Journal articles: 'American civil rights movements'

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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.

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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.

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Keene, Jennifer D. "DEEDS NOT WORDS: AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (September 27, 2018): 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.

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This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.

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Yates, Steven. "Civil Wrongs and Religious Liberty." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (1994): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199461/24.

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The civil rights movement has broken away from its religious roots which once provided it firm support and, indeed, it has become a threat to those roots. In fact, the past thirty years evidence two civil rights movements. The original civil rights movement promoted equal opportunity and presupposed a constrained vision of human possibilities compatible with Christianity, The revised civil rights agenda, which had replaced it by 1971, promoted preferential policies dubbed "affirmative action" based on an unconstrained vision incompatible with both Christianity and the American founding. The most visible threat to religious liberty is the expansion of civil rights protections to include homosexuals despite the overwhelming rejection of homosexuality as a lifestyle by the majority of Americans, including Christians.

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Yates, Steven. "Civil Wrongs and Religious Liberty." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (1994): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199461/24.

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The civil rights movement has broken away from its religious roots which once provided it firm support and, indeed, it has become a threat to those roots. In fact, the past thirty years evidence two civil rights movements. The original civil rights movement promoted equal opportunity and presupposed a constrained vision of human possibilities compatible with Christianity, The revised civil rights agenda, which had replaced it by 1971, promoted preferential policies dubbed "affirmative action" based on an unconstrained vision incompatible with both Christianity and the American founding. The most visible threat to religious liberty is the expansion of civil rights protections to include homosexuals despite the overwhelming rejection of homosexuality as a lifestyle by the majority of Americans, including Christians.

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5

Bwalya Lungu, Nancy, and Alice Dhliwayo. "African American Civil Rights Movements to End Slavery, Racism and Oppression in the Post Slavery Era: A Critique of Booker T. Washington’s Integration Ideology." EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (September 30, 2021): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0104.

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The Transatlantic Slave trade began during the 15th century when Portugal and subsequently other European kingdoms were able to expand overseas and reach Africa. The Portuguese first began to kidnap people from the West Coast of Africa and took those that they enslaved to Europe. This saw a lot of African men and women transported to Europe and America to work on the huge plantations that the Whites owned. The transportation of these Africans exposed them to inhumane treatments which they faced even upon the arrival at their various destinations. The emancipation Proclamation signed on 1st January 1863 by the United States President Abraham Lincoln saw a legal stop to slave trade. However, the African Americans that had been taken to the United States and settled especially in the Southern region faced discrimination, segregation, violence and were denied civil rights through segregation laws such as the Jim Crow laws and lynching, based on the color of their skin. This forced them especially those that had acquired an education to rise up and speak against this treatment. They formed Civil Rights Movements to advocate for Black rights and equal treatment. These protracted movements, despite continued violence on Blacks, Culminated in Barack Obama being elected the first African American President of the United States of America. To cement the victory, he won a second term, which Donald Trump failed to obtain. This paper sought to critic the philosophies of Booker T. Washington in his civil rights movement, particularly his ideologies of integration, self-help, racial solidarity and accommodation as expressed in his speech, “the Atlanta Compromise,” and the impact this had on the political and civil rights arena for African Americans.

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Bwalya Lungu, Nancy, and Alice Dhliwayo. "African American Civil Rights Movements to End Slavery, Racism and Oppression in the Post Slavery Era: A Critique of Booker T. Washington’s Integration Ideology." EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (September 30, 2021): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0104.

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The Transatlantic Slave trade began during the 15th century when Portugal and subsequently other European kingdoms were able to expand overseas and reach Africa. The Portuguese first began to kidnap people from the West Coast of Africa and took those that they enslaved to Europe. This saw a lot of African men and women transported to Europe and America to work on the huge plantations that the Whites owned. The transportation of these Africans exposed them to inhumane treatments which they faced even upon the arrival at their various destinations. The emancipation Proclamation signed on 1st January 1863 by the United States President Abraham Lincoln saw a legal stop to slave trade. However, the African Americans that had been taken to the United States and settled especially in the Southern region faced discrimination, segregation, violence and were denied civil rights through segregation laws such as the Jim Crow laws and lynching, based on the color of their skin. This forced them especially those that had acquired an education to rise up and speak against this treatment. They formed Civil Rights Movements to advocate for Black rights and equal treatment. These protracted movements, despite continued violence on Blacks, Culminated in Barack Obama being elected the first African American President of the United States of America. To cement the victory, he won a second term, which Donald Trump failed to obtain. This paper sought to critic the philosophies of Booker T. Washington in his civil rights movement, particularly his ideologies of integration, self-help, racial solidarity and accommodation as expressed in his speech, “the Atlanta Compromise,” and the impact this had on the political and civil rights arena for African Americans.

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7

McCormick, Marcia L. "The Equality Paradise: Paradoxes of the Law’s Power to Advance Equality." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 2 (March 2007): 515–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.9.

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This paper will compare the history of two of the three major civil rights movements in the United States, comparing the victories and defeats, and their results. The movement for Black civil rights and for women's rights followed essentially the same pattern and used similar strategies. The gay and lesbian civil rights movement, on the other hand, followed some of the same strategies but has differed in significant ways. Where each movement has attained success and where each has failed demonstrates the limits of American legal structures to effectuate social change.

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Elbaz, Gilbert. "Measuring AIDS Activism." Humanity & Society 20, no. 3 (August 1996): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059769602000305.

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Typically, emerging movements grow out of and remain dependent upon established institutions and organizations. Movements as diverse as a Texas antipornography effort, the Populist poarty, the Berkeley free speech movement, and the American civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s found their impetus in existing organizations. (McAdam, 1982: 162)

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Mello, Joseph. "Reluctant Radicals: How Moderates Shape Movements for Social Change." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 03 (2016): 720–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12214.

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This essay reviews three books within the southern history literature on the white moderate's response to the civil rights movement; Kevin Kruse's White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (2005), Matthew Lassiter's The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (2006), and Jason Sokol's There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (2006). I examine how white moderates impacted the struggle for African American civil rights, and explore how this dynamic can help us understand the trajectory of the current debate over gay rights in the United States. I argue that while the US public ultimately came to support equal rights for African Americans, and has grown more tolerant of gay rights recently, they have been willing to do so only when these rights claims are framed as benefiting “deserving” segments of these populations. This shows that rights are, to some extent, contingent resources, available primarily to those citizens who fit certain ideal types, and suggests that those individuals who are unwilling (or unable) to live up to this ideal may ultimately fail to benefit from these movements.

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10

Chabot, Sean. "Transnational Diffusion and The African American Reinvention of Gandhian Repertoire." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.c433532545p7864n.

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Why did American civil rights activists fail to fully implement the Gandhian repertoire before the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 and 1956? How did transnational diffusion of the Gandhian repertoire proceed over time? Classical diffusion theory provides a useful starting point for answering these questions, but it does not fully capture the twists and turns occurring in the transnational diffusion of a collective action repertoire. To account for the non-linear and contingent aspects of transnational diffusion between social movements, this article proposes an alternative theoretical framework and applies it to the case of diffusion between the independence movement in India and the civil rights movement in the United States. The historical case study emphasizes collective reinvention of the Gandhian repertoire by American civil rights networks, instead of critical mass or individual thresholds; and the intergenerational transfer of relevant knowledge and experience from these implementation pioneers to the new generation of civil rights movement activists. Finally, the article examines whether its alternative theoretical framework only applies to this particular instance of transnational diffusion or whether it has more general relevance for social movement theory.

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Tóth, György. "The Case for a Native American 1968 and Its Transnational Legacy." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7355.

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Partly as a result of compartmentalized academic specializations and history teaching, in accounts of the global upheavals of 1968, Native Americans are either not mentioned, or at best are tagged on as an afterthought. “Was there a Native American 1968?” is the central question this article aims to answer. Native American activism in the 1960s was no less flashy, dramatic or confrontational than the protests by the era’s other struggles – it is simply overshadowed by later actions of the movement. Using approaches from Transnational American Studies and the history of social movements, this article argues that American Indians had a “long 1968” that originated in Native America’s responses to the US government’s Termination policy in the 1950s, and stretched from their ‘training’ period in the 1960s, through their dramatic protests from the late 1960s through the 1970s, all the way to their participation at the United Nations from 1977 through the rest of the Cold War. While their radicalism and protest strategies made Native American activism a part of the US domestic social movements of the long 1960s, the nature of American Indian sovereignty rights and transnationalism place the Native American long 1968 on the rights spectrum further away from civil rights, and closer to a national liberation struggle—which links American Indian activism to the decolonization movements of the Cold War.

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12

Maher, Thomas V., Andrew Martin, John D. McCarthy, and Lisa Moorhead. "Assessing the Explanatory Power of Social Movement Theories across the Life Course of the Civil Rights Movement." Social Currents 6, no. 5 (May 26, 2019): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496519850846.

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Social movements are constantly evolving. Protest activity waxes and wanes as movements suffer through prolonged periods of frustration, win occasional gains, and turn to new goals and issues. While theoretical models of protest activity are often sensitive to this reality, empirical models typically treat these explanations as time-invariant, rather than situated in specific moments in movements’ histories. Quite simply, we suspect that the effect of important predictors of movement activity, notably access to resources, political opportunities, repression, and competition, varies depending on the specific moment in the movement’s life course. We explore this possibility through a detailed analysis of three main periods of the American Civil Rights movement: (1) the movement’s initial success (1960–1968), its subsequent demobilization (1968–1977), and its institutionalization (1978–1995). Our analysis builds on limited work arguing for greater sensitivity to a movement’s life course when explaining protest activity. We find that the type of organizational resources that shape mobilization varies across periods, and support for prior work showing that the concurrent push and pull of institutionalization and radicalization led to demobilization. Finally, we find that coalition work motivated protest during its period of institutionalization. We conclude by discussing the theoretical and empirical implications of these findings.

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Doster, Dennis A. "“This Independent Fight We Are Making Is Local”: The Election of 1920 and Electoral Politics in Black Baltimore." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 2 (January 2, 2018): 134–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217746163.

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In 1920, William Ashbie Hawkins, an esteemed lawyer and veteran of the struggle for civil rights, became the first African American to run for the U.S. Senate in Maryland. Hawkins’s independent campaign reflected a growing political insurgency among African Americans in the local Republican Party which built upon a longer tradition of independent political action with roots in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. For black Baltimoreans, this movement was part of a plan to force white Republicans to acquiesce to black demands revealing fluidity in political activity on the local level. Although African Americans may have identified and registered as Republicans, party affiliation did not prevent them from building and sustaining independent political movements on the local level to advance a civil rights agenda.

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Huggins, Martha. "Uncivil Movements: The Armed Right Wing and Democracy in Latin America By Leigh A. Payne. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. 328p. $42.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402414335.

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Leigh Payne greatly enriches our knowledge of Latin American transitions from authoritarianism to democracy. The Armed Right Wing focuses on the role of violent right-wing groups and government responses to them in three Latin American countries, with application elsewhere. Explaining that uncivil social movements “use political violence … to promote exclusionary objectives … as a deliberate strategy to eliminate, intimidate, and silence political adversaries” (p. 1), Payne contrasts these movements with “civil” social movements. They employ rule-breaking (and violence) to “expand [rather than curtail] citizen rights and freedoms” (p. 1).

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Livingston, Jonathan N., Kristen Bell Hughes, Danyelle Dawson, Ariel Williams, Jessica A. Mohabir, Akaosa Eleanya, George Cliette, and Dwayne Brandon. "Feeling No Ways Tired." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 3 (February 8, 2017): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717690526.

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A considerable amount of the literature on African American activism has been focused on the mainstream political participation and the civil rights and Black Power movements. Subsequent research in this era has primarily focused on the church and post–civil war reconstruction efforts. Few contemporary studies have assessed activist efforts among African Americans and the factors that may influence their involvement. The current study investigates what factors are related to activism among African American church members. To better understand the factors that influence activism, 187 African American church members from two Midwestern cities were sampled. Employing Pearson correlations and hierarchical regression analysis revealed that racial centrality, psychological empowerment, and activism each significantly influence activist behavior among African Americans. Given the zeitgeist of the times (i.e., Ferguson, Eric Garner, and the Black Lives Matter movement), further research is needed to understand what factors may encourage African Americans to become involved and effectuate change in their respective communities.

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Lee, Chana Kai, John Dittmer, George C. Wright, and W. Marvin Dulaney. "Essays on the American Civil Rights Movement." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081324.

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Eskew, Glenn T., John Dittmer, George C. Wright, W. Marvin Dulaney, Clayborne Carson, and Kathleen Underwood. "Essays on the American Civil Rights Movement." Journal of Southern History 62, no. 3 (August 1996): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211559.

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18

Gardner, S. E. "The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory." Journal of American History 94, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 354–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094938.

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Dinnerstein, Leonard. "American Jews and the Civil Rights Movement." Reviews in American History 30, no. 1 (2002): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2002.0008.

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Whitaker, Matthew C. "The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory." Journal of American Ethnic History 26, no. 3 (April 1, 2007): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40543165.

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Clayton, Dewey M. "Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement: A Comparative Analysis of Two Social Movements in the United States." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 5 (March 21, 2018): 448–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718764099.

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Black Lives Matter (BLM) has arisen as a social movement in response to the numerous killings of unarmed African Americans. It has been criticized by some as too confrontational and divisive. The purpose of this study is to undertake a comparative analysis of the BLM Movement and the civil rights movement (1954-1965). As social movements, both have evolved out of the need to continue the Black liberation struggle for freedom. I have conducted a content analysis of the New York Times newspaper during a 2-year period for both social movements to examine the issue framing of each. I argue that the civil rights movement framed its issues in a more inclusive manner than BLM. BLM should take a lesson from the civil rights movement by boldly taking on an issue like police brutality of African Americans and expanding the boundaries of something that is politically unacceptable to being acceptable.

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Singleton, D. "Book Review: Black Power Encyclopedia: From “Black Is Beautiful” to Urban Uprisings." Reference & User Services Quarterly 58, no. 3 (June 22, 2019): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.58.3.7054.

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The Black Power Movement was largely a youth-led effort that broke from past thinking and methods of confronting American society and marked an important evolution in how African Americans continued their struggle in the wake of hard-fought landmark legislation such as the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts. There is no shortage of reference works on the Civil Rights Movement and African American history in general that include entries on facets of the Black Power Movement.

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Hall, Erika V., Sarah S. M. Townsend, and James T. Carter. "What’s in a Name? The Hidden Historical Ideologies Embedded in the Black and African American Racial Labels." Psychological Science 32, no. 11 (October 25, 2021): 1720–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09567976211018435.

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History can inconspicuously repeat itself through words and language. We explored the association between the “Black” and “African American” racial labels and the ideologies of the historical movements within which they gained prominence (Civil Rights and Black Power, respectively). Two content analyses and two preregistered experimental studies ( N = 1,204 White American adults) show that the associations between “Black” and “bias and discrimination” and between “African American” and “civil rights and equality” are evident in images, op-eds, and perceptions of organizations. Google Images search results for “Black people” evoke more racially victimized imagery than search results for “African American people” (Study 1), and op-eds that use the Black label contain more bias and discrimination content than those that use the African American label (Study 2). Finally, White Americans infer the ideologies of organizations by the racial label within the organization’s name (Studies 3 and 4). Consequently, these inferences guide the degree to which Whites support the organization financially.

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Fleming, John E. "The Impact of Social Movements on the Development of African American Museums." Public Historian 40, no. 3 (August 1, 2018): 44–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2018.40.3.44.

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The effort to preserve African American history is firmly grounded in the struggle for freedom and equality. Black people understood the relationship between heritage and the freedom struggle. Such struggles in the pre and post Civil War eras spurred the preservation of African and African American culture first in libraries and archives and later museums. The civil rights, Black Power, Black Arts and Black Studies movements helped advance social and political change, which in turn spurred the development of Black museums as formal institutions for preserving African American culture.

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Horwitz, Robert B. "Politics as Victimhood, Victimhood as Politics." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 3 (June 21, 2018): 552–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000209.

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Abstract:The victim has become among the most important identity positions in American politics. Victimhood is now a pivotal means by which individuals and groups see themselves and constitute themselves as political actors. Indeed, victimhood seems to have become a status that must be established before political claims can be advanced. Victimhood embodies the assertion that an individual or group has suffered wrongs that must be requited. What seems new is that wounded groups assert a self-righteous claim that they stand for something larger than their particular injury. The article explores how and why victimhood has become such a powerful theme in American politics. It suggests that victimhood as politics emerged from the contentious politics of the 1960s, specifically the civil rights movement and its aftermath. Key factors include the reaction to the minority rights and women’s movements, as well as internal dynamicswithinthe rights movements.

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Pane Haden, Stephanie, Brandon Randolph-Seng, Md Kamrul Hasan, Alex Williams, and Mario Hayek. "Lessons for green management from the Hispanic Civil Rights movement: a pseudo-gap analysis." Journal of Global Responsibility 12, no. 2 (February 17, 2021): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jgr-08-2020-0078.

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Purpose Although green management has gained legitimacy as a sustainable business practice, little is known about the elements that will lead to the long-term success of the movement. To identify these elements, this study aims to review the existing literature on social movements and analyzes archival data from a specific social undertaking, the Hispanic Civil Rights movement in the USA. Design/methodology/approach A historiographical approach was used in which systematic combining used abductive logic to developed a provisional framework based on the interpretation of secondary sources of data concerning the Hispanic Civil Rights movement. Subsequently, an ethnomethodologically informed interpretation of primary data based on the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) archives refined the provisional framework. Findings The authors identified common elements that are critical to the success of social movements, as supported by both secondary data on the Hispanic Civil Rights movement and primary data based on the LULAC archives. These elements consist of: ideology, identity, mobilization, goals, leadership and integration. Using these results, a pseudo-gap analysis approach was completed by systematically comparing the interpretive data with current knowledge of the green management movement to identify the missing gaps and to offer guidance for further development of green management as a contemporary movement. Social implications Applying the lessons learned from social movements will help the development and prosperity of the green movement in current business organizations. Such applications are important, given that local and global environmental crises can have profound implications on ecosystems, economics and social systems. Originality/value Social movements are an important means by which societal concerns such as injustices are addressed. By identifying the important elements needed for the green management movement to be successful in the long term, managers will know where to put their efforts. Such actions may help environmental awareness in business organizations to become more than a fad or marketing tool.

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Alamo, Carlos. "DISPATCHES FROM A COLONIAL OUTPOST." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 9, no. 1 (October 20, 2011): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x11000312.

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AbstractOver the last few decades social movements and race scholars have begun to uncover and critically examine the social, economic, and political linkages shared between Puerto Ricans and African Americans. Much of this literature has focused exclusively on the period of the Civil Rights Movement with particular emphasis on the Young Lords and Black Panthers. Despite this rich and informative literature, we know very little of the connective social histories and relationships between African Americans and Puerto Ricans that preceded these later social movements. This article traces the historically contingent and multifaceted ways in which African American journalists, between 1942 and 1951, found new political meanings in Puerto Rico as the island underwent a massive economic and social transformation, and how they used that knowledge to reconceptualize challenges to Black personhood in the United States. Examining the Black popular press in Puerto Rico during this period reveals that Black journalists took an active interest in the island because it represented a useful point of comparison for understanding the internal colonial model of social inequality hampering the U.S. African American community during the first half of the twentieth century. The racialized nature of U.S. colonialism experienced by the island, the sociopolitical and economic effects of its monocultural sugar economy, and the second-class citizenship of Puerto Ricans were among the most salient factors that led African American journalists to a broader anti-imperialist understanding of racism, illuminating the lack of civil and economic rights Blacks experienced within the United States.

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Lottie, Adrian J., and Phyllis A. Clemens Noda. "The Suppression of Diversity." Ethnic Studies Review 26, no. 2 (January 1, 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2003.26.2.27.

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Is it a systematic strategy or a mutation of millennial ferver that drives the escalating challenges to the civil rights of this nation's racial, linguistic, and national origin minorities? Increasing juridical, legislative, and popular assaults on affirmative action policies coupled with the sometimes less heralded emergence of a de facto U.S. language policy are sweeping through the states. These activities draw on a consistent repertoire of approaches from the invocation of the very language and concepts of the civil rights movement to the isolationist “buzz-words” of early twentieth century advocates of “Americanization.” In an effort to legitimize their efforts this new breed of assailants has lifted the terms “equality of opportunity,” “color blind,” and “merit” directly from the lips of civil rights heroes of the past, retrofitting concepts that resonate from the very core of the civil rights movement into an arsenal of weapons that threaten the extinction of that movement. In that same vein opponents of bilingual education have reached further back into our history dredging up de-contextualized quotations from icons of American history to evoke nostalgia and patriotism and to resuscitate the fear of the dissolution of national unity in the wake of the infusion of diverse languages and cultures. The introductory portion of this article treats the failure of anti-civil rights movements to acknowledge either the rich cultural legacy of people of color or the deeply engrained cultural and political limitations that this nation has imposed on their civil rights. We discuss the re-packaged language of equality and equity used by these movements and their success and attempts at success in reversing the progress of civil rights at the polls and in legislatures across the nation. We next examine the anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual movements sweeping the U.S. today, analyzing qualitative and quantitative data from multiple sources including data from the the 2000 U.S. Census to track current anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual/English only developments among the states to demonstrate the coexistence of these developments in those areas where people of color are concentrated.

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Blair, Carole. "The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory (review)." Southern Cultures 13, no. 1 (2007): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scu.2007.0001.

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Cottrell, David, Michael C. Herron, Javier M. Rodriguez, and Daniel A. Smith. "Mortality, Incarceration, and African American Disenfranchisement in the Contemporary United States." American Politics Research 47, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 195–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18754555.

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On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing” from their communities due to premature death and incarceration. Leveraging variation in gender ratios across the United States, we show that missing African Americans are concentrated in the country’s Southeast and that African American disenfranchisement rates in some legislative districts lie between 20% and 40%. Despite the many successes of the Voting Rights Act and the civil rights movement, high levels of African American disenfranchisement remain a continuing feature of the American polity.

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Garrin, Ashley R., and Sara B. Marcketti. "The Impact of Hair on African American Women’s Collective Identity Formation." Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 36, no. 2 (December 5, 2017): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887302x17745656.

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The Black Pride and Power Movements of the 1960s and 1970s changed the aesthetic of the larger African American community, promoting self-affirmation and reclaiming African pride. As individuals engaged in the movement, they began to internalize new meanings and understandings of themselves, leading to self-transformation and collective identity that promoted the specific political ideology and agenda of the group. In this research, the lived experiences of African American women who were emerging adults (ages 18–25) during the Civil Rights Movement from 1960 to 1974 were examined, through in-depth interviews, to understand their experiences with wearing natural hairstyles during this time. Seven participants highlighted how wearing natural hair was used in the three dimensions of collective identity formation: boundaries, consciousness, and negotiation. Participants’ counterhegemonic use of appearance constructed, created, and negotiated a collective identity that was aligned with demonstration for racial equality of African Americans.

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Rizvi, Ali A., Anca Pantea Stoian, Nader Lessan, and Manfredi Rizzo. "Endocrinology in the Time of COVID-19: A Rapid Evolution of Knowledge and Care." Medicina 57, no. 8 (August 6, 2021): 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/medicina57080805.

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American singer-writer and visual artist Bob Dylan produced the song “The Times They Are a-Changin” in the 1960s, which became a rallying cry for the civil rights and anti-war movements in that decade [...]

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Waters, Rosanne. "African Canadian Anti-Discrimination Activism and the Transnational Civil Rights Movement, 1945–1965." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 24, no. 2 (May 15, 2014): 386–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025083ar.

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Several recent historical works have challenged interpretations of the civil rights movement in the United States as a strictly domestic story by considering its connections to anti-racist struggles around the world. Adding a Canadian dimension to this approach, this article considers linkages between African Canadian anti-discrimination activism in the 1950s and early 1960s and African American civil rights organizing. It argues that Canadian anti-discrimination activists were interested in and influenced by the American movement. They followed American civil rights campaigns, adapted relevant ideas, and leveraged the prominent American example when pressing for change in their own country. African Canadian activists and organizations also impacted the American movement through financial and moral support. This article contributes to the study of African Canadian history, Canadian human rights history, and the American civil rights movement by emphasizing the local origins of anti-discrimination activism in Canada, while also arguing that such efforts are best understood when contextualized within a broader period of intensive global anti-racist activism that transcended national borders.

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Alexander, Jeffrey C. "Seizing the Stage: Social Performances from Mao Zedong to Martin Luther King Jr., and Black Lives Matter Today." TDR/The Drama Review 61, no. 1 (March 2017): 14–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00620.

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It is possible to look at radical social movements from the perspective of social performance theory; though, being wedded to nonsymbolic and realist methods, few contemporary social scientists would agree. Despite their immensely practical goals, the success of both Chinese Communists and American civil rights protesters depended on achieving performative power, all in the service of dramatically connecting with their audiences. The same can be said for the Black Lives Matter movement.

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Hamilton, Michael S. "Women, Public Ministry, and American Fundamentalism, 1920-1950." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 3, no. 2 (1993): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1993.3.2.03a00040.

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In 1976, a young theologian named Donald Dayton wrote an influential book that sought to put asunder what he saw as an unholy marriage between evangelical religion and conservative politics in America. In Discovering an Evangelical Heritage, Dayton showed how revivalistic Protestantism had, in the nineteenth century, been wedded firmly to progressive political causes. Dayton began his book by frankly admitting that his own political views had been heavily influenced by the student movements—antiwar, civil rights, equal rights— of the 1960's. Separate chapters linked evangelical religion to nineteenth-century movements for racial equality, economic justice, and feminism. In his final chapter, Dayton argued that twentieth-century evangelicalism had abandoned its heritage of radical social reform under the dual influence of premillennialism imported from England and ideas about biblical inerrancy formulated at Princeton Seminary.

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36

Lang, Clarence. "The movement: the African American struggle for civil rights." Sixties 14, no. 2 (July 3, 2021): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2021.1996785.

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Stein, Judith. "Why American Historians Embrace the “Long Civil Rights Movement”." American Communist History 11, no. 1 (April 2012): 55–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2012.669123.

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Romano, Renee. "Moving Beyond ““The Movement that Changed the World””: Bringing the History of the Cold War into Civil Rights Museums." Public Historian 31, no. 2 (2009): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.2.32.

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Abstract A growing body of historical scholarship has demonstrated that the Cold War had a profound impact on the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. The rise of newly independent nations in African and Asia, coupled with Americas quest to lead the ““free world”” against the Soviet Union, made American racism an international liability and created conditions that fostered civil rights reforms at home. Yet the Cold War's influence on the movement is largely absent at the nation's leading civil rights museums. This article surveys the ways in which four civil rights museums present the relationship between the movement and the Cold War, and suggests some reasons that museums have yet to internationalize their history of the movement. The Cold War interpretation shows how foreign policy concerns and elite whites' self-interest both helped generate and limit civil rights reforms. This interpretation, however, stands at odd with the celebratory narrative of the movement as a triumph of democratic ideals that these museums present.

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Cravens, Hamilton. "American Social Science and the Invention of Affirmative Action, 1920s–1970s." Prospects 26 (October 2001): 361–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000971.

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On June 4, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson gave the commencement address at Howard University, the federally sponsored historic black college. In the last decade, Americans had become increasingly aware of the civil rights movement in American politics and society, and of the injection of the issues revolving around civil rights for black Americans into the national public discourse. President Johnson took a new angle of attack to the problem of discimination against black Americans. Instead of focusing on the political and legal aspects of Jim Crow legislation, or the constitutional struggles for civil rights in education and voting, or the plight of black Americans in the South, he spoke – with great passion – about the social and economic circumstances of African Americans throughout the nation, including those trapped in the large urban ghettos in the Northeast, the Middle West, and the West. “In far too many ways American Negroes have been another nation: deprived of freedom, crippled by hatred, the doors of opportunity closed to hope,” he argued.

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Massey, Douglas S. "The Past & Future of American Civil Rights." Daedalus 140, no. 2 (April 2011): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00076.

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Although American society will not become race-blind anytime soon, the meaning of race is changing, and processes of racial formation now are quite different than those prevailing just two generations ago. Massey puts the present moment in historical perspective by reviewing progress toward racial equality through successive historical epochs, from the colonial era to the age of Obama. He ends by exploring the contours of racial formation in the United States today, outlining a program for a new civil rights movement in the twenty-first century.

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Nelson, Julie D. "Memorializing the Civil Rights Movement: African American Rhetorics and the International Civil Rights Center and Museum." Rhetoric Review 40, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350198.2020.1841504.

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Lee, Yong-Shik. "An Analysis of Racial Economic Disparity and the Law in the United States." Korea Public Choice Association 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.55795/jpc.2022.1.1.019.

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Over six decades have passed since the civil rights movement began in the mid-50s, but American society has not yet fully realized the promise of the civil rights movement, which at its core embodies the protection and promotion of equity and dignity of all people. Despite the historic improvements that accord the legal protection of equal rights among different races, genders, and ethnic groups, significant economic disparity among races persists. The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. declared, “Now our struggle is for genuine equality, which means economic equality.” However, the pursuit of economic equality has not been successful. Growing racial economic disparity creates serious social, economic, and political problems in American society and pulls America away from the ideals of the civil rights movement. Structural economic problems in the United States, such as persistent income and wealth disparities along racial lines have exacerbated inequality that divides the country. This challenge requires a fundamental paradigm change. Racial economic disparity can no longer be overcome solely by individual efforts and self-reliance. The federal government must address racial economic disparity by facilitating economic development for minorities in close cooperation and coordination with state and local governments, as well as the private sector. Before America can fully meet the objectives of the civil rights movement, this country must achieve successful economic development that bridges racial economic disparity.

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Mack, Kenneth W. "Bringing the Law Back into the History of the Civil Rights Movement." Law and History Review 27, no. 3 (2009): 657–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003941.

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It is a pleasure to comment on Nancy MacLean's hugely important book Freedom is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace as an example of what I might call “bringing the law back in” to the history of the civil rights movement. A generation ago, the idea that law needed to be introduced into this history would have seemed nonsensical. At that time, law provided one of the central touchstones in the historical narrative of the struggle for racial equality in American life. Scholarship in this area built on C. Vann Woodward's pioneering work on the rise of Jim Crow, which itself was written shortly after Woodward's participation in the Brown v. Board of Education litigation. The dominant narrative began with the legal construction of Jim Crow in the late nineteenth century and continued with the founding of the NAACP. Other actors came along at various points in the story, prominent among them New Deal–era racial liberals, World War II–era activists, midcentury social scientists, Southern civil rights leaders and movements, and eventually black power. The end point was marked by the litigation and legislative victories of the 1950s and '60s, which finally wrote back into law what had been taken away by segregationist white Southerners and a compliant Supreme Court in the late nineteenth century. The implicit methodological take on law was that state and federal statutes, as well as court decisions, provided an important impetus, or at the very least a validation, for racial change—first for white Southerners as they created the Jim Crow legal regime and later for segregation's opponents as they reinscribed racial equality onto the core narrative of American life.

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Schmidt, Christopher W. "Legal History and the Problem of the Long Civil Rights Movement." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 04 (2016): 1081–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12245.

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This essay offers a critical examination of use of the term “long civil rights movement” as a framework for understanding the legal history of the battle against racial inequality in twentieth-century America. Proponents of the long movement argue that expanding the chronological boundaries of the movement beyond the 1950s and 1960s allows scholars to better capture the diverse social mobilization efforts and ideas that fueled the black freedom struggle. While not questioning the long framework's usefulness for studying the social movement dynamics of racial justice activism, I suggest that the long framework is of more limited value for those who seek to understand the development of civil rights, as a legal claim, particularly in the first half of the twentieth century. The tendency of long movement scholars to treat civil rights as a pliable category into which they can put any and all racial justice claims is in tension with historical understandings of the term. Susan Carle's Defining the Struggle: National Organizing for Racial Justice, 1880–1915 suggests an alternative approach. Her detailed and nuanced account of a period in American history when racial justice activists understood civil rights as a relatively narrow subset of legal remedies within a much broader struggle for racial equality indicates the need for an alternate history of civil rights—one that places the evolving, contested, and historically particularized concept of civil rights at the center of inquiry. “Civil Rights” is a term that did not evolve out of black culture, but, rather, out of American law. As such, it is a term of limitation. —Alice Walker (1983)

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Sawyer, Mary R. "The Fraternal Council of Negro Churches, 1934–1964." Church History 59, no. 1 (March 1990): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169085.

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In the years since the civil rights and black power movements cooperative black religious organizations have become a familiar feature of the religious landscape in America. Among these interdenominational bodies, in addition to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, may be noted the now defunct National Conference of Black Churchmen, the Black Theology Project, Partners in Ecumenism, and the Congress of National Black Churches. Little noted, however, is a precursor of these organizations which functioned for two decades prior to the beginning of the modern civil rights movement.

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Abell, Joy L. "African/American: Lorraine Hansberry's Les Blancs and the American Civil Rights Movement." African American Review 35, no. 3 (2001): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903314.

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Lott, Martha. "The Relationship Between the “Invisibility” of African American Women in the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s and Their Portrayal in Modern Film." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 4 (April 18, 2017): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717696758.

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This research argues that the representation of African American women in modern civil rights film is a result of the “invisibility” that they faced during the civil rights movement in America during the 1950s and 1960s. To make its argument, this article contends that the media’s scant but negative coverage of women activists along with male leaders, such as Malcolm X’s attitude toward African American women during the period of the movement, is the reason why ultimately African American women activists received lack of recognition for their involvement in the movement. This work also argues that the lack of recognition for these women is evident in modern civil rights film and they negatively portray African American women’s role during the movement. This is shown by examining two films— Selma and The Help. This work also debates whether using film as a historical source is correct. This work touches upon the ongoing stereotypical role of “Mammy” in films such as The Help and argues that overall, by studying various arguments, and as historian Peniel Joseph believes, that many prestigious movies take dramatic license with historical events, arguing that films are not scholarly books and people should not learn about historical events through films.

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Kurzman, Charles. "Organizational Opportunity and Social Movement Mobilization: A Comparative Analysis of Four Religious Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.1.m5612124613760j2.

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When do nonactivist organizations become committed to social movement goals? Building on critiques of the "iron law of oligarchy," this article develops and tests the concept of organizational opportunity, analogous to political opportunity. It divides the concept along two dimensions, the attitudes and authority of organizational leaders. The article examines organizational opportunity in four religious organizations and the social movements that challenged their political quiescence: the civil rights movement in the National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Inc.; Liberation Theology in the Latin American Roman Catholic Church; the Iranian revolutionary movement in the Shi`i Muslim ruhaniyat; and prodemocracy activism in the Burmese Buddhist sangha. Activist mobilization of these organizations since the 1950s and 1960s appears to be strongly related to variation in organizational opportunity.

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McClerking, Harwood K., and Tasha S. Philpot. "Struggling to be Noticed: The Civil Rights Movement as an Academic Agenda Setter." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (October 2008): 813–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508081079.

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While the study of Black politics in the American context has not been a top priority in political science, it is indisputable that this topic in general is more likely to be discussed in the discipline's journals in recent decades than in the more distant past. What accounts for this noticeable increase in prominence? How did the study of Black politics move from total obscurity to occupying a more significant (although still relatively marginalized) position within mainstream political science? To answer these questions, we draw a parallel between politics and political science. Specifically, we posit that the increased focus on African American politics is due to Black agency in the form of social movement activity, which reached its zenith during the civil rights movement. Before the civil rights movement, we note as numerous others have, that the racially conservative views of American society in the nineteenth century resulted in Black politics being an understudied area. We argue, however, that as social movement activity increased the salience of racial issues in America, so too did it raise the importance of race for political scientists.

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Kershner, Seth. "Book Review: Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties: Revised and Expanded Edition, 2nd ed." Reference & User Services Quarterly 58, no. 1 (October 10, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.58.1.6849.

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Occupy Wall Street. Black Lives Matter. The #MeToo movement. Over the past decade, the United States has seen a surge in activism around civil rights, broadly defined as the right to be free from discrimination and unequal treatment in arenas such as housing, the workplace, and the criminal justice system. At times, as when activists are arrested at a protest, calls for civil rights can also be the occasion for violations of civil liberties—certain basic freedoms (e.g., freedom of speech) that are either enshrined in the Constitution or established through legal rulings. While civil rights are distinct from civil liberties, students often struggle to articulate these differences and appreciate the links between the two concepts. Complicating this distinction is the fact that historically reference materials have tended to cover either one or the other but not the two in combination. Combining these two concepts in one work is what makes a revised edition of the Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties so timely and valuable.

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Journal articles on the topic 'American civil rights movements'

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