foi condenado
pela elite norteamericana,
que liderou um movimento de centralização do poder capaz de
controlar o excesso de democracia local, identificado com
a supremacia que as
assembléias possuíam no âmbito estadual. Neste contexto
surge a Constituição de
1787, que funda suas bases na teoria dos freios e
contrapesos como um método de
fiscalização recíproca dos Poderes, mas, com especial
destaque, para o controle do
Legislativo. O evento constitucional enfraqueceu a virtude
dos cidadãos, que se
restringiu à atividade de expansão rumo à fronteira e
criou um mecanismo de
governo autônomo, que concentrou a política na ação de uma
elite dirigente e na
relação entre os diferentes órgãos intra-estatais. O
estudo da concepção de
separação de Poderes em Jefferson, Madison e Hamilton
ajuda a esclarecer o
modo com que o projeto constitucional de 1787 rompeu com a
ideologia a
essência revolucionária.<br>The American Revolution presented a high level of popular
politics
participation under the Confederation years. This moment
marked the option for
the absolute doctrine of the separation of powers as a
response against the failure
of the balanced constitution theory and the incapacity of
the British Parliament to
protect the colonies civil liberties. However, the fear of
popular engagement made
the American elites lead a centralization of power that
could be able to control the
popular local democracy. The Constitution of the United
States and its checks and
balances system were born as a result of that conservative
process. The
constitutional structure protected the government of the
people direct action and
influence, creating a separated dimension to the politics
forces game. The study of
the concepts of this era and the meanings they were used,
particularly, the
Jefferson s, Madison s and Hamilton s conception
concerning of the separation of
powers doctrine helps to understand how the Constitution
ruptured the spirit of the
American Revolution, based on the active citizenship.
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Byles, Matthew. "Has the war powers provision of the American Constitution inhibited or facilitated the United States' ability to make war? /." Title page, table of contents and introduction only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arb9939.pdf.
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Clark, Wiltz Meredith M. "REVISING CONSTITUTIONS: AMERICAN WOMEN AND JURY SERVICE FROM THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE NINETEENTH AMENDMENT." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1143130629.
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Bregagio, Lazarte Renata, and Caycho Renato Constantino. "Legal instruments, policy tools: a look at the impact of the judgments of the Inter- American Court of Human Rights in Latin American constitutions." Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91843.
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The current research tries to recognize how the Inter-American Court of Human Rightscan influence in the legal and constitutional reforms in Latin American countries. It tries to understand what elements are required for those reforms to happen. It is stated that it requires human rights movements with knowledge of the Inter-American system and a favorable State context of at least one branch of the State. Finally, it was found that, in the cases studied, thecontext determines whether what the Inter-American Court says is applied or not.<br>La presente investigación apunta a conocer la manera en la que la Corte Interamericana deDerechos Humanos afecta reformas jurídicas y constitucionales en los países latinoamericanos. Se busca comprender qué elementos son importantes para que se presenten las reformas. Además, se plantea que, para que estas reformas se lleven a cabo, es requerida la conjunción de movimientos con conocimiento del sistema interamericano y un contexto estatal favorable en al menos una de las ramas tradicionales del Estado. Finalmente, se encontró que, en los casos reseñados, el contexto suele ser determinante para la aplicación de lo señalado por la Corte Interamericana.
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Mathews, Amanda A. ""A Government of Laws and Not of Men": John Adams, Attorney, and the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/526.
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Thesis advisor: Alan Rogers<br>Thesis advisor: Brendan McConville<br>The Massachusetts Constitution is the oldest active constitution in the world — it has been in effect for 228 years. While the state has amended the original document many times since its passage, its essential provisions, which have remained largely unaltered, are undoubtedly the work of a single man — John Adams. John Adams, routinely neglected among scholars, is essential to the development of American political thought. The purpose of this study is to put a magnifying glass on two important aspects of John Adams's life and give them the detailed study that they deserve: his legal career and its impact on the Massachusetts Constitution. The link between his legal career and his political theory is crucial to understanding that document. To write about John Adams's political thought without understanding the two-decade long legal career that drove so much of it leaves one with only a shallow understanding of how that thought developed. It was through the study of numerous legal authors along with his reflection and experiences as an attorney that Adams came to understand how vital the law was for a nation. Indeed, for Adams, law was the basis for good government itself, "to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of men."<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History<br>Discipline: History Honors Program<br>Discipline: College Honors Program
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Troxler, Howard. "Electoral abuse in the late Roman Republic." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002368.
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Riccardi, Anna. "La 'Presidenzializzazione' del sistema di governo britannico." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Salerno, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10556/120.
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2008-2009<br>Nell'ambito di un approccio giuridico-politologico allo studio delle forme di Stato e di governo, il punto fondamentale sarà quello di chiarire il grado di importanza da attribuire alle variabili esogene nella individuazione delle categorie della modellistica costituzionale tradizionale e, soprattutto, comprendere in che rapporto esse si pongono con gli elementi strutturali-formali che definiscono uno specifico modello istituzionale. In altri termini, la necessità di dar vita a una tassonomia il più possibile esaustiva e realistica dei sistemi istituzionali effettivamente operanti induce il giurista ad abbandonare il suo "metodo tradizionale" optando per criteri classificatori "estranei alla sua scienza" o, pur prendendo atto della loro rilevanza, egli continua a considerare fondamentale la distinzione tra elementi costitutivi e situazioni condizionanti? La risposta a tale quesito sarà graduale. Dopo aver fatto ampio riferimento ai diversi criteri utilizzati nella classificazione tradizionale delle forme di governo (rilevandone di volta in volta limiti e meriti) e aver individuato quale (o quali) tra essi sembra conciliare meglio rispetto agli altri l'esigenza di esaustività e accuratezza, nell'intento di valutare la fondatezza della tesi della presidenzializzazione del sistema britannico, si presterà particolare attenzione, nel corso del secondo e terzo capitolo, all'interrelazione che, dall'analisi della realtà istituzionale, emerge tra le variabili strutturali-formali e gli elementi dinamico-funzionali nella definizione del modello costituzionale. Proprio il rapporto tra le due tipologie di variabili sarà il filo conduttore dell'intero lavoro, nel senso che, dopo esserci soffermati su di esso nell'ambito dell'inquadramento generale delle forme di governo, l'analisi proseguirà prendendo in considerazione lo specifico modello parlamentare britannico per arrivare, infine, a considerare il fenomeno della presidenzializzazione della politica e a valutare l'attendibilità della tesi relativa all'esistenza di una British Presidency su cui da tempo costituzionalisti e politologi dibattono. Nel prendere in considerazione la tesi della presidenzializzazione obiettivo primario di questo lavoro sarà quello di valutare l'attendibilità dell'approccio giuridico classico, ovvero, ciò su cui ci si interrogherà prevalentemente sarà l'opportunità o meno di "liberare" l'analisi di un modello istituzionale dalla vincolo dei suoi elementi giuridico-foemali considerando rilevanti a riguardo anche le dinamiche funzionali ad esso collegate. Onde pervenire a una valutazione scientificamente adeguata, i meccanismi tradizionali della British Constitution saranno oggetto di una duplice valutazione. Da un alto, mediante la comparazione diretta con alcuni aspetti della American Constitution, si cercherà di capire cosa rende possibile e, quindi, fonda il ricorso all'"analogia presidenziale", avvicinando il parlamentarismo britannico al modello presidenziale U.S.A. Dall'altro, considerando le vicende istituzionali collegate soprattutto alle "innovative" premierships di M. Thatcher e T. Blair, si cercherà di capire il valore di tali meccanismi nella definizione degli equilibri attuali della forma di governo. In particolare, consapevoli delle molteplici innovazioni intervenute nella gestione e conduzione dell'attività politica si cercherà di capire quale valore attribuire ad esse nella "riqualificazione in senso presidenziale" del Regno Unito.<br>VIII n.s.
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Highkin, Emily. "Delegate Voting at the 1787 Constitutional Convention: The Entanglement of Economic Interests and the Great Compromise." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1582396815051673.
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Laurens, Johannes Bernardus. "Validation of the Mandatory Guidelines for the American Federal Workplace Drug Testing Programs within the context of the South African Constitution." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60056.
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This study assessed the USA Mandatory Guidelines for the American Federal Workplace Drug and Alcohol-free Workplace, as a proposed framework for drug and alcohol testing in the South African workplace.
The use of mind-altering substances like cocaine and opium has been part of humankind for millennia. Alcohol is an excellent example of a euphoric substance that is legal and socially acceptable. Sufficient evidence exists that the use of these substances by workers is a health and safety risk in the workplace due to their effects on the human brain. A drug and alcohol-free workplace program needs to be established subject to certain constraints.
The main constraint is the fact that the privacy of an employee has to be respected, as required by the Constitution of South Africa, and this includes private drug use. Therefore, a balance should be struck between the privacy of an employee and the risk imposed on his own health and safety and that of others due to his drug use (licit and illicit). A workplace drug and alcohol-free program, which is ethically sound, legally correct and scientifically accurate will minimize the risk to all parties involved in the workplace if it is applied correctly and consistently. Testing of employees can be regarded as the apex of such a program since incorrect test results can harm not only an individual, but can also be detrimental to his own safety and that of others if he is allowed on site in a state of intoxication.
There are no regulatory mandatory guidelines in South Africa as there are in the United States of America (US), but there is sufficient legislation that allows for the testing of employees within a drug and alcohol-free workplace program. An overview of the US legal framework and Department of Health and Human Services Mandatory Guidelines for the American Federal Drug and Alcohol-free Workplace Program (HHS Mandatory Guidelines) will be provided and compared for compliance against South African legislation. Suggestions will be made in accordance with international best practice in the case of non-compliance with the US guidelines within the South African context. Current practice in South Africa will be highlighted and evaluated against international best practice.
The medico-legal questions raised in this study will be portrayed at an integrative level, with reference to a multi-layered approach, founded in the applicable supreme provisions of the Constitution of South Africa, the applicable principles of common law, relevant legislation (often articulated in terms of the Constitution), professional policy guidelines, interpretative case law, and considerations of medical ethics.<br>Mini Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2017.<br>Public Law<br>MPhil<br>Unrestricted
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Wong, Zachary. "“Of Every Sort”: Conceptions of Property Rights at the Time of the American Founding." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2002.
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The most contentious issues of our day often have to do with political and social rights as opposed to economic rights. Through the lens of property rights I investigate whether this dichotomy existed at the time of the American founding. First, I examine the state constitutions and identify three clauses, common to the documents, which protect property rights. I examine their historical basis and reveal their connection to English common law and Locke, primarily. Then, I discuss the personal views of Madison and Jefferson to gain insight into the personal thoughts of two of the most influential Founders. Finally, I examine the actual protections for property rights found in the Constitution and Bill of Rights. Ultimately, I conclude that the Founders saw property rights as deserving of no less protection than social and political rights. Our modern political arena thus has a blind spot when it comes to economic rights. Understanding, at the very least, this part of our nation’s original history is useful for American policymakers, advocates, and citizens of any political stripe.
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Vlachogiannis, Apostolos. "Les juges de la Cour Suprême des Etats-Unis et la notion de constitution vivante." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020019.
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Les juges de la Cour Suprême des États-Unis et la notion de constitution vivante.Une constitution écrite peut-elle évoluer au cours du temps et s’adapter aux besoins et aux valeurs évolutives de la société, sans pour autant être révisée formellement ? Et si oui, qu’en est-il du texte constitutionnel ? Devant ces interrogations, la notion de constitution vivante vise à résoudre le paradoxe du changement matériel de la Constitution sans modification du texte. Elle est sans aucun doute un topos – qui ne manque pas de susciter des critiques,notamment celle de la théorie dite « originaliste » - de la pensée constitutionnelle américaine, un concept mobilisé, en l’occurrence, pour justifier la cause de la réforme juridique et sociale. Elle a été développée,durant le XXe siècle, principalement par des juges de la Cour Suprême américaine qui ont fourni une approche stimulante et fertile de la nature de la Constitution. La notion de constitution vivante exprime donc une conception évolutive de la Loi suprême, qui saurait, par sa flexibilité et sa fonctionnalité,s’adapter au changement de circonstances. Dans ce cadre, elle a été instrumentalisée afin de surmonter la rigidité de la procédure de révision formelle prescrite par l’article V de la Constitution. Cette notion est dès lors porteuse de la tension entre la permanence du texte et l’évolution du droit constitutionnel positif. Pour justifier ce décalage entre la forme et le fond, les juges défenseurs de la constitution vivante ont toujours traité le texte comme un « document vivant », qui doit être lu à la lumière des valeurs évolutives et des idéaux partagés par le peuple américain<br>The Justices of the United States Supreme Court and the notion of the livingConstitutionCan a written constitution evolve over time and adapt itself to the changingneeds and values of society, without being formally amended? If yes, thenwhat about the text? The notion of the living constitution tries to solve theparadox of constitutional change without modification of the text. It is acommon place notion – though subject to fierce criticism, notably byoriginalism - of U.S. constitutional thought, a concept invoked on manydifferent occasions in order to promote constitutional and social change. It hasbeen primarily elaborated by certain Justices of the Supreme Court of theUnited States during the 20th century, who have offered a stimulatingapproach of the nature of the U.S. Constitution. From their point of view, thenotion of the living constitution is based on the idea that the Constitutionevolves over time adapting itself to the ever changing circumstances. It thusleads to a theory of interpretation which treats the constitutional provisionsthat allocate powers or guarantee individual rights as flexible and vital.Furthermore, the notion of the living constitution has been used as a means ofovercoming the barrier of the amendment procedure as prescribed by Article Vof the U.S. Constitution. Therefore, it is marked by the tension between thepermanence of the text and the evolution of constitutional law. In order tojustify this evolution, the Justices who defend the notion of the livingConstitution, have always treated the text as a living document, which mustbe read in light of the aspirations and the high ideals of the American people
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Lillard, Scott K. "THE CEMENT OF INTEREST: INTERSTATE INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, INTERSTATE COMMERCE, AND THE TRANSITION FROM THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION TO THE CONSTITUTION, 1783-1786." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1354829932.
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McCann, Lluana. "American Public Administration: A Foundation for Praxis and Praxiology." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/26031.
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American Public Administration (PA) theory and practices have lacked adequately articulated or formalized normative foundations since the formal founding of the American State. Discussions regarding how PA theory derives from individual and collective critical reflection on practices (praxiology) and how that knowledge can inform future actions (praxis) virtually have been absent in all organizations. The recognition of the political legitimacy of PA has been lacking. The placing of a viable and critical social theory that posits conscious, responsible, and committed human practices within the context of the administration of the American Constitutional State, a politically narrow context, has been lacking as well. This dissertation establishes the works of social theorists Orion White, Jr., Michael Harmon, Robert Denhardt and Bayard Catron as the foundation for understanding how individuals do and can contribute to the collective administration of the complex state, including how they operate daily in organizations they join, critique and are capable of changing. These scholars understand the dynamics of human being and present discussions of human actions and practices that are capable of tackling the challenges associated with administering the American State. The work of John Rohr has established the other missing linksâ the constitutional legitimacy of PA and the clarification of constitutional values to which American administrative actions and knowledge must adhere. This dissertation asserts that it is the placing of human theory and action within the distinctly American theory and practices of the State that constitutes the solid normative foundations for American PA Praxis and Praxiology that constitutes a viable and formal founding of American Public Administration in word and deed.<br>Ph. D.
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Kempen, Laura Charlotte. "Words of deliverance : the (re)constitution of the disenfranchised feminine subject in selected works of West African and Latin American women writers /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6694.
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Kozuskanich, Nathan R. "“For the Security and Protection of the Community:” the frontier and the makings of Pennsylvanian Constitutionalism." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1133196585.
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Kazzazi, Seyedeh Anahit. "Performing science : new physics and contemporary British and American science plays." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/67576/.
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Tolley, Rebecca. "Review of Encyclopedia of The U.S. Census: From The Constitution To The American Community Survey ed. by Margo J. Anderson, Constance F. Citro, and Joseph J. Salvo." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5643.
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Foster, Donald. "Public perceptions of the separation of church and state." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002636.
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Neto, Paulo Macedo Garcia. "A influência do realismo jurídico norte-americano no direito constitucional brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-27022012-165826/.
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O objetivo desta dissertação de mestrado é analisar a assimilação antropofágica (Utilizarei, nesta dissertação a metáfora da expressão Antropofagia realizada pelo Movimento Modernista brasileiro. Assim como os índios canibais devoravam seus inimigos, acreditando que assim assimilavam as suas qualidades, os artistas Modernistas propunham uma devoração simbólica da cultura estrangeira, aproveitando suas inovações artísticas sem perder a identidade cultural brasileira.) do debate jurídico norte-americano produzido em torno da questão social durante a Era Roosevelt por parte do pensamento jurídico brasileiro da Era Vargas. Desse modo, estudar-se-á a forma como os autores norte-americanos da Sociological Jurisprudence e do Realismo Jurídico foram utilizados pela doutrina jurídica brasileira do período entre guerras na formação de um pensamento jurídico antiliberal e anticonceitualista. No centro da crise do capitalismo mundial, as universidades (Roscoe Pound, 1870-1964, e Karl Nickerson Llewellyn, 1893-1962), a Suprema Corte (Benjamin Nathan Cardozo, 1870-1938, e Louis Dembitz Brandeis, 1856-1941) e o corpo burocrático do governo (1933-1945) Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882-1945) (James MacCauley Landis, 1899-1964) produziam alternativas ao mecanicismo judicial e ao modelo liberal. Na periferia do capitalismo mundial, o corpo burocrático de Vargas (Oliveira Vianna, Francisco Campos e Francisco Sá Filho) e as revistas e debates jurídicos (João Mangabeira e Alípio Silveira) questionavam o liberalismo da República Velha (1889-1930) e buscavam, no mercado global de idéias, modelos institucionais que pudessem ser antropofagizados, substituindo as idéias fora do lugar implantadas pelo bacharelismo utópico da República Velha. Era o momento de explicar o Brasil, encontrar o desenho institucional mais adequado à realidade nacional, construir uma opinião pública e descobrir as soluções para converter o atraso em modernização. Assim, nos principais palcos do debate jurídico dos dois países e, em especial, na Suprema Corte norte-americana e na doutrina jurídica brasileira, percebia-se essa tentativa de revisão do método jurídico, como uma forma de se adequar o direito a um novo quadro de relações do capitalismo industrial. Desse modo, não só se via a necessidade de implantação de um aparato jurídico apto a tratar a questão social (como a regulação das relações do trabalho), como também se observava a necessidade de se reconstruir a forma como se aplicava o direito. O modelo formalista e conceitualista que havia se consolidado sob uma perspectiva privatista e liberal durante o século XIX, mostrava-se ineficiente para atender as novas demandas da sociedade. Esse aspecto de integração entre a questão social e o antiformalismo é essencial para compreender o paralelo entre o pensamento jurídico norte-americano e brasileiro durante o período entre guerras, uma vez que é por meio desse eixo comum que se estabeleceram os principais canais de leitura antropofágica do pensamento jurídico norte-americano pelo pensamento jurídico brasileiro.<br>The objective of this Master\'s Degree dissertation is to analyze the \"anthropophagical\" (I will use, in this dissertation, the metaphor of the word Anthropophagy made by the Brazilian Modernist Movement. Like the cannibal Indians used to devour their enemies, with the belief that, as such, they would assimilate their qualities, the Modernist artists used to propose a symbolic devouring of the foreign culture, taking advantage of their artistic innovations without losing the Brazilian cultural identity) assimilation of the North-American legal debate, arising from the social issue during the Age of Roosevelt, by the Brazilian legal thought of the Age of Vargas. Therefore, one will study the way how the North-American authors of the Sociological Jurisprudence and of the Legal Realism have been used by the Brazilian legal doctrine of the interwar period, in the formation of an anti-liberal and anti-conceptualist legal thought. In the core crisis of the worldwide capitalism, Universities (Roscoe Pound, 1870-1964, and Karl Nickerson Llewellyn, 1893-1962), Supreme Court (Benjamin Nathan Cardozo, 1870-1938, and Louis Dembitz Brandeis, 1856-1941) and bureaucratic body of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882-1945) government (1933-1945) (James MacCauley Landis, 1899-1964) produced alternatives to the legal mechanicism and to the liberal model. At the periphery of the world capitalism, the bureaucratic body of Vargas (Oliveira Vianna, Francisco Campos and Francisco Sá Filho) and the legal magazines and debates (João Mangabeira e Alípio Silveira) questioned the liberalism of the Old Republic (1889-1930) and searched, in the global market of ideas, for institutional models that could be anthropophagized, replacing the out-of-place ideas implemented by the utopic bachelorism of the Old Republic. That was the time of explaining Brazil, finding the institutional drawing that is the most proper to the national reality, building a public opinion and discovering the solutions to convert the delay into modernization. Thus, in the main background legal debate of the two countries legal debate, and especially in the United States Supreme Court and in the Brazilian legal doctrine could be perceive such attempt of review of the legal method, as a way of fitting the law to a new picture of relations of the industrial capitalism. Therefore, it would be seen not only the need of implementation of a legal apparatus proper to treat the social issue (such as the regulation of the work relations), as well as one would observe the need of rebuilding the way how the law was applied. The formalist and conceptualist model that would be consolidated under a privativistic and liberal perspective during the 19th Century showed to be ineffective to deal with the new demands of the society. This aspect of integration between the social issue and the anti-formalism is essential to understand the parallel between the North-American and Brazilian legal thought during the interwar period, since the main channels of anthropophagic reading of the North-American legal thought by the Brazilian one have been established by means of this common axis.
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Breaux, Rhonda J. (Rhonda Janise). "Charles Beard versus the Founding Fathers: Property Concepts in the Eighteenth Century." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500766/.
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This thesis deals with the role of property in the formation of the American Constitution and government. Charles Beard's views on property are compared with writings from the eighteenth century. Beard's writings on property and his critics are examined in the first two chapters. Then, the thesis's two historical contexts are evaluated. Concentrating on the Enclosure Acts, the fourth chapter looks at the importance of land to the former Englishmen. The eighteenth century view of property is the focus of the fifth section. The last chapter contrasts the two different views of property. Beard believed that the Constitution was a conservative document that protected the property of the few over the many. The Founding Fathers actually included liberal protections for property in the eighteenth century.
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Kahhal, Lama. "La constitution de l'événement médiatique dans la presse en ligne américaine, irakienne et saoudienne - L'événement du retrait des troupes américaines d'Irak (2010-2011)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030074.
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Notre étude porte sur la constitution de l’événement médiatique particulièrement dans la presse en ligne, étant un dispositif qui permet l’interaction entre les journalistes, les acteurs politiques et les lecteurs. D’une part, nous nous occupons de la mise en récit de l’événement dans le journal électronique, en analysant la façon dont les journalistes ont traité, évoqué et raconté cet événement. D’autre part, nous étudions la façon dont les journalistes et les lecteurs se rencontrent à travers le dispositif de la presse en ligne qui leur permet de commenter, de discuter et de se plonger dans des débats autour des événements émergeants. Plus précisément, nous étudions comment la presse en ligne américaine, irakienne et saoudienne- représentée dans notre corpus par le Los Angeles Times, le Washington Post, Almada, et Alhayat- a constitué l’événement du retrait des troupes américaines d’Irak qui a eu lieu entre 2010 et 2011. Ensuite, nous étudions comment les commentaires des lecteurs de ces journaux électroniques ont contribué à la modification, voire à la reconfiguration des récits racontés par les journalistes. L’objectif de cette recherche est d’analyser comment les événements médiatiques sont organisés par les discours de la presse en ligne, et de démontrer que les publics peuvent, eux-aussi, participer à la constitution des récits des événements à travers leurs interventions et leurs feedbacks dans les champs consacrés aux commentaires des lecteurs dans les journaux électroniques<br>This research studies the formation of the media event particularly in the electronic press, as a support that allows the interaction between journalists, politicians and readers. On one hand, we deal with the configuration of the story of the event in the electronic newspaper, by analyzing how journalists treated and narrated this event. On the other hand, we study how journalists and readers meet through the support of the electronic press which allows them to comment, discuss and delve into debates related to the emerging events. Herein, we study how the American, Iraqi and Saudi electronic press, represented in our corpus by the Los Angeles Times, the Washington Post, Almada, and Alhayat, configured the event of the American withdrawal from Iraq between 2010 and 2011. In addition, we study how the comments of the readers on these electronic newspapers have contributed to the modification or the reconfiguration of the stories told by journalists. The objective of this project is to analyze how media events are organized and formed in the electronic press, and to show how the public can also participate in shaping the media stories through the space designated for readers' comments in electronic newspapers
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Dias, Clarissa F. "Do Constitutions Matter? Essays on the Impact of Constitutional Provisions on De Facto Judicial Independence in Latin American Countries." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/29.
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Conventional wisdom holds that constitutions shape behavior, structures, and institutions. Looking at provisions in the constitutions of 19 Latin American countries, I show the level of judicial independence exercised by a country’s courts and judges is a function of constitutional provisions.
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Edwards, Madeleine. "Houses of the People: Rural Education and Post-Revolutionary Constructions of Citizenship in Mexico 1917-1940." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1207.
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This thesis argues that the curricula distributed among the newly founded, rural socialist schools in Mexico after the Revolution of 1910 created a new narrative about one of the most explosive moments in Latin American history. It describes the ways that women's work was increased by charging mothers with additional burdens of raising revolutionary citizens and developing the ideals of the revolution at home. The thesis gives a close read of one major children's novel of the time as well as articles from a teachers' magazine to discuss the ways that the post-revolutionary state government promoted indigenous ethnocide in the wake of the 1910 revolution and consolidated political power to the hands of the official state party which has dominated Mexican politics ever since.
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Goodman, Thomas. "Constitutional Dysfunction: Assessing American Institutional Development." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:106968.
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Thesis advisor: Kenneth I. Kersch<br>There is a widespread belief among Americans that the nation’s political system suffers from dysfunction. It is, therefore, worth asking whether the Constitution has been complicit in contributing to the perceived political dysfunction. Does the United States, in effect, suffer from constitutional dysfunction? I conclude that political and societal developments subsequent to the Founding have retooled and repurposed American governing institutions, rendering their function antithetical to the original design of the Constitution. The long-term and collective effects of these changes may contribute to contemporary constitutional dysfunction. At the outset, I discuss general purposes and functions of constitutions. By describing constitutional functionality, we can better grasp the nature of when constitutions work and when they fail to function. As such, we will be best equipped to not only design a metric by which to measure constitutional dysfunction, but to apply this rubric to the American regime. “Chapter Two” will detail the framing of the American Constitution and explore the principles undergirding its creation. “Chapter Three” will cover the so-called “unfounding,” the processes and developments which have changed the character of governing institutions. “Chapter Four” will focus on proposed solutions which may be both misguided and potentially problematic. Finally, “Chapter Five” will consider the best approach to addressing American constitutional dysfunction<br>Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2016<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science
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Landa, Arroyo César. "Constitutional Justice in Latin America." IUS ET VERITAS, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123250.
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From the relationship between Democracy and Constitutionalism in Latin America, the author addresses the issue of constitutional justice as an entity of control of the constitutionality of the laws, which would have power against majority when it derogates an unconstitutional legislation. Also, the author reflects on the protection of fundamental rights in the region, analyzing the nuances presented in terms of the various constitutional conceptions.<br>A partir de la relación entre la Democracia y el Constitucionalismo en Latinoamérica, el autor aborda la problemática de justicia constitucional como entidad encargada del control judicial de las leyes, que ejercería un poder contra mayoritario de anular las normas legales inconstitucionales. Asimismo, se plantea una reflexión acerca del amparo de los derechos fundamentales en la región, analizando los matices que presenta en cuantoa las distintas concepciones constitucionales.
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Pacheco, Pablo Viana. "Normas constitucionais inconvencionais." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6976.
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Previous issue date: 2016-02-03<br>The present work aims at presenting the thesis that some Brazilian constitutional rules violate the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR). It starts with the hypothesis that section LXVII from article 5 the 1988 Constitution, which permits the arrestment of the unfaithful trustee, it violates article 7.7 from the ACHR, which prohibits the referred form of privacy deprivation; the paragraphs b and c from section I article 102 of the 1988 Constitution, regulated by section I of article 5 and paragraphs j e k from section I article 9) of the Internal Regulations of the Federal Supreme Court (STF), without right to an appeal, which violate paragraph h from the article 8.2 of the American Convention, which guarantees the right to the double degree of jurisdiction; also, the Constitutional Amendment 26/85, that amnestied criminals from the military regime, violates article 8.1 and 25 from the ACHR, which establishes judicial guarantees, the right to judicial protection and the duty of the Brazilian State to guarantee judicial protection. In order to analyze the unconventionality of such rules, it proposes a theory of the generations of rights, according to which, the first generation of rights is made by the natural rights, the second generation by the legal rights, the third generation is constituted by the fundamental rights and the fourth generation is composed by the human rights. The present thesis is justified due to the necessity to evaluate the compatibility of the Brazilian constitutional rules face the ACHR. Finally, it reaches the conclusion that the Brazilian State has the duty to perform the control of conventionality of unconventional constitutional rules, due to its obligation to respect the human rights, adopting legislative or judicial measures to comply with the American Convention (pacta sunt servanda) in good faith (bona fides)<br>O presente trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar a tese de que existem normas constitucionais do Estado brasileiro que violam a Convenção Americana sobre Direitos Humanos (CADH). Parte da hipótese de que o inciso LXVII do art. 5º da Constituição de 1988, que permite a prisão do depositário infiel, viola o art. 7.7 da CADH, o qual veda a referida forma de privação da liberdade; de que as alíneas b e c do inciso I do art. 102 da Constituição de 1988, regulamentadas pelo inciso I do art. 5º e alíneas j e k do inciso I do art. 9º do Regimento Interno do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), que permitem o julgamento em única e última instância pelo STF, sem direito a um recurso, violam a alínea h do art. 8.2 da Convenção Americana, a qual garante o direito ao duplo grau de jurisdição; bem como a Emenda Constitucional n. 26/85, que anistiou criminosos do regime militar, viola os arts. 8.1 e 25 da CADH, que estabelecem, respectivamente, garantias judiciais, direito à proteção judicial e o dever do Estado brasileiro de garantir a proteção judicial. Para analisar a inconvencionalidade das referidas normas, propõe uma teoria das gerações de direitos, segundo a qual a primeira geração de direitos é formada pelos direitos naturais; a segunda geração, pelos direitos legais; a terceira geração é constituída pelos direitos fundamentais, e a quarta geração é composta pelos direitos humanos. Justifica-se a presente tese em virtude da necessidade da avaliação da compatibilidade das normas constitucionais brasileiras em face da CADH. Por fim, chega à conclusão de que o Estado brasileiro tem o dever de realizar o controle de convencionalidade das normas constitucionais inconvencionais, em virtude da sua obrigação de respeitar os direitos humanos, adotando medidas legislativas ou judiciais para cumprir a Convenção Americana (pacta sunt servanda) de boa-fé (bona fides)
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Drummond, Nicholas W. "Montesquieu, Diversity, and the American Constitutional Debate." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822814/.
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It has become something of a cliché for contemporary scholars to assert that Madison turned Montesquieu on his head and thereafter give little thought to the Frenchman’s theory that republics must remain limited in territorial size. Madison did indeed present a formidable challenge to Montesquieu’s theory, but I will demonstrate in this dissertation that the authors of the Federalist Papers arrived at the extended sphere by following a theoretical pathway already cemented by the French philosopher. I will also show that Madison’s “practical sphere” ultimately concedes to Montesquieu that excessive territorial size and high levels of heterogeneity will overwhelm the citizens of a republic and enable the few to oppress the many. The importance of this dissertation is its finding that the principal mechanism devised by the Federalists for dealing with factions—the enlargement of the sphere—was crafted specifically for the purpose of moderating interests, classes, and sects within an otherwise relatively homogeneous nation. Consequently, the diverse republic that is America today may be exposed to the existential threat anticipated by Montesquieu’s theory of size—the plutocratic oppression of society by an elite class that employs the strategy of divide et impera.
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Glennon, Colin, and Hemant Sherma. "American Government The Evolution of a Constitutional Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/120.
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Buvalovas, Thais Helena dos Santos. "Hipólito da Costa em Londres: libertadores, whiggs e radicais no discurso político do Correio Braziliense (1808-1812)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-30042013-102854/.
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Hipólito José da Costa se tornou célebre como editor do Correio Braziliense, periódico que publicou durante seu exílio em Londres, de 1808 a 1822. A historiografia mais recente em língua portuguesa tem identificado Hipólito como herdeiro do reformismo ilustrado português, mas o discurso de seu jornal mostra que ele transitava em âmbito bem mais vasto. Esta tese demonstra que o Correio Braziliense estava inserido numa rede textual bastante ampla, de filiação anglo-americana e âmbito transoceânico, cujo principal centro de gravidade e articulação era a capital britânica. Os textos publicados pelo exilado luso-brasileiro entre os anos de 1808 e 1812, período ao qual está circunscrito este trabalho, permitem distinguir com clareza sua filiação a um corpo de ideias que não encontra referências no universo mental da sociedade portuguesa e cujo nexo pode ser localizado no chamado whiggismo, bem como em vertentes mais radicais do pensamento político britânico.<br>Hipólito José da Costa became renowned as editor of Correio Braziliense, a periodical which he published during his exile in London, from 1808 to 1822. The most recent historiography in Portuguese has identified Hipólito as heir to the Portuguese enlightened reformism, but his publication´s discourse shows that he was moving in much wider circles. This thesis demonstrates that Correio Braziliense was inserted in a very broad textual network, with Anglo-American affiliation and transoceanic extent, whose main center of gravity and articulation was the British capital. The texts published by the Portuguese-Brazilian exile from the years 1808 to 1812, the period which is covered by this work, allows one to clearly distinguish his affiliation with a set of ideas which has no reference to the mental world of the Portuguese society and whose nexus can be found in the so-called whiggism, as well as in more radical aspects of British political thought.
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Massender, James. "Cultures of history : contested communities and the 'constitution' of America." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297404.
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