Journal articles on the topic 'Ambassadors – France'
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1
Tischer, Anuschka. "Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650): The Perfect Ambassador of the Early 17th Century." International Negotiation 13, no. 2 (2008): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180608x320207.
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AbstractIn the 17th century there was no professional diplomacy: a mission as envoy or ambassador was part of a broader political or administrative career. Many politicians still neglected the importance of permanent diplomacy. Thus, there was no training, and few ambassadors had solid experience in foreign traditions and languages or in methods of diplomatic negotiations. It was rather accidental when a man from a well established Parisian family, like Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650), served France abroad for more than 20 years. At the climax of his career, at the Congress of Westphalia, he was in many ways what we today think a good diplomat should be: open minded, smooth, compromising. In the 17th century, however, these were no criteria for the choice of an ambassador. Moreover, French governments prior to Louis XIV allowed their ambassadors to influence foreign affairs, and d'Avaux could even establish a network of his confidents in the diplomatic service. The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 was thus a result not only of governmental orders, but of a competition between d'Avaux and his rival and coambassador Abel Servien.
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Mazarchuk, Dmitry V. "The nomenclature of diplomatic agents as a source on the history of the English diplomatic corps of Henry VII." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (November 2, 2022): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2022-4-28-34.
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The results of the analysis of the use of diplomatic nomenclature during the reign of Henry VII are presented. A total of 12 terms were identified, of which 5 were the most commonly used to refer to English ambassadors. The diplomatic nomenclature was poorly ordered, the terminology did not reflect the specific functional duties of the persons sent to the mission. The only exceptions were missions to receive cash payments due under an agreement with France. At the same time, the process of unification of the diplomatic nomenclature began, which was reflected in the use of stable formulas in the texts of ambassadorial powers of attorney. Based on the analysis of the diplomatic nomenclature, a conclusion was made about the fact that at the turn of the 15th–16th centuries ambassador hierarchy.
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Tyler, Ph.D., D.Sc., Christopher W. "Leonardo’s Skull and the Complex Symbolism of Holbein’s “Ambassadors”." Journal of Research in Philosophy and History 4, no. 1 (February 19, 2021): p36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jrph.v4n1p36.
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The depiction of memento mori such as skulls was a niche artistic trend symbolizing the contemplation of mortality that can be traced back to the privations of the Black Death in the 1340s, but became popular in the mid-16th century. Nevertheless, the anamorphism of the floating skull in Hans Holbein’s ‘The Ambassadors’ of 1533, though much discussed as a clandestine wedding commemoration, has never been satisfactorily explained in its historical context as a diplomatic gift to the French ambassadors to the court of Henry VIII who were in the process of negotiations with the Pope for his divorce. Consideration of Holbein’s youthful trips to Italy and France suggest that he may have been substantially influenced by exposure to Leonardo da Vinci’s works, and that the skull may have been an explicit reference to Leonardo’s anamorphic demonstrations for the French court at Amboise, and hence a homage to the cultural interests of the French ambassadors of the notable Dinteville family for whom the painting was a destined. This hypothesis is supported by iconographic analysis of works by Holbein and Leonardo’s followers in the School of Fontainebleau in combination with literary references to its implicit symbolism.
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Kohl, Benjamin G., Vincent Ilardi, and Frank J. Fata. "Dispatches with Related Documents of Milanese Ambassadors in France and Burgundy, 1450-1483." American Historical Review 90, no. 1 (February 1985): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860846.
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Van Cleave, Peter D. "The Dutch Origins of the Quasi War: John Adams, the Netherlands, and Atlantic Politics in the 1790s." Journal of Early American History 8, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 30–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00801001.
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In 1797, John Adams called together a special session of Congress. Adams informed the assembled members that he had sent new ambassadors to France and requested a buildup of the military. Adams’s belligerent message set the stage for the military engagement with France that came to be known as the Quasi War. In the message, Adams included some documents about French depredations in the Netherlands. While these documents have caused some historians pause, this article argues that the use of these documents offer insight into the much larger role the Dutch played in the Early American Republic and in Adams’s own decision-making process. In order to fully understand the origins of the Quasi War, we must consider Adams’s connections with the Netherlands and the Dutch people.
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Borgognoni, Ezequiel. "MARIE GIGAULT DE BELLEFONDS, AMBASSADRESS OF FRANCE. GENDER, POWER AND DIPLOMACY AT THE COURT OF CHARLES II OF SPAIN, 1679-1681." Librosdelacorte.es, no. 20 (June 24, 2020): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/ldc2020.12.20.001.
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In this article, I will analyse the political activity of marquise Marie Gigault de Bellefonds, ambassadress of France at the Madrid court between 1679 and 1681, by reflecting on the different diplomatic strategies implemented by her and her husband in order to gain the favour of the monarchs, particularly of the queen consort Marie-Louise of Orleans. The study of Louis XIV of France’s instructions to his ambassador and the perusal of the letters that the ambassadress sent to her friends in Paris evidence the importance of collaborative work in the marriages among diplomats in seventeenth-century court society. Moreover, our sources allow us to make visible the role of the wives of ambassadors in the pre-modern diplomatic system –a field of study in its beginning stages, but also highly promising.
Who was Marie Gigault de Bellefonds? Why was she considered a dangerous individual or, as stated by Saint-Simon, «evil as a snake» at the court? Who were her main adversaries in Madrid? What was she accused of? Why did she and her husband have to leave the embassy in 1681? This research will attempt to answer these and other questions related to the presence of the French ambassadress at the court of Charles II and Marie-Louise of Orleans.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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van den Boogert, Maurits H. "Written Proof Between Capitulations and Ottoman Kadi Courts in the Early Modern Period." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10018.
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Abstract The introduction of legal reforms in the sixteenth century that gave the Hanafi school its central place in the Ottoman legal system coincided with the arrival of new trade partners from the West, first France and later England and the Dutch Republic. The Ottoman authorities’ own emphasis on the primacy of written proof and the marginalization of oral testimony was also reflected in the privileges granted to these new arrivals from the West. Although many European ambassadors and consuls distrusted “Turkish justice”, the Ottoman legal system’s stability and predictability contributed considerably to creating favourable conditions of trade.
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Cooper, Richard. "‘Era una meraviglia vederli’: Carnival in Cognac (1520) between the Bastille and the Cloth of Gold." Nottingham French Studies 56, no. 3 (December 2017): 336–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2017.0195.
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The years 1517–20 saw a renewal of court festival in France, following the arrival of Leonardo da Vinci. Machines became a feature, as did elaborate mythological and chivalric pageants, banquets and dances. Although the 1518 celebrations at Amboise and the Bastille have been studied, as has the Field of the Cloth of Gold, little was known about the elaborate Carnival in 1520 held in the birthplace of François Ier. Archival evidence reveals this to have been an innovative Valois festival, lasting over a fortnight, in the Château which the King and his mother had specially rebuilt and decorated to accommodate the whole court and foreign ambassadors, who hunted and feasted every day and danced every night, despite Lenten austerity.
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LOVEMAN, KATE. "POLITICAL INFORMATION IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 555–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004516.
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Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.
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Brunelle, Gayle K. "Ambassadors and Administrators: The Role of Clerics in Early French Colonies in Guiana." Itinerario 40, no. 2 (August 2016): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000358.
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Of all of France’s early modern colonial ventures, the least studied and most obscure are the French efforts to establish settlements, missions, and plantations in Guiana. Still, the seventeenth-century French colonies in Guiana had much in common with the sixteenth-century French efforts to colonize Florida and Brazil, and their trajectories were every bit as dramatic and their outcomes equally dismal. Although not sponsored as Huguenot refuges in the New World from Catholic oppression in the Old, and thus not burdened with the fierce competition between Protestant and Catholic colonists that plagued the sixteenth-century ventures, the Guiana colonies were also prey to deep internal divisions over piety and morality, and even more over power and the purpose of the colony. Were they primarily missions to the Native peoples, plantations, or commercial ventures focused on locating sources of precious metals or establishing plantations? This paper examines the role of clerics in the genesis, financing, trajectories, and collapse of the earliest French colonies in Guiana, in particular two colonies founded about ten years apart, in 1643 and 1652. I will the argue that whereas historians have often assumed that missionaries and evangelizing were often little more than an encumbrance to early colonial ventures, useful mostly for raising funds in France, in reality clerics played a central role in shaping chartered colonial companies and the colonies they founded, for good and for ill.
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Sanzharov, Valery, and Galina Sanzharova. "Diplomatic Preparation for the English Invasion of France in 1415." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2021): 180–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.14.
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Introduction. According to the latest research, the managerial genius of Henry V was most fully manifested in the military, financial and diplomatic fields. The authors analyze in detail the royal diplomacy, which has not been the subject of special study. Diplomacy is analyzed as a space of political communication. Methods and materials. The basic methods of historical analysis were used to work with the material. The sources used in the work are diplomatic documents (treaties, “memorandums”, instructions to ambassadors and their correspondence with monarchs, decisions of royal councils, discussion of the course and results of negotiations in parliament) and chronicles. In historiography, the problem is traditionally considered within the framework of works devoted to the personality of Henry V or the history of the Hundred Years War. Analysis. The article analyzes three phases and three components of English diplomatic policy from the coming of Henry V of Lancaster to power to his invasion of Normandy: 1) negotiations with both sides of the intra-French conflict in order to prevent their reconciliation. 2) the territorial claims of Henry V in France (territory in exchange for giving up the “rights” of inheritance). 3) diplomatic activity as a disguise of preparation for war (territory in exchange for peace). Results. The authors concluded that the English in the years 1413–1415 are moving from military mercenarism on the side of one of the warring groups in the intra-French conflict to declaring themselves as one of the parties to the struggle for power in France with their rights and claims. The diplomacy of the English crown pursued the intentions of 1) demonstrating the impossibility of achieving the claims of the royal house of England on the continent peacefully; 2) maintaining schism and confrontation within the highest French nobility; 3) ensuring international recognition of the English monarch’s right to intervene in the intra-French conflict.
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Bystrova, V. S. "The women’s diplomacy in 16th century France: the example of Louise of Savoy." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-23-34.
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This article is dedicated to researching the women's diplomacy in France in the first half of the XVI century from the perspective of gender history. Despite the fact that ambassadorial offices were mostly occupied by men, women could still perform as diplomats both officially and informally. The image of a woman as a politician is revealed on the example of diplomatic activity of Duchess of Angoulme Louise de Savoy, mother of Francis I de Valois. The article determines her position among the power elites from contemporaries' point of view. The article also reveals the role of a high-ranking lady in exercising diplomatic functions and highlights the features of the official correspondence form of the king's mother. The main directions of foreign policy during the regencies of Louise of Savoy are determined. The role of royal women in exercising diplomatic functions in relation to the political aspects of making the Ladies' Peace in 1529 in Cambrai is considered. The author concludes that personality factors, political authority and personal relations played a major role in women's diplomatic work. In the conditions of instability of the French crown, Louise of Savoy manages to avoid the political and economic crisis in the country and create a unique precedent in the sphere of foreign affairs. This allowed her successors to expand diplomatic networks further by continuously conducting correspondence. Apart from concluding traditional dynastic alliances, diplomatic activity included negotiations, carried out by ladies either through trusted ambassadors or in person, signing peace agreements, and forming their own female diplomatic clientele.
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Beauregard, T. Alexandra, and Karin A. King. "“Bring in your parents day”: building inclusion and engagement through a cross-generational family-friendly workplace initiative." Strategic HR Review 19, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/shr-07-2019-0058.
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Purpose Employer-sponsored family-friendly events are designed to boost engagement and encourage retention by building family members’ identification with the organization. These events are usually targeted at employees with dependent children, but LinkedIn’s more inclusive “Bring in Your Parents” (BIYP) initiative aims to introduce employees’ parents to the daily work of their adult children. This study evaluates the impact of BIYP on the attitudes and behavioral intentions of participating employees and their parents. Design/methodology/approach Repeated-measures surveys were conducted among participating employees and parents in six organizations in six countries (UK, Ireland, France, Brazil, Mexico and Colombia). These were followed by in-person interviews with participating employees (UK) and phone interviews with HR managers (Brazil, Canada, France, Spain, UK and USA). Findings Participation in BIYP increases employee engagement and parents’ instrumental and affective support for their children and for their children’s employers. Hosting BIYP is perceived to enhance corporate reputation among both internal and external stakeholders. Practical implications BIYP serves the dual function of building employee engagement and creating new parental brand ambassadors for participating organizations. BIYP can be an effective tool for employers to engage members of staff not traditionally included in organizational family-friendly events and may be particularly useful for firms with a high proportion of younger workers in tech-savvy jobs. Originality/value This evaluation of a new workplace initiative demonstrates measurable effects on important employee attitudes and behavioral intentions.
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Cavanagh, Edward. "The Atlantic Prehistory of Private International Law: Trading Companies of the New World and the Pursuit of Restitution in England and France, 1613–43." Itinerario 41, no. 3 (December 2017): 452–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511531700064x.
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This article concerns itself with the kind of legal conflicts that broke out in the Atlantic New World between merchant interests from different parts of Europe. Case studies are made of two disputes: one between Samuel Argall of the Virginia Company and a factor on behalf of Antoinette de Pons at the Île des Monts-Déserts, and the other between the Compagnie de Caën and the Kirke brothers at the Saint Lawrence River. Together, these case studies reveal how important it was for merchant interests to have resident ambassadors and state officials advancing their interests in England and France. Procedural difficulties and jurisdictional uncertainty often impeded the road to redress. Additionally, this article suggests that the peacetime reckoning of events associated with warfare provided an optimal opportunity for disaffected private actors to have their claims for redress recognised. The extent to which private overtures for restitution relied upon public acts of diplomacy reveals some of the reasons why it is not possible to date the origins of private international law before the long nineteenth century. Rather we might profitably identify, in events such as these, the prehistory of private international law.
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Clay, Anne Safiya, and Ingrid J. Visseren-Hamakers. "Individuals Matter: Dilemmas and Solutions in Conservation and Animal Welfare Practices in Zoos." Animals 12, no. 3 (February 8, 2022): 398. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani12030398.
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Compassionate conservation advocates for minimizing individual suffering in conservation practice and adheres to the principle “individuals matter”—intrinsically, in and of themselves. Our objective is to determine the extent to which, and how, zoos recognize the intrinsic value of wild individuals beyond their status as members of species or ecosystems. We analyzed discourses surrounding the Smithsonian National Zoo in the U.S.A., the zoos of the Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle in France, and the Seoul Grand Park Zoo in South Korea. Using existing literature on zoos, conservation, animal welfare, and rights, we distilled two discourses (justificatory and abolitionist). Through interviews with professionals in the zoo, conservation, welfare, and animal rights communities, we demonstrate how actors frame individual zoo animals as (1) sentient persons, (2) reproductive components, and (3) species ambassadors. Our analysis shows how actors’ views shape three zoo practices related to ex situ conservation: (1) captivity, (2) captive breeding, and (3) culling. This analysis revealed two significant findings. First, actors representing the justificatory discourse fail to frame animals as intrinsically valuable individuals. Second, within the constraints of the zoo, the intrinsic value of individual animals is recognized through welfare practices and education focused on fulfilling animal interests.
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Toumi, Abdunour. "How Algeria-Turkey Ambitious Strategic Rapprochement Will Affect France’s Sahel Policy?" Turkey's Grand Strategy 23, Fall 2021 (December 10, 2021): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021234.3.
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President Macron did decide to withdraw French troops from the Sahel last summer, leaving only special forces based in north Mali, he stated that Operation Barkhane will end early in 2022. Nonetheless, Algiers’ decision to not allow French military planes to use Algeria’s airspace will create a direct impact on the military mission and France’s entire ‘war on terror in the Sahel. In Algeria, however, bold decisions toward a strategic rapprochement with Turkey were in the making. Even though the new authorities in Algiers were hesitant for such a foreign policy shift, because of the COVID-19 pandemic and the internal political struggle, constitutional and institutional amendments in the aftermath of the peaceful Algerian 2019 Hirak needed to be put in place. However, the tenacious resistance of the Francophile and Arabophone-nationalists anti-Ottoman legacy, the well-off social class, and elite pro-France lobbies in Algiers and Paris held back President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s Administration from improving the relations between Algiers and Ankara. Meanwhile, the ambassadors from both countries have been pushing tirelessly for the success of the strategic rapprochement between these two states.
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Vick, Brian. "The Vienna Congress as an Event in Austrian History: Civil Society and Politics in the Habsburg Empire at the End of the Wars against Napoleon." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000137.
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Historians usually portray theCongress ofViennain a European frame—and rightly so. The actors and the diplomatic flashpoints spanned the European continent, and the negotiations began before and continued after the Congress. The rulers and statesmen had already started parleying and planning the reconstruction of Europe as they followed behind the armies in the campaigns of 1813–1814, a process that continued while making peace with France in Paris in the spring of 1814, and amid the mixed celebrations and conversations during their visit to London that summer. Even the Congress, successful as it generally was, did not clear all the outstanding issues, which instead carried over into the discussions surrounding the Second Peace of Paris after Napoleon's renewed defeat at Waterloo in 1815 and into the ambassadors' conferences in Paris and London in succeeding years. Yet, there were good reasons why Vienna was selected as the venue for the main round of celebrations and negotiations in autumn 1814, and the location did help shape both the Congress and its diplomatic outcomes. Less often treated as a subject in its own right, however, is the question of what the Vienna Congress meant for and revealed about the history of the Habsburg monarchy, in European context to be sure, but with the focus on Austrian politics and society rather than on their contribution to the European narrative.
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Mokhberi, Susan. "Finding Common Ground Between Europe and Asia: Understanding and Conflict During the Persian Embassy to France in 1715." Journal of Early Modern History 16, no. 1 (2012): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006512x624100.
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Abstract In 1715, Louis XIV received Mohammad Reza Beg, an ambassador from distant Persia in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. The aging monarch greeted the ambassador in a suit encrusted with diamonds, a costume worthy of an Oriental potentate. The Beg and his entourage were no less splendid and the similarity between the Frenchmen and the Persian must have struck some viewers. King and ambassador played roles in a common drama—the ambassadorial visit—and they had more in common than one might expect. Thanks to the memoirs in manuscript of the introducteur des ambassadeurs, Baron de Breteuil, we know that the French worked hard to cooperate with the Beg despite cultural differences. After all, Breteuil and the Beg shared the goal of projecting the grandeur of their respective monarchies. This common ambition resulted in clashes of precedence between the French and Persian representatives, similar to those that occurred between European powers. This article suggests that “Orientalism” and cultural conflict did not necessarily shape the French response to the Persians. Rather, common diplomatic interests that transcended cultural differences underlay the encounter between West and East.
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Rafiq, Tehmina, and Muhammad Kalim Ullah Khan. "Islamophobia: Radical Western Thoughts and it’s Encounter in the Light of Islam." Journal of Islamic and Religious Studies 6, no. 2 (December 28, 2021): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36476/jirs.6:2.12.2021.12.
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Islamophobia is an imposed term of the West broadly defined as a fear or hatred of Islam and its followers. Prejudice is considered an unjustifiable and harmful incident of discrimination that is related to the rise of Islamophobia. In western opinion, Muslims are warmongers who have extremist approaches towards life, and Islam is a backward religion. This radical mindset has relegated Muslims to an unimportant and powerless position within society and groups, which has triggered anti-Muslim sentiments among non-Muslims. Bullying, surveillance, fear, prejudgments against Muslims have been increased by schools, districts, landlords, and employees on the globe, especially in the western world. Mosque controversies in the United States, anti-veiling legislation in France, the 'minaret' row in Switzerland, the killing of Turkish immigrants in Germany, and hateful statements of Dutch politicians against Muslims are well-known examples of Islamophobia. The paper's primary purpose is to highlight the radical approach and anti-Muslim sentiments of the world in the name of Islamophobia. It will show Muslims are brutally targeted on every forum due to misperceptions regarding Islam and its teachings. Furthermore, the true spirit of Islam and its teachings are highlighted in this paper that Muslims are the ambassadors of peace, and Islam is the only religion of moderation that negates fanaticism and terrorist acts. In contrast, the rebellious acts of a few radical groups do not allow anyone to adopt hateful and intolerant attributes towards the whole nation.
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Markstrom, Kurt. "The Eventual Premiere of Issipile: Porpora and the Palchetti War." Articles 33, no. 2 (August 19, 2015): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1032695ar.
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“Where Porpora is concerned, misfortune is bound to ensue. Beware, in faith, of having anything to do with his company.” Metastasio’s damning indictment of Nicola Porpora in a letter published in his Opere (the offending passage omitted from Charles Burney’s English translation) is put into the context of the “Palchetti Wars” in Rome in 1732/33 and a court case against the impresario Francesco Cavanna of the Teatro della Dame. The court case was filed by a group of musicians, presumably led by Porpora, after the cancellation of the premiere of his Issipile during the spring of 1732 as a result of the closing of the theatres by the pope due to the controversy between the ambassadors of France and Austria over their boxes (palchetti) at the opera. In the court case between two of his old friends, Metastasio took the cause of the impresario over the composer because the case resulted in the bankruptcy of Cavanna and the closure of the della Dame. Although arrangements were made for the premiere of Porpora’s Issipile the following year at an alternate venue, the Teatro Pioli—which got around the theatrical ban by replacing its palchetti with a large balcony or palchettone, the della Dame, preserving its celebrated five tiers of palchetti—remained closed until 1738. This was probably part of the strategy of the directors of the delle Dame in dealing with the twists and turns of the palchetti controversy.
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FINOGENOV, OLEH. ""LION'S PLOT" (1924) IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-16-25.
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This article deals with activities of the Western Ukrainian Association of the League of Nations (ZUTLN) at the Lyon Congress of the Union of Societies of the League of Nations (STLN) within the context of international relations of the first half of the 1920s. In 1922 ZUTLN became a full member of STLN, but the decision of the Council of Ambassadors of the Entente states (1923) to include the territory of Eastern Galicia in the Second Commonwealth prevented further membership in the union. It is noted that before the ZUTLN delegation departed to France, it had had a general meeting, which summarized the activities of the association during the previous years and approved the strategy and tactics of actions at the next STLN congress in Lyon. For the first time in Ukrainian and foreign historiography, this paper highlights in detail the achievements and blunders of Ukrainians at the Lyon Conference, the circle of ZUTLN supporters among other societies, the course of discussions with the participation of Ukrainian delegates, the requirements of the members, the reaction of the Galician politicians on the final outcomes of the conference and the activities of Ukrainian representatives at the international forum. The author has shown that in the current socio-political discourse, the activities of the Galician delegation, headed by R. Perfetskyi, were evaluated mostly negatively because of the so-called "Galician separatism" and the lack of constructive dialogue with a similar Dnieper society. Afterward, the ZUTLN representatives made unsuccessful attempts to resume their activities at the STLN: their advocacy work was limited to sending complaints, letters to STLN governing bodies and publishing anti-Polish materials by ZUTLN members in leading Ukrainian and foreign periodicals. Keywords: Lyon Conference, ZUTLN, League of Nations, Eastern Galicia, Poland.
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Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. "Diplomat Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin: New Touches to Biographical Portrait." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015098-5.
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Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
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Loomie, S.J., Albert J. "London's Spanish Chapel Before and After The Civil War." Recusant History 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 402–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268419500020687.
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IN THE mid-seventeenth century the chapel of the Spanish embassy caused considerable concern to the authorities at Whitehall since they were frustrated in preventing scores of Londoners from attending it for masses and other Catholic devotions. This was a distinct issue from the traditional right of a Catholic diplomat in England to provide mass for his household or other compatriots,’ and from the custom of Sephardic Jews to gather in the embassy for Sabbath worship when they desired. While the practice of Londoners to attend mass secretly at the residences of various Catholic diplomats had developed early in the reign of Elizabeth and occasional arrests at their doors had acted as a deterrent, late in the reign of James I sizeable crowds began to frequent the Spanish embassy. John Chamberlain commented in 1621 that Gondomar had ‘almost as many come to his mass’ in the chapel of Ely House as there were attending ‘the sermon at St. Andrewes (Holborn) over against him’. Although Godomar left in 1622 and subsequently the embassy was closed for five years during the Anglo-Spanish War, it was later, from 1630 to 1655, that the Spanish chapel acquired not only a continuous popularity among Catholics of the area but also an unwelcome notoriety in the highest levels of government. This paper will suggest two primary factors which led to that development: the persistent ambition of the resident Spanish diplomats to provide a range of religious services unprecedented in number and character, and their successful adaptation to the hostile political conditions in the capital for a quarter of a century. The continuous Spanish diplomatic presence in London for this long period was in itself both unexpected and unique for it should be recalled that, for various reasons, all the other Catholic ambassadors, whether from France, Venice, Portugal, Savoy or the Empire, had to leave at different times and close their chapels. However, the site of the Spanish residence during these years by no means permanent since, as with other foreign diplomats, a new property was rented by each ambassador on arrival. There is, moreover, a wider significance in this inquiry because of the current evidence that by the eve of the Civil War the king was considered in the House of Commons to have been remiss in guarding his kingdom from a ‘Catholic inspired plot against church and state’, for while it has been well argued that a public disquiet over Henrietta-Maria's chapels at Somerset House and St. James's palace had by 1640 stimulated increasing suspicions of a Popish Plot, there were other protected chapels, particularly the Spanish, where scores of Londoners were seen to attend. Indeed, after the closure of the queen's chapels at Whitehall in 1642, the Spanish remained for the next thirteen years as silent evidence that Catholics seemed to be ‘more numerous’ and were acting ‘more freely than in the past’.
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Tepedelen, Kenan. "A Forgotten Diplomatic Front of World War I: Ethiopia." Belleten 71, no. 261 (August 1, 2007): 757–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2007.757.
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The First World War that caused the collapse of four Empires: the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, is being remembered today as a pitiless conflict that caused the death of 8.700.000 soldiers and civilians and the rendering destitute of at least quite as many. Those who study the WWI tend to focus their attention upon the large battles that took place during the 1914-18 period but few realise the enormous struggle for influence over Ethiopia - the then only independent country, other than Liberia, on the African Continent - that took place between the Entente and the Central Powers and the intensity of diplomatic efforts made to draw Ethiopia into one camp or the other. The appointment of Ahmed Mazhar Bey, a previous director of the Translation Department at the Bâb-ı Ali (Sublime Porte) as Consul General of the Ottoman Empire in the eastern Ethiopian city of Harar and the subsequent transfer of the Consulate General to the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa in 1914, led to important developments in the history of Ethiopia. Mazhar Bey who would demonstrate soon his skills of visionary in his position, was quick to realise the strategic advantages that would accrue from the alignment of Ethiopia to the ranks of the Central Empires. The Turkish Consul General's efforts towards this end were met favourably by Lidj Iyassou, the young de facto Emperor of Ethiopia, who, besides his sympathy for Islam, had developed a personal friendship with Mazhar Bey. The possible entry of Ethiopia to the war on the side of the Central Powers caused the Ambassadors of the Entente Powers (Great Britain, France and Italy) in Addis Ababa to take action and on September 10th 1916, the British, French and Italian Ministers made a joint "demarche" vis-avis the Ethiopian Government. The fruits of the Entente Powers' undertaking were soon to be harvested. The Archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church Abouna Matheos would, on the 27th September 1916, declare Prince Lidj Iyassou both deposed and excommunicated. Thus, the Addis Ababa "Coup d'Etat" of 27th September 1916, was going to change the course of the history of modern Ethiopia.
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Rohatyn, Felix. "In Honor of Daniel Bell." Tocqueville Review 20, no. 2 (January 1999): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.20.2.171.
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Mayall, James. "1789 and the liberal theory of international society." Review of International Studies 15, no. 4 (October 1989): 297–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112719.
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Contemporaries who witnessed the fall of the Bastille did not doubt that an event of shocking significance had occurred. On 19 July 1789 the Ambassador of Saxony reported that so important and extraordinary a revolution ‘cannot fail to bring about a considerable change in the political system of France’. The Portuguese Ambassador wrote that if he had not witnessed it himself ‘he would not dare to describe it, for fear the truth should be considered a fable… A king of France in an army coach, surrounded by the bayonets and muskets of a large crowd, finally forced to display on his head the cockade of liberty.’ If it was not immediately clear that this attack on the legitimacy of the ancien régime would also involve an attack on the diplomatic practices and conventions of the European states-system, it quickly became so.
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Vanautgaerden, Alexandre. "Les Ambassadeurs des Paraphrases." Moreana 39 (Number 150), no. 2 (June 2002): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2002.39.2.8.
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Pour disséminer la philosophia Christi, Érasme employa des moyens séculiers aussi bien que spirituels. `A la Renaissance, la dédicace d’une oeuvre littéraire jouissait d’une existence propre, qu’ Érasme utilisait en maître. Il dédia ses Paraphrases du Nouveau Testament à des personnages politiquement importants dans l’Église et l’État : il réserva celles des Actes des apôtres et des quatre évangiles au pape, à l’empereur et à son successeur, ainsi qu’aux rois d’Angleterre et de France. L’auteur explique la portée de ces dédicaces, et aussi de celles adressées au “pieux lecteur,” en soulignant leur rapport avec le plaidoyer d’ Érasme pour les bonnes lettres, et sa défense de ses propres travaux d’érudit sur la Bible.
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Kazakova, Oxana, and Yuliia Samoilenko. "MUTUAL RELATIONS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND POLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR THROUGH THE PRYSM OF THE WAR CABINET ACTIVITY (BASED ON THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH NATIONAL ARCHIVES)." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 3 (11) (October 27, 2021): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2021-03-6-16.
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The article reveals mutual relationships between Great Britain and Poland on the verge of the Second World War based on the British National Archives documents. The authors acknowledge principles of the British foreign policy towards Poland and the activity of its diplomatic corps along with the War Cabinet. The paper determines that diplomatic and military-political relations between Great Britain and Poland have been multidimensional with deep historical roots.
The article represents the analysis of the main misunderstandings and challenges that determined British-Polish relations before and at the beginning of the Second World War. Sequentially, the British position and interest regarding the establishment of the strategic military partnership with Poland are shown. The authors examined British-Polish agreements that were signed during the spring-summer period of 1939 in order to designate the nature of the negotiation process between the states.
The publication also reveals the reasons for a weak practical element of the negotiation process, emphasising the difficulties concerning the Royal force on the European continent deployed on the Polish border. Also, the authors analyse scenarios of the counteractions towards the aggressive steps of Germany and search for the mechanisms of the aggression deterrence considering different dynamics of the events. It is stated that along with the British influence regarding the situation in Poland, either France took an active part in the decision-making process.
Based on the documents from the British National Archives, the authors established that diplomatic commentaries and reports written by ambassadors and state officials with regards to German actions on the Polish territories on the verge of the Second World War. Emphasising the cruel legacy of the Nazi regime, the rapid nature of German army attacks and brutal treatment towards the Polish population in the first days of September 1939 are described.
The authors concluded that actions of the British political and military circuits concerning aid to Poland at the start of the Second World War seem to have been inconsistent, unconfident and did not bring strategic effect.
After the Nazi occupation of Poland, British authorities had to change their approaches to the realisation of British-Polish relations. London accepted the idea of recognition of Polish emigrated government officials headed by V. Sikorsky, providing them with substantial empowerment to the Non-Aligned Movement.
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Goldsmith, Christopher. "In the know? Sir Gladwyn Jebb: Ambassador to France." Contemporary British History 13, no. 2 (June 1999): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469908581530.
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Charmley, John. "Duff Cooper and Western European union, 1944–47." Review of International Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114366.
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Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: ‘This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.’ At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.
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Azmi, SÜSLÜ. "Ambassadeurs Turcs envoyés en France et Vahîd Pacha." Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 35, no. 60 (2016): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/tarar_0000000649.
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Baetjer, Katharine, Marjorie Shelley, Charlotte Hale, and Cynthia Moyer. "Benjamin Franklin, Ambassador to France: Portraits by Joseph Siffred Duplessis." Metropolitan Museum Journal 52 (December 2017): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696547.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "The Palace Coup in Russia on November 25 (December 6), 1741 through the Eyes of the British Ambassador Ed. Finch." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022298-6.
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The article deals with the perception of the British Ambassador Ed. Finch of one of a series of palace coups of the 18th century, which took place in November 1741, as a result of which the daughter of Peter I — Elizabeth Petrovna came to power. Russian historians in their studies of palace coups relied on a solid source base. Meanwhile, the diplomatic correspondence with the Secretaries of State of the residents at the court of the empresses remained the least studied by them. The author of the article fills in this gap and highlights the palace coup in favor of Elizabeth Petrovna, relying on diplomatic correspondence of the British Ambassador Edward Finch. Finch dwelt on the description of the coup, drawing attention to its preparation and the decisive role in the events of the representatives of France — the Marquis de Chetardi and the life physician Elizabeth Petrovna — Lestocq. The appeal to the diplomatic correspondence of the ambassador with the Secretary of State, previously used in Russian historiography only in fragments, allowed us to learn many details of the events related to the palace coup, as well as the first steps of the government of Elizabeth Petrovna (formation of the Cabinet, the work of the investigative commission on former officials, prosecution and punishment of the accused, etc.). The Empress's obvious sympathy for certain representatives of France, who provided her with effective assistance in organizing and implementing the coup, could not but affect the reorientation of the course of Russia's foreign policy, from pro-English to pro-French. The testimonies of the British ambassador, distinguished for the most part by objectivity, allow us to expand the ideas of our contemporaries about one of the interesting and dramatic pages in the history of the palace coup of 1741.
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Akifyeva, Е. A. "Times of change. A roundtable in memory of Yuri Dubinin." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 84–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-84-88.
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The roundtable in teleconference format dedicated to the 90th anniversary of a renowned Soviet and Russian diplomat Yuri Dubinin was held at MGIMO University on October 7, 2020. The event was organized by the Department of Diplomacy of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, the family of Ambassador Dubinin, as well as by the MGIMO Student Union and MGIMO Diplomatic Club. Yuri Dubinin, MGIMO graduate, has made a great contribution to promotion of Russia’s interests on the world stage, contributed to expansion and strengthening of ties between the Soviet Union (and later Russia) and the Western countries. During his professional career Yuri Dubinin held a number of high-level positions at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and Russia, namely those of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Spain, USA, France and Ukraine, Permanent Representative of Russia to the UN, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia; at the final stage of his career Ambassador Dubinin shared his professional experience with the future generation of diplomats serving as a Professor of the Department of Diplomacy of MGIMO University. The roundtable presentations were made by Yuri Dubinin’s colleagues from diplomatic corps who are currently serving as diplomats, representatives of other Russian state authorities and academic community, as well as members of Ambassador Dubinin’s family.
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Akifyeva, Е. A. "Times of change. A roundtable in memory of Yuri Dubinin." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 84–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-84-88.
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The roundtable in teleconference format dedicated to the 90th anniversary of a renowned Soviet and Russian diplomat Yuri Dubinin was held at MGIMO University on October 7, 2020. The event was organized by the Department of Diplomacy of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, the family of Ambassador Dubinin, as well as by the MGIMO Student Union and MGIMO Diplomatic Club. Yuri Dubinin, MGIMO graduate, has made a great contribution to promotion of Russia’s interests on the world stage, contributed to expansion and strengthening of ties between the Soviet Union (and later Russia) and the Western countries. During his professional career Yuri Dubinin held a number of high-level positions at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and Russia, namely those of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Spain, USA, France and Ukraine, Permanent Representative of Russia to the UN, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia; at the final stage of his career Ambassador Dubinin shared his professional experience with the future generation of diplomats serving as a Professor of the Department of Diplomacy of MGIMO University. The roundtable presentations were made by Yuri Dubinin’s colleagues from diplomatic corps who are currently serving as diplomats, representatives of other Russian state authorities and academic community, as well as members of Ambassador Dubinin’s family.
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Orella Martínez, José Luis. "La diplomacia cultural de la España de Franco." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2015 (January 31, 2016): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.15.3.
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The post-war period was a difficult time for Spain because of its international isolation. The need to improve its image and to be admitted to the UN lead to the instrumentalisation of culture as a parallel diplomacy that allowed to establish the necessary relationships. ICH, BFHI, CEDI and OCAU activities helped form groups favourable to Spain, from which it benefited with restoring diplomatic presence. Pragmatism and the absence of politicisation of international relations of Spain in Hispanic-American and Arab areas are consequences of the work of “cultural ambassadors”.
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Boué, Séverine. "L’ambassade et les ambassadeurs de France à Washington, 1893-1981." Bulletin de l'Institut Pierre Renouvin N° 47, no. 1 (2018): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/bipr1.047.0141.
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Parrott, D. "Correspondance consulaire des ambassadeurs de France a Constantinople, 1668-1708." English Historical Review 117, no. 470 (February 1, 2002): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.189.
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Monckton, Linda. "Fit for a King? The Architecture of the Beauchamp Chapel." Architectural History 47 (2004): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00001684.
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One of the two wealthiest men of his generation in England, Richard Beauchamp, thirteenth Earl of Warwick, served under three Lancastrian kings: he had been tutor to the young Henry VI, ambassador to the Council of Constance, variously Captain of Calais and of Rouen, and he had, of course, fought in the service of the kings of England in France. In 1437 he was made Lieutenant-General and Governor of France and Normandy, leaving for France in August of that year and it was during this trip, two years later, that he died, in 1439, in Rouen, aged fifty-eight. He had made a good first marriage in 1397 to Elizabeth, only daughter and heir of Thomas Berkeley, followed by an excellent second in 1423, to Isabel, daughter of the Earl of Gloucester and eventually sole heir to the Despencer fortune, and also widow of Richard’s cousin and namesake the Earl of Worcester (who had died in 1422).
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Chernyavsky, S. I. "The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the City of Kuibyshev (1941-1943)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-178-198.
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This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.
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Snodin, Navaporn. "Mobility experiences of international students in Thai higher education." International Journal of Educational Management 33, no. 7 (November 4, 2019): 1653–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-07-2018-0206.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to achieve a better understanding of the current phenomenon regarding challenges of and potential for increased international recruitment and enhancement of the teaching and learning experience in Thai HE. The focus on what made these people choose Thailand, and their actual perceptions and experiences in Thai universities, are two main foci of this paper. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative approach through narrative interviews was selected as the researchers did not want to constrain this study with preconceived notions that might unduly steer the findings. During the interviews, detailed notes were taken, and the conversations were taped recorded, and then transcribed and analysed. The analytic approach adopted was a thematic analysis. NVivo qualitative data analysis software (QSR International Pty Ltd Version 11, 2017) was used to help organise and analyse the data. Findings The findings show that availability of scholarships, word-of-mouth referrals, and geographical and cultural proximity to a home country appear to be important pull factors. A series of interviews with international students from many different cultures, from both developed and developing countries, yielded some surprising insights including strong research support in some disciplines and the fact that academic life is personalised in Thai universities. Research limitations/implications The findings from this study suggested that engaging returnees as ambassadors, creating links between international student community and home student community before, during and after the education abroad experience could potentially help Thai HE to be more marketable at a global scale. International students have potentials to be future contacts for inducing the flow of international students evident by the social network or word-of-mouth referrals as one of the prominent pull factors. Practical implications The findings from this paper provide advice and guidance on how values-based, rather than purely numbers-driven strategies can help Thai HEIs across the country to be more attractive to students and to enhance their experience once they come to study in Thai HEIs. Originality/value This study will make an important critique of current theories of academic mobility that primarily focus on developed countries. Current literature in international education favours native English language countries and overlooks experiences of international students in developing countries. This study will contribute to the existing literature which is lacking in reported perceptions and experiences of international students in Asian countries, particularly the new emerging educational hub in Southeast Asia like Thailand. The paper includes experiences of students from developed countries such as Canada, France, Germany, the UK and the USA, filling in the gap in the current literature that dominantly reports experiences of Asian students in the developed English-speaking countries. Additionally, this study also reports the experiences of international students from the countries that are lesser known in the context of international education, including Cambodia, Egypt, Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar, Pakistan, South Africa, Sudan and Uganda.
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Guclu, Y. "An Ambassador and a Mensch: The Story of a Turkish Diplomat in Vichy France." Mediterranean Quarterly 22, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-1263433.
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Eteffa, Mulugeta. "The role of diversity in the culture of peace." European Review 8, no. 4 (October 2000): 447–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700005019.
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This paper deals with what I think can be an aspect of the culture of peace, based on my own experience as a person coming from a multilingual, multicultural and multiethnic African Society. It also reflects the many encounters I have had with different people as Ethiopia's former ambassador to the United Nations and now France, Spain, Portugal, the Vatican and UNESCO. During my tour of duty and presentation of credentials to heads of state, I had talks with many very stimulating people, which had an impact on my thinking. However, I would like to mention just one, because it is most relevant to this paper.
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Morgan, Hiram. "The Colonial Venture of Sir Thomas Smith in Ulster, 1571–1575." Historical Journal 28, no. 2 (June 1985): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003101.
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Colonization, as a means of reforming Ireland, had been advocated by certain Anglo-Irish politicians and English administrators since the early sixteenth century. This policy had been activated in 1548. Sir Thomas Smith (1513–77), a leading political and intellectual figure, contributed to the policy's development in the early 1570s with his colonial venture in eastern Ulster. Under Elizabeth, he served as ambassador to France on two occasions and held the principal secretaryship between 1572 and 1576. Smith is regarded as an important English humanist. His main works, A discourse of the commonweal of this realm of England (1549) and De republica Anglorum (1565) analyse respectively the economic problems and the legal and political system of the period.
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Nicholls, Mark. "Investigating Gunpowder Plot." Recusant History 19, no. 2 (October 1988): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020197.
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ON 6 November 1605, the earl of Salisbury wrote jubilantly to the English Ambassador in France, Sir Thomas Parry, that it had ‘pleased Almighty God, out of his singular goodness, to bring to light the most cruel and detestable practise against the person of his Majesty and the whole estate of the Realm that ever was conceived by the heart of man, at any time, or in any place whatsoever’. But, when he wrote this, Salisbury was fully aware that, though the Lord might have revealed the bare existence of the Gunpowder plot, it would be left to men to discover the details and the ramifications of a complex treason that had been long in the planning.
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Nevejans, Pierre. "An Ambassador as a Diversion? Giuliano Soderini and His Florentine Mission in France (1527–29)." Legatio: The Journal for Renaissance and Early Modern Diplomatic Studies, no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/legatio.2019.01.
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Nash, P. "'A Woman's Touch in Foreign Affairs'? The Career of Ambassador Frances E. Willis." Diplomacy & Statecraft 13, no. 2 (June 2002): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000319.
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Androutsos, G., and S. Maketos. "Miltiades Papamiltiades (1910–1987) : eminent Greek anatomist and ambassador of Franco-Hellenic friendship." Surgical and Radiologic Anatomy 16, no. 4 (December 1994): 445–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01627671.
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Bostock, William Walter. "The Psychology of a Spy: Cicero (Elyesa Bazna, 1904-1970)." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (March 4, 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.2.217.
Full textAbstract:
Cicero was one of the most important spies of World War II. As valet to the British Ambassador to neutral Turkey, he was able to photograph many Top Secret documents, including detailed plans for the Allied D Day Landing in France, and sell them to the Germans. Using his autobiography and the published account of his handler, it is possible to note that Cicero did not display symptoms of psychiatric disorder, but his personality and character were complicated and in conformity with a model of the psychology of the spy that has been proposed. In over all assessment, Cicero’s spying activities brought little benefit to the Germans as they did not accept as genuine what was being presented to them, and no benefit to Cicero himself as he was mainly paid in counterfeit bank notes.