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1
Mazarchuk, Dmitry V. "The nomenclature of diplomatic agents as a source on the history of the English diplomatic corps of Henry VII." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (November 2, 2022): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2022-4-28-34.
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The results of the analysis of the use of diplomatic nomenclature during the reign of Henry VII are presented. A total of 12 terms were identified, of which 5 were the most commonly used to refer to English ambassadors. The diplomatic nomenclature was poorly ordered, the terminology did not reflect the specific functional duties of the persons sent to the mission. The only exceptions were missions to receive cash payments due under an agreement with France. At the same time, the process of unification of the diplomatic nomenclature began, which was reflected in the use of stable formulas in the texts of ambassadorial powers of attorney. Based on the analysis of the diplomatic nomenclature, a conclusion was made about the fact that at the turn of the 15th–16th centuries ambassador hierarchy.
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Van Cleave, Peter D. "The Dutch Origins of the Quasi War: John Adams, the Netherlands, and Atlantic Politics in the 1790s." Journal of Early American History 8, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 30–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00801001.
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In 1797, John Adams called together a special session of Congress. Adams informed the assembled members that he had sent new ambassadors to France and requested a buildup of the military. Adams’s belligerent message set the stage for the military engagement with France that came to be known as the Quasi War. In the message, Adams included some documents about French depredations in the Netherlands. While these documents have caused some historians pause, this article argues that the use of these documents offer insight into the much larger role the Dutch played in the Early American Republic and in Adams’s own decision-making process. In order to fully understand the origins of the Quasi War, we must consider Adams’s connections with the Netherlands and the Dutch people.
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Kohl, Benjamin G., Vincent Ilardi, and Frank J. Fata. "Dispatches with Related Documents of Milanese Ambassadors in France and Burgundy, 1450-1483." American Historical Review 90, no. 1 (February 1985): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860846.
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van den Boogert, Maurits H. "Written Proof Between Capitulations and Ottoman Kadi Courts in the Early Modern Period." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10018.
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Abstract The introduction of legal reforms in the sixteenth century that gave the Hanafi school its central place in the Ottoman legal system coincided with the arrival of new trade partners from the West, first France and later England and the Dutch Republic. The Ottoman authorities’ own emphasis on the primacy of written proof and the marginalization of oral testimony was also reflected in the privileges granted to these new arrivals from the West. Although many European ambassadors and consuls distrusted “Turkish justice”, the Ottoman legal system’s stability and predictability contributed considerably to creating favourable conditions of trade.
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LOVEMAN, KATE. "POLITICAL INFORMATION IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 555–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004516.
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Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Cooper, Richard. "‘Era una meraviglia vederli’: Carnival in Cognac (1520) between the Bastille and the Cloth of Gold." Nottingham French Studies 56, no. 3 (December 2017): 336–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2017.0195.
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The years 1517–20 saw a renewal of court festival in France, following the arrival of Leonardo da Vinci. Machines became a feature, as did elaborate mythological and chivalric pageants, banquets and dances. Although the 1518 celebrations at Amboise and the Bastille have been studied, as has the Field of the Cloth of Gold, little was known about the elaborate Carnival in 1520 held in the birthplace of François Ier. Archival evidence reveals this to have been an innovative Valois festival, lasting over a fortnight, in the Château which the King and his mother had specially rebuilt and decorated to accommodate the whole court and foreign ambassadors, who hunted and feasted every day and danced every night, despite Lenten austerity.
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Vick, Brian. "The Vienna Congress as an Event in Austrian History: Civil Society and Politics in the Habsburg Empire at the End of the Wars against Napoleon." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000137.
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Historians usually portray theCongress ofViennain a European frame—and rightly so. The actors and the diplomatic flashpoints spanned the European continent, and the negotiations began before and continued after the Congress. The rulers and statesmen had already started parleying and planning the reconstruction of Europe as they followed behind the armies in the campaigns of 1813–1814, a process that continued while making peace with France in Paris in the spring of 1814, and amid the mixed celebrations and conversations during their visit to London that summer. Even the Congress, successful as it generally was, did not clear all the outstanding issues, which instead carried over into the discussions surrounding the Second Peace of Paris after Napoleon's renewed defeat at Waterloo in 1815 and into the ambassadors' conferences in Paris and London in succeeding years. Yet, there were good reasons why Vienna was selected as the venue for the main round of celebrations and negotiations in autumn 1814, and the location did help shape both the Congress and its diplomatic outcomes. Less often treated as a subject in its own right, however, is the question of what the Vienna Congress meant for and revealed about the history of the Habsburg monarchy, in European context to be sure, but with the focus on Austrian politics and society rather than on their contribution to the European narrative.
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Sanzharov, Valery, and Galina Sanzharova. "Diplomatic Preparation for the English Invasion of France in 1415." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2021): 180–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.14.
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Introduction. According to the latest research, the managerial genius of Henry V was most fully manifested in the military, financial and diplomatic fields. The authors analyze in detail the royal diplomacy, which has not been the subject of special study. Diplomacy is analyzed as a space of political communication. Methods and materials. The basic methods of historical analysis were used to work with the material. The sources used in the work are diplomatic documents (treaties, “memorandums”, instructions to ambassadors and their correspondence with monarchs, decisions of royal councils, discussion of the course and results of negotiations in parliament) and chronicles. In historiography, the problem is traditionally considered within the framework of works devoted to the personality of Henry V or the history of the Hundred Years War. Analysis. The article analyzes three phases and three components of English diplomatic policy from the coming of Henry V of Lancaster to power to his invasion of Normandy: 1) negotiations with both sides of the intra-French conflict in order to prevent their reconciliation. 2) the territorial claims of Henry V in France (territory in exchange for giving up the “rights” of inheritance). 3) diplomatic activity as a disguise of preparation for war (territory in exchange for peace). Results. The authors concluded that the English in the years 1413–1415 are moving from military mercenarism on the side of one of the warring groups in the intra-French conflict to declaring themselves as one of the parties to the struggle for power in France with their rights and claims. The diplomacy of the English crown pursued the intentions of 1) demonstrating the impossibility of achieving the claims of the royal house of England on the continent peacefully; 2) maintaining schism and confrontation within the highest French nobility; 3) ensuring international recognition of the English monarch’s right to intervene in the intra-French conflict.
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Cavanagh, Edward. "The Atlantic Prehistory of Private International Law: Trading Companies of the New World and the Pursuit of Restitution in England and France, 1613–43." Itinerario 41, no. 3 (December 2017): 452–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511531700064x.
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This article concerns itself with the kind of legal conflicts that broke out in the Atlantic New World between merchant interests from different parts of Europe. Case studies are made of two disputes: one between Samuel Argall of the Virginia Company and a factor on behalf of Antoinette de Pons at the Île des Monts-Déserts, and the other between the Compagnie de Caën and the Kirke brothers at the Saint Lawrence River. Together, these case studies reveal how important it was for merchant interests to have resident ambassadors and state officials advancing their interests in England and France. Procedural difficulties and jurisdictional uncertainty often impeded the road to redress. Additionally, this article suggests that the peacetime reckoning of events associated with warfare provided an optimal opportunity for disaffected private actors to have their claims for redress recognised. The extent to which private overtures for restitution relied upon public acts of diplomacy reveals some of the reasons why it is not possible to date the origins of private international law before the long nineteenth century. Rather we might profitably identify, in events such as these, the prehistory of private international law.
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Bystrova, V. S. "The women’s diplomacy in 16th century France: the example of Louise of Savoy." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-23-34.
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This article is dedicated to researching the women's diplomacy in France in the first half of the XVI century from the perspective of gender history. Despite the fact that ambassadorial offices were mostly occupied by men, women could still perform as diplomats both officially and informally. The image of a woman as a politician is revealed on the example of diplomatic activity of Duchess of Angoulme Louise de Savoy, mother of Francis I de Valois. The article determines her position among the power elites from contemporaries' point of view. The article also reveals the role of a high-ranking lady in exercising diplomatic functions and highlights the features of the official correspondence form of the king's mother. The main directions of foreign policy during the regencies of Louise of Savoy are determined. The role of royal women in exercising diplomatic functions in relation to the political aspects of making the Ladies' Peace in 1529 in Cambrai is considered. The author concludes that personality factors, political authority and personal relations played a major role in women's diplomatic work. In the conditions of instability of the French crown, Louise of Savoy manages to avoid the political and economic crisis in the country and create a unique precedent in the sphere of foreign affairs. This allowed her successors to expand diplomatic networks further by continuously conducting correspondence. Apart from concluding traditional dynastic alliances, diplomatic activity included negotiations, carried out by ladies either through trusted ambassadors or in person, signing peace agreements, and forming their own female diplomatic clientele.
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Tepedelen, Kenan. "A Forgotten Diplomatic Front of World War I: Ethiopia." Belleten 71, no. 261 (August 1, 2007): 757–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2007.757.
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The First World War that caused the collapse of four Empires: the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, is being remembered today as a pitiless conflict that caused the death of 8.700.000 soldiers and civilians and the rendering destitute of at least quite as many. Those who study the WWI tend to focus their attention upon the large battles that took place during the 1914-18 period but few realise the enormous struggle for influence over Ethiopia - the then only independent country, other than Liberia, on the African Continent - that took place between the Entente and the Central Powers and the intensity of diplomatic efforts made to draw Ethiopia into one camp or the other. The appointment of Ahmed Mazhar Bey, a previous director of the Translation Department at the Bâb-ı Ali (Sublime Porte) as Consul General of the Ottoman Empire in the eastern Ethiopian city of Harar and the subsequent transfer of the Consulate General to the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa in 1914, led to important developments in the history of Ethiopia. Mazhar Bey who would demonstrate soon his skills of visionary in his position, was quick to realise the strategic advantages that would accrue from the alignment of Ethiopia to the ranks of the Central Empires. The Turkish Consul General's efforts towards this end were met favourably by Lidj Iyassou, the young de facto Emperor of Ethiopia, who, besides his sympathy for Islam, had developed a personal friendship with Mazhar Bey. The possible entry of Ethiopia to the war on the side of the Central Powers caused the Ambassadors of the Entente Powers (Great Britain, France and Italy) in Addis Ababa to take action and on September 10th 1916, the British, French and Italian Ministers made a joint "demarche" vis-avis the Ethiopian Government. The fruits of the Entente Powers' undertaking were soon to be harvested. The Archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church Abouna Matheos would, on the 27th September 1916, declare Prince Lidj Iyassou both deposed and excommunicated. Thus, the Addis Ababa "Coup d'Etat" of 27th September 1916, was going to change the course of the history of modern Ethiopia.
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Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. "Diplomat Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin: New Touches to Biographical Portrait." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015098-5.
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Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
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Rohatyn, Felix. "In Honor of Daniel Bell." Tocqueville Review 20, no. 2 (January 1999): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.20.2.171.
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Parrott, D. "Correspondance consulaire des ambassadeurs de France a Constantinople, 1668-1708." English Historical Review 117, no. 470 (February 1, 2002): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.189.
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Charmley, John. "Duff Cooper and Western European union, 1944–47." Review of International Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114366.
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Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: ‘This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.’ At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.
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Goldsmith, Christopher. "In the know? Sir Gladwyn Jebb: Ambassador to France." Contemporary British History 13, no. 2 (June 1999): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469908581530.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "The Palace Coup in Russia on November 25 (December 6), 1741 through the Eyes of the British Ambassador Ed. Finch." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022298-6.
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The article deals with the perception of the British Ambassador Ed. Finch of one of a series of palace coups of the 18th century, which took place in November 1741, as a result of which the daughter of Peter I — Elizabeth Petrovna came to power. Russian historians in their studies of palace coups relied on a solid source base. Meanwhile, the diplomatic correspondence with the Secretaries of State of the residents at the court of the empresses remained the least studied by them. The author of the article fills in this gap and highlights the palace coup in favor of Elizabeth Petrovna, relying on diplomatic correspondence of the British Ambassador Edward Finch. Finch dwelt on the description of the coup, drawing attention to its preparation and the decisive role in the events of the representatives of France — the Marquis de Chetardi and the life physician Elizabeth Petrovna — Lestocq. The appeal to the diplomatic correspondence of the ambassador with the Secretary of State, previously used in Russian historiography only in fragments, allowed us to learn many details of the events related to the palace coup, as well as the first steps of the government of Elizabeth Petrovna (formation of the Cabinet, the work of the investigative commission on former officials, prosecution and punishment of the accused, etc.). The Empress's obvious sympathy for certain representatives of France, who provided her with effective assistance in organizing and implementing the coup, could not but affect the reorientation of the course of Russia's foreign policy, from pro-English to pro-French. The testimonies of the British ambassador, distinguished for the most part by objectivity, allow us to expand the ideas of our contemporaries about one of the interesting and dramatic pages in the history of the palace coup of 1741.
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Morgan, Hiram. "The Colonial Venture of Sir Thomas Smith in Ulster, 1571–1575." Historical Journal 28, no. 2 (June 1985): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003101.
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Colonization, as a means of reforming Ireland, had been advocated by certain Anglo-Irish politicians and English administrators since the early sixteenth century. This policy had been activated in 1548. Sir Thomas Smith (1513–77), a leading political and intellectual figure, contributed to the policy's development in the early 1570s with his colonial venture in eastern Ulster. Under Elizabeth, he served as ambassador to France on two occasions and held the principal secretaryship between 1572 and 1576. Smith is regarded as an important English humanist. His main works, A discourse of the commonweal of this realm of England (1549) and De republica Anglorum (1565) analyse respectively the economic problems and the legal and political system of the period.
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Moyal, Gabriel Louis. "Diplomacy Beyond Language: François Guizot and Translation." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 13, no. 1 (March 19, 2007): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037398ar.
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Abstract Diplomacy Beyond Language: François Guizot and Translation — Neglecting to mention translation, ignoring the need or even the presence of translation is common practice in non-literary French writing in the first half of the nineteenth century. Still, in the case of François Guizot (1787-1874) such neglect seems to have a more deliberate motivation. Before becoming prime minister of France or ambassador to England, Guizot had translated several important English texts into French. His later marginalization of linguistic difference appears more rooted in his ideological perspective on history. Guizot's writings on French and English history and on the evolution of language seem to indicate that, for him, in the long run of history, translation would become obsolete. Nations, like languages, appear, from his point of view, to be drifting towards an ultimate unity, to flow irresistibly towards a Utopian equality wherein differences — political or linguistic — will ultimately be dissolved.
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Roberts, Geoffrey. "Infamous encounter? The Merekalov-Weizsäcker meeting of 17 April 1939." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 921–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026224.
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AbstractThis article uses recently released documents from the Soviet diplomatic archives to examine the Merekalov–Weizsäcker meeting of April 1939. It argues that these documents show that western historians have been mistaken in assuming that this meeting was the occasion for Soviet signals of a desire for détente with Nazi Germany. The significance attached to the meeting in this respect is part of the cold war myth that the USSR's negotiations for a triple alliance with Great Britain and France in the spring and summer of 1939 were paralleled by secret Soviet–German discussions which eventually lead to the Nazi–Soviet pact of August 1939. The article seeks to demolish those elements of the myth that concern the Merekalov–Weizsäcker encounter and to present an alternative interpretation of the provenance and meaning of the so-called political overture by the Soviet ambassador at the meeting.
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Sparrow, Elizabeth. "The Swiss and Swabian Agencies, 1795–1801." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026194.
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AbstractThis article continues an examination of the British government's counter-revolutionary organization begun in ‘The Alien Office 1792-1806’, The Historical Journal, XXXIII (1990), which outlined the department's functions and secret service policy. The Swiss and Swabian agencies were one aspect of British foreign secret service; they linked the French princes' secret agents to the British government under the central European control of William Wickham, ambassador in Berne 1794–7, and military and diplomatic subsidiaries. Anti-republican secret committees were set up covering all France, Switzerland, northern Italy and southern Germany, which included members from every grade of society. French republican generals, even Ministers were swayed, allowing infiltration of the French secret police. British control was however limited to the finesse of finance – bribery was implicit. By never offering enough to the leaders and too much to assistants, initial constitutional intentions slid into subversion and assassination. The first complete andfully documented description is included of how, why, and by whom, the French deputies were assassinated at Rastadt.
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Ruiu, Adina. "Conflicting Visions of the Jesuit Missions to the Ottoman Empire, 1609–1628." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 2 (March 12, 2014): 260–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00102007.
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Beginning in 1609, as a result of the Capitulations concluded between France and the Ottoman Empire, the French Jesuits launched their missionary work in Istanbul. Protected by the French ambassador, the French Jesuits defined themselves as both French subjects and Catholic missionaries, thus experiencing in a new and complicated geopolitical context the tensions that were at the core of their order’s identity in France, as elsewhere in Europe. The intricate story of the French Jesuit mission to the Ottoman Empire is here considered through two snapshots. One focuses on the foundational period of the mission in Istanbul, roughly from 1609 to 1615. A second one deals with the temporary suspension of the Jesuits’ mission in Istanbul in 1628. These two episodes illustrate multilayered and lasting tensions between the French and the Venetians, between the hierarchy of the Greek Orthodox Church and Western missionaries, and between missionaries belonging to different Catholic orders, between the Roman church’s centralism and state-funded religious initiatives. Based on missionary and diplomatic correspondence, the article is an attempt to reconstitute the way in which multiple allegiances provided expedient tools for individual Jesuit missionaries to navigate conflicts and to assert their own understanding of their missionary vocation.
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Galibert, Didier. "Cosmopolitisme impérial et nationalisme: La vie circulaire d’Albert Rakoto Ratsimamanga (1907–2001)." French Colonial History 13 (May 1, 2012): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938227.
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Abstract Albert Rakoto Ratsimamanga arrived in France with the Malagasy delegation to the Colonial Exposition of 1931. The founder of the Association des Étudiants d’origine malgache (1934) and of the Mouvement démocratique pour la Rénovation de Madagascar (1946), he was a physician and a biologist, and he joined the Centre national de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) as a senior researcher, pursuing his scientific career and his nationalistic involvement in the postwar Paris of the 1950s. He was the first ambassador of the Malagasy Republic to France, for 13 years, before he returned to settle permanently in Madagascar in 1975. The transversality of his life course can be interpreted along several lines: chronologic straddling of this diasporic projection with political independence, loyalty to an aristocratic ethos with a progressive rallying to a republican conception of citizenship, and imperial circulation of knowledge attested to by the foundation of the Institut malgache de Recherches appliquées in 1957. Moreover, the paper points out the heuristic significance of the memorialization of his part as the nation’s father, standing up for the hypothesis of a retrospective enlightening of the state’s transmission continuum, within an ideological and institutional framework that was constantly being negotiated with the former colonial power.
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Nash, P. "'A Woman's Touch in Foreign Affairs'? The Career of Ambassador Frances E. Willis." Diplomacy & Statecraft 13, no. 2 (June 2002): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000319.
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Valone, Stephen J. "“There Must Be Some Misunderstanding”: Sir Edward Grey's Diplomacy of August 1, 1914." Journal of British Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1988): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385920.
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For over two generations, scholars have studied Sir Edward Grey's response to the Sarajevo crisis, apparently considering every aspect of his dual effort to find a diplomatic solution while convincing the cabinet that England must intervene in a general war. Historians have generally agreed that Grey's last hope to prevent war evaporated by the end of July, although the cabinet did not decide to intervene until August 2. In this light, the events of August 1, 1914, are only considered to be either a prelude or a postscript to more significant events. The purpose of this essay is to suggest that Grey pursued two distinct, yet interrelated, courses of action on August 1, 1914: (1) for as long as he was unsure of cabinet support for intervention, he sought to make a diplomatic deal with the German ambassador so that a neutral England could salvage something from the crisis, but (2) once confident England would enter the conflict, he sought to prevent the war altogether by applying diplomatic pressure on France.Historians have overlooked Grey's diplomacy on August 1 primarily because of the cloud cast over the events of the day by the so-called misunderstanding between Grey and the German ambassador, Prince Karl Max Lichnowsky. The first Grey-Lichnowsky exchange took place that morning when Sir William Tyrrell, Grey's private secretary, brought a message to the German embassy. After subsequently receiving a personal call from Grey, Lichnowsky, at 11:14 a.m., sent a wire to Berlin in which he indicated Grey had proposed that, if Germany “were not to attack France, England would remain neutral and would guarantee France's passivity.”
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "International Guarantees of Belgium’s Neutrality on the Eve of Franco-Prussian War 1870—1871: Position of Russia." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022911-1.
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Based on the materials of the documents of the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, the article analyzes the position of Russia in relation to the problem of Belgium’s neutrality on the eve of the Franco-Prussian war of 1870—1871. The diplomatic correspondence used as the main source shows that although the security of Belgium was guaranteed in the 1830s by the great powers, the neutral State was involved in a complex political game between the main opponents in the impending conflict. The reports of the ambassadors in Brussels make it possible to draw a conclusion about the high role of Russia in trying to prevent the violation of international treaties and show its interest in maintaining Belgian neutrality as important part of the European balance of power.
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Olivera Serrano, Cesar. "Servicio al rey y diplomacia castellana: Don Juan Manuel de Villena (+ 1462)." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 25, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.1995.v25.i2.943.
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La diplomatie castellane à l'époque de Henry IV (1454-1474) a eté dirigée par un groupe réduit de conseillers royaux et des diplomates. Don Juan Manuel de Villena (+1462) a eté un des plus important ambassadeurs à cette époque et il a eté chargé de negocier des affaires bilatérales entre la France et la Castille. Il appartenait à un des plus connus linages de la Castille mais sans le prestige et la richesse qu'il avait eu au XIVe siècle. Il a essayé de récupérer l'ancien pouvoir de sa famille en employamt ses relations dans le monde de la diplomatie. Il na obtenu une seigneurie dans les Asturies et une position économique de niveau moyen. Il a eu une spéciale relation avec le comte Jean V d' Armagnac, qui était a cette époque vassal du roi de Castille. Ses relations familières et politiques avec les conseillers royaux les plus célebres de son temps lui ont permis d'obtenir tous ces objetifs. Sa biographie nous aide a comprendre un peu mieux les usages diplomatiques de la monarchie castillane.
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Ribera (book author), Jean-Michel, and Daniel Ménager (review author). "Diplomatie et espionnage. Les ambassadeurs du roi de France auprès de Philippe II [1559–1589]." Renaissance and Reformation 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v32i2.11266.
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Jansen, Jan C. "American Indians for Saint-Domingue?" French Historical Studies 45, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 49–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9434866.
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Abstract The article examines plans for a military reconquest of Haiti and uses them as a lens to explore broader connections between exile, diplomacy, violence, and geopolitics in the wake of Haiti's independence. It retraces the networks and core elements shaping a plan involving Louis Marie Turreau de Garambouville, infamous veteran of the War in the Vendée and then French ambassador to the United States, as well as refugees from Saint-Domingue and Native Americans. On the one hand, the plan attests to the interconnections of the French and Haitian Revolutions with regard to the circulation of concepts of irregular warfare. On the other hand, the links between a veteran of the Revolutionary Wars, “counterrevolutionary” exiles, and Native Americans serve as a window onto the complex and messy realities of diplomacy in the rapidly shifting and uncertain geopolitical setting of the Americas in the midst of the Age of Revolutions. Cet article étudie des projets de reconquête d'Haïti au milieu des années 1800, les prenant comme point de départ pour explorer les rapports entre exil, diplomatie, violence et géopolitique au lendemain de l'indépendance. Il retrace les réseaux sociaux et les éléments-clefs d'un plan de reconquête impliquant à la fois Turreau de Garambouville, célèbre général de la guerre de la Vendée, puis ambassadeur de France aux Etats-Unis, des réfugiés de Saint-Domingue et des groupes amérindiens. Cette étude de cas permet de démontrer, d'une part, la circulation des concepts de guerre irrégulière entre les révolutions en France et en Haïti ; de l'autre, la mise en évidence des interactions entre un ancien combattant des guerres révolutionnaires, des exilés « contre-révolutionnaires », ainsi que des Amérindiens, permet d'analyser les réalités diplomatiques complexes et des alliances surprenantes dans le contexte géopolitique incertain et changeant des Amériques au milieu de l’ère des révolutions.
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Costeloe, Michael P. "Prescott's History Of The Conquest And Calderon de la Barca's Life In Mexico: Mexican Reaction, 1843-1844." Americas 47, no. 3 (January 1991): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006804.
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In 1843, two friends, one Scottish and one American, published books about Mexico which were to become essential reading for students of Mexican history. Much the better known of the two is William Hickling Prescott whose History of the Conquest of Mexico became an instant best-seller and remains to this day one of the classics of Mexican historiography. Less well-known but equally valuable to historians of nineteenth-century Mexico is Frances Calderón de la Barca's vivid account of Life in Mexico based on her experiences during the two years from 1840-1841 when she lived in the country as the wife of the first Spanish ambassador. By coincidence, Prescott and Sra. Calderón were close personal friends and regular correspondents and they gave each other much assistance in preparing their respective books for publication. Both their works were greeted with critical and public acclaim in the English-speaking world of Europe and North America but reactions in Mexico were markedly different. While Prescott's book was received with qualified enthusiasm, Life in Mexico was the subject of hostile reviews and its author much vitriolic, personal abuse.
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Costeloe, Michael P. "Prescott's History Of The Conquest And Calderon de la Barca's Life In Mexico: Mexican Reaction, 1843-1844." Americas 47, no. 03 (January 1991): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500016734.
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In 1843, two friends, one Scottish and one American, published books about Mexico which were to become essential reading for students of Mexican history. Much the better known of the two is William Hickling Prescott whose History of the Conquest of Mexico became an instant best-seller and remains to this day one of the classics of Mexican historiography. Less well-known but equally valuable to historians of nineteenth-century Mexico is Frances Calderón de la Barca's vivid account of Life in Mexico based on her experiences during the two years from 1840-1841 when she lived in the country as the wife of the first Spanish ambassador. By coincidence, Prescott and Sra. Calderón were close personal friends and regular correspondents and they gave each other much assistance in preparing their respective books for publication. Both their works were greeted with critical and public acclaim in the English-speaking world of Europe and North America but reactions in Mexico were markedly different. While Prescott's book was received with qualified enthusiasm, Life in Mexico was the subject of hostile reviews and its author much vitriolic, personal abuse.
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Gogaev, Sanal Igorevich. "The role of Thomas Jefferson's political activity in the history of American statehood." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 1 (January 2023): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.1.37249.
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The subject of the study is the results, results and consequences of the political activity of Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826). Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of Independence and the third president of the United States, considered one of the founding fathers of the United States. The first American president to hold the posts of Secretary of State, Vice President and President of the United States successively. The article examines the political ideas of Jefferson, who was one of the first political figures who spoke and justified the idea of separating its North American colonies from Great Britain. His political ideas and decisions as a statesman and politician were timely and brought much benefit to his country. As the author of the Declaration of Independence of the United States, he made a huge contribution to the creation of the United States. Its adoption meant the formation of a new state - the United States. For him, the principles of the declaration were to create a free American state based on the principles of democracy and civil liberty. The Declaration defined the social and legal status of a person in society. Declaring the people the only source of power, she put them on a par with the great ideologists of the Enlightenment. As Ambassador to France, he managed to secure a number of trade agreements with European countries. His merits as president undoubtedly lie in the acquisition of Louisiana and the establishment of diplomatic relations with Russia, as well as the pacification of relations with Great Britain.
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Koterov, A. N. "Historical milestones of the invention and use of placebo." FARMAKOEKONOMIKA. Modern Pharmacoeconomics and Pharmacoepidemiology 15, no. 4 (January 8, 2023): 502–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17749/2070-4909/farmakoekonomika.2022.118.
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The review is based on the originals of nearly all major sources on the history of placebo and the placebo effect for 1945–2020. Data on the etymology and semantics of the term “placebo”, on its introduction into the Catholic service and, then, into everyday English are given. The placebo effect is considered as one of the mechanisms ensuring the “success” of ancient, medieval, old, non-traditional (alternative) and esoteric medicine. It is indicated that the origins of the experimental placebo are exorcism techniques dated from 16th century.Uniform understanding of priorities in the invention and use of both therapeutic and experimental placebo has not been established. In the first case, A. Sutherland (1763) and A. Duncan (1770) from Scotland, but not W. Cullen (1772), as is now given in most sources, should be named as pioneers. In the second case, the priority is given to the Commission of the Franch Academy of Sciences (with the participation of the US Ambassador to France B. Franklin), which investigated the effects of mesmerism (A. Mesmer) in 1784, but not to J. Haygarth's test of magnetism therapy in 1801, not to a comparison of the effects of homeopathy and allopathy in St. Petersburg in 1829–1830 and, moreover, not to the therapy of rheumatism studied by A. Flint in 1863. The last date is often erroneously given in manuals and reviews.From the beginning of placebo use and until the middle of the 20th century, it was considered as an active compound that could theoretically have a therapeutic effect, but since 1937 placebo has been defined in medical dictionaries only as an inactive, inert substance or effect. Data on the inclusion of the term “placebo” in general and medical dictionaries in different languages are presented (priority was given to the new medical dictionary by G. Motherby written in English and published in 1785).The increased interest in the history of placebo in the last one and a half to two decades (relevant reviews from at least 15 countries are known) might be associated not only with its introduction into controlled trials, but also with the current popularity of alternative and even esoteric medicine methods with the penetration of those, at times, into conventional medicine.
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Maulucci, Thomas W. "Herbert Blankenhorn in the Third Reich." Central European History 42, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000302.
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The early career of Herbert Blankenhorn (1904–1991) illustrates important trends in the transition from Nazi Germany to the Federal Republic. During the 1930s and 1940s he served as a diplomat in the German Foreign Office and also joined the Nazi Party in 1938. After 1945 he would play a very public role in the creation of a new political culture in West Germany. Konrad Adenauer thought that the exceptional political sense of his young personal assistant, who also served as Secretary General of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in the British Zone, helped him become chancellor of the Federal Republic in 1949. Through the mid-1950s Blankenhorn remained one of Adenauer's most intimate advisors, especially on matters concerning foreign policy. From late 1949 to mid-1950, he also oversaw the creation of what became the West German Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office), and thereafter he was the head of its Political Division and deputy to State Secretary Walter Hallstein until 1955. He went on to serve as West German ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (1955–1958), France (1958–1963), Italy (1963–1965), and the United Kingdom (1965–1970). After retiring from the diplomatic service in 1970, Blankenhorn functioned as the West German representative in the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Executive Council until 1976.
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Zreik, Mohamad. "CHINA’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE SYRIAN CRISIS AND THE IMPLICATIONS OF ITS NEUTRAL STANCE IN THE WAR." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-56-65.
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China today is a powerful state and an influential player in the global arena, as was demonstrated during the Syrian crisis, when China took a counterposition to the United States’ stance in Syria and supported the Assad regime. Beijing put a veto on the international resolutions related to the Syrian crisis and abstained from voting, as it did in the past when dealing with the crises in the region. In a move that marked a new page in China’s foreign policy, Beijing backed what was known as the sixpoint plan, calling for a ceasefire and settlement of the crisis through internal dialogue and proclaiming the inviolability of Syrian national sovereignty. In a subsequent move, China sent its envoy Li Huaqing (former Chinese ambassador to Syria) to Damascus to encourage the initiation of a dialogue between government forces and opposition. Following that, China sent Assistant Foreign Minister Zhang Ming (who had previously visited Egypt, Saudi Arabia and France) to the region to discuss ways of approaching the Syrian crisis. For the first time in its modern history, China renounced its policy of non-interference in crises outside its direct interests and immediate geopolitical space. The following paper will focus on China’s stance in the Syrian crisis (supporting its peaceful settlement and keeping equal distance from all the parties in the conflict) and the future of Sino-Syrian relations based on the common history of the two countries.
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Corbett, Margery. "An Account of his Excellence Roger Earl of Castlemaine's Embassy, from his Sacred Majesty James the IID. King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland &. To His Holiness Innocent XI." Antiquaries Journal 70, no. 1 (March 1990): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500070359.
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The historical circumstances of Lord Castlemaine's embassy are well known. James II, as the Roman Catholic monarch of Britain, wished to pay his respects to the Pope, Innocent XI, and to secure a papal ambassadorial representative to his kingdom. There must have been further urgent requests of a political nature. He sent Lord Castlemaine as ambassador, the husband of Barbara Villiers. The Pope was made anxious by the close ties of James with Louis XIV and was not eager to receive him; a private audience at the Vatican was granted on 19 April 1686 not long after his arrival. The public entry, postponed owing to the indisposition of the Pope, did not take place until 8 January 1687.
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Davies, Joan. "Neither Politique nor Patriot? Henri, duc de Montmorency and Philip II, 1582–1589." Historical Journal 34, no. 3 (September 1991): 539–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017490.
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In 1581 Antoinette de La Marck, the devout duchesse de Montmorency made a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Virgin at Montserrat in Catalonia. The next year her husband Henri de Montmorency, the governor of Languedoc, corresponded with the viceroy of Catalonia about the problem of banditry which was rife on both sides of the frontier. In 1583, Montmorency's servant carried letters to Charles Emmanuel, duke of Savoy, hidden in the soles of his shoes. During the festivities for the wedding of Charles Emmanuel to the infanta Catalina in 1585, Giuseppe Lercaro, Montmorency's Genoese-born intendant desfinances, spent some ten days in Barcelona concealed in the lodgings of Savoy's ambassador and had several clandestine interviews with both the duke and his new father-in-law Philip II. In 1588 Philip offered 100,000 francs towards the dowry of Montmorency's daughter Charlotte, provided that she married the son of the due de Guise and thus reconciled the two families whose rivalry had dominated the French political scene since the 1540s. These incidents, unremarkable as they may individually appear, formed part of the negotiations between Henri due de Montmorency and Philip II which, in notable contrast to those of the Spanish king with the Guise family, have been little studied by historians. Consequently, Montmorency's reputation now is generally that of a politique and patriot. This paper offers a rather different appraisal of him.
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Raviola, Blythe Alice. "“Tutti gli occhi del mondo”: Court Networks between Turin and Madrid, 1640–1700." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 4 (April 15, 2021): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i4.36388.
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Although the court of Turin’s role in the new balance of power in Europe during the War of the Spanish Succession is well known, far less is known about the strategic function of its collateral courts, such as the court of the princes of Savoy-Carignano. Based on the correspondence of the Savoy ambassador to Madrid, Costanzo Operti (1690–95), this article focuses on these courts to demonstrate the formal and informal diplomatic interplay among male and female aristocrats from 1640 to the end of the seventeenth century. One such noblewoman, Olimpia Mancini of Carignano-Soissons, was an Italian who grew up in the French court and maintained a close relationship with Louis XIV. As the wife of a prince of the Savoy-Carignano branch, she held important positions in Turin, Paris, and Madrid. Mother to the famous prince and military warrior Eugene of Savoy, after she lost her powerful status in France, she sought to find a place in the Madrid court as lady-in-waiting to Queen Marie Louise de Orléans. Her mother-in-law, Marie de Bourbon-Soissons, played an outstanding role in maintaining the honour and prestige of the court of Carignano.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_1.
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This issue of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice [The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies, RRSBN] crowns a year of steady progress in terms of number and quality of the programs and actions run by The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies (ARSBN). The highlights of this year have been the first international conference for Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania entitled Romania and Lithuania in the Interwar International Relations: Bonds, Intersections and Encounters, the opening of the exhibition dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations (exhibition which has travelled since its first opening about 850 miles) and of the first Lithuanian exhibition displayed in a Romanian art gallery and the awarding of the title of Doctor Honoris Causa of Valahia University to Dr. Vladimir Jarmolenko, the Ambassador of Lithuania to Bucharest and Honorary Chairman of our Association. Besides, the members of the Association have been involved in research whose results have been disseminated in books, international and national conferences, thus contributing to the spreading of knowledge and the encouragement of debates on subjects close to its aims. The second issue of RRSBN also brings a novelty in the meaning that 2010 is the first year when the journal is published biannually as it will appear henceforth. Having been projected at the end of 2008, its first volume was published in November 2009. The articles published in this issue bring forth new documentary evidences and fresh interpretations upon a variety of topics regarding the history, the history of international relations or the history of commercial bonds of Baltic and Nordic European nations, in some cases in connection to the developments in the Black Sea area. In spite of the array of topics, some sections can be however distinguished. The first one encompasses the two articles signed by Costel Coroban and Veniamin Ciobanu regarding the role of Sweden in the international relations at the beginning of the 18th and of the 19th centuries when this power had to cope with its declining role in the international relations. After its defeat in the Battle of Poltava, Sweden gradually came to be regarded as the minor actor in the international diplomatic game in comparison with its more powerful neighbors of Britain, Russia or Napoleon’s France. The first article describes how Sweden tried to rise again to the status of Great Power with the financial support of the Jacobites and what were the international implications of the plot in which Swedish emissaries have allowed themselves to be engaged in Britain. Integrating a number of nine important archival documents, the second article proves the wide interest of Sweden regarding the international circumstances leading to the downfall of Imperial France in its attempt to adopt a wise foreign policy to compensate through the annexation of Norway for the loss of Finland to Tsarist Russia in 1809. Thus, Sweden was also looking to the developments of the Eastern Question and to the policies of Britain, France and Russia with regard to the Ottoman Empire.
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Stasiewicz, Krystyna. "Civic dilemmas of the smiling bishop Ignacy Krasicki." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 299, no. 1 (April 6, 2018): 130–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134914.
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The Bishop of Warmia, Ignacy Krasicki, was involved in politics as a senator of the Republic and president of Prussian lands. His period of office (1766–1795) coincided with dramatic historical events, during which he had to make difficult choices. This was the case in 1767, the year of the dissident confederation and the Repninowski Parliament (Sejm). Krasicki had another dilemma in March 1768 – what position to take towards the Bar Confed�erates. Contrary to the expectations of King Stanisław August Poniatowski and the Russian ambassador, Repnina stood as the only senator who defended the Confederates. They intended to acquire XBW. Krasicki wanted to be neutral and in 1769 he left for France. The situation in Warmia was difficult. The bishop struggled with the Prussian threat and was alone in his actions. In the history of the state, Warmia and XBW, the first partition of Poland tragically took place in 1772. Warmia was incorporated into Prussia and the bishop became a Prussian subject. Krasicki was, however, well�versed in domestic matters. In his writings, he found psychological support and the opportunity to engage in politics. The author discusses several patriotic works in a synthetic way: The Tomb of Freedom of Poland, Hymn to the Love of the Homeland, a poem with inc. He Carried the Moment What Time Commanded, Song for the 3rd of May. She also draws attention to the novel Mr. Podstoli, praised by the king, in which the writer included his thoughts on social and political matters. To this day, Krasicki intrigues us with his smile and subdued behavior. In letters to a friend, G. Ghigiotti, he writes about he found a cure for stress.
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Matveeva, Anna. "Russian-German Relations and the Resignation of Otto von Bismarck." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022921-2.
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The resignation of the first chancellor of the German Empire, Prince Otto von Bismarck, has been studied by German historians for a long time and from various points of view, but at the same time, due to the diversity of causes and controversial consequences, it is still a debatable problem. The relevance of the history of bilateral Russian-German relations remains unchanged, and even becomes significant at the present stage of European history. No one has specifically dealt with the issue of Russian-German relations and negotiations, as well as the identification of particularly acute issues that occupied both sides in the midst of the chancellor crisis in the winter-spring of 1890, and this article is intended to fill this gap. The main sources of the work were the reports, letters and telegrams of the Russian ambassador Count P. A. Shuvalov to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire N. K. Girs, stored in a special folder in the Secret Archive of the Minister of the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI). An analysis of these documents, some of which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, shows: Russia's main task was to achieve an extension of the Reinsurance Treaty, which would expired in the summer of 1890. The treaty ensured the stability of bilateral relations, which was one of the cornerstones of the security system in Central Europe and the Balkans. The more specific issue of the “Bulgarian loan” and the provocative activity of Austria-Hungary in Bulgaria, which Russia was extremely concerned about, was also connected with the Balkan region. The non-renewal of the Reinsurance Treaty, which was a result of Bismarck's resignation, marked the beginning of the rapprochement between Russia and France and, consequently, the folding of the Entente, which meant that the main Bismarck's fear — the “nightmare of coalitions” — came true and the further narrowing of mutually beneficial contacts between Russia and Germany, which single-handedly were the guarantee of peace in Europe.
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Umunç, Himmet. "On her Majesty's Secret Service: Marlowe and Turkey*." Belleten 70, no. 259 (December 1, 2006): 903–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2006.903.
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Since the early 1990s, there has been a great deal of serious in-depth research on the Elizabethan dramatist Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593), whereby his historically admitted career and connection with Shakespeare have been revisited, and consequently a comprehensive controversy among Marlowe students has risen with regards to a wide range of issues including his involvement in Elizabeth's secret service. Historically, it is true that, while he was a student at Cambridge from 1580 to 1587, he was secretly recruited to become an agent and, thus, from 1583 onwards, was sent abroad on secret missions; hence, his frequent and prolonged absences from his studies at the university. His espionage activities and their geographies have always been a mystery except his visits to France and, perhaps, to other Catholic countries. In this context, if one recalls that the first diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Elizabeth's England were officially established in 1583 when William Harborne was appointed the first English ambassador to the Ottoman court, it was also of vital importance for Elizabeth's government to secure the Ottoman support and alliance against the growing Spanish and Catholic threat. Therefore, Harborne's appointment was a timely political and diplomatic manoeuvre, and evidently a close watch on Ottoman politics and international relations came to the fore as a serious and vitally important exigency. Indeed, besides the regular staff of Harborne's embassy, three "gentlemen," who may have been assigned special missions, also accompanied him. Could one of them be Marlowe? It is hard to be specific and certain in the absence of documented evidence. However, given the Turkish contents and references of Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great and The Jew of Malta, one can argue that he was fully familiar with Turkey and Turkish history and that some of the names and material in these plays seem to indicate his first-hand knowledge in this respect. So, through reference to some historical facts and a close textual study of the Turkish material in these two plays, this article is an attempt to demonstrate Marlowe's direct connection with Turkey and, thus, to argue that he must have visited this country in his capacity as Elizabeth's secret agent.
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Fassina, Filippo. "Jean-Michel Ribera, Diplomatic et espionnage. Les ambassadeurs du roi de France auprès de Philippe II du traité du Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) à la mort de Henri III (1589)." Studi Francesi, no. 153 (LI | III) (December 1, 2007): 640–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.9476.
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Luba, Iwona. "Kobro and Strzemiński: Łódź – Warsaw – Paris (1956–1957)." Ikonotheka 26 (June 26, 2017): 137–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.1676.
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From December 1956 to December 1957, no fewer than four exhibitions presenting the oeuvre of Katarzyna Kobro and Władysław Strzemiński were organised: the Posthumous Exhibition of Władysław Strzemiński’s and Katarzyna Kobro’s Oeuvre, shown fi rst in Łódź (16 December 1956 – 14 January 1957) and then in Warsaw (18 January – 10 February 1957), and two exhibitions in Paris: 50 ans de peinture abstraite at Galerie Raymond Creuze (9 May – 12 June 1957) and Précurseurs de l’art abstrait en Pologne: Malewicz, Kobro, Strzemiński, Berlewi, Stażewski at Galerie Denise René (22 November 1957 – 10 January 1958). All received a strong response, both in Poland and abroad. Research focused on these exhibitions has brought some surprising results. None of them had been planned until 1956, and only after the events of October 1956 was it possible to show the works of Kobro and Strzemiński in Warsaw in 1957. The exhibition at the Łódź Division of the Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions was prepared with exceptional care and is immensely important, as it occasioned the fi rst attempt at preparing a catalogue of both Kobro’s and Strzemiński’s works, of Strzemiński’s biography and a bibliography of texts authored by Strzemiński and Kobro. In addition, it was there that Strzemiński’s treatise Teoria widzenia fi rst came to public attention; it was published only two years later. The exhibition was transferred, quite unexpectedly, to the Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions in Warsaw, which was the chief institution involved in exhibiting modern art in Poland; this gave offi cial sanction and a considerable status to the oeuvre of both avant-garde artists. The exhibition entitled Précurseurs de l’art abstrait en Pologne became, paradoxically, the fi rst-ever offi cial exhibition of Polish avant-garde art to be held abroad and organised by a state agency, i.e. the Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions, under the aegis of the ambassador of the People’s Republic of Poland in France. It was also the only exhibition in which Kazimierz Malewicz was regarded as a Pole and presented as belonging to the history of art in Poland; the mission initiated by Strzemiński in 1922 was thus completed. The institutions involved in arranging the loans of Malewicz’s works for this exhibition were the Ministry of Culture and Art, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its subordinate Polish embassies in Paris and Moscow. This was the fi rst time that the works of Kazimierz Malewicz were presented in the West, thanks to the efforts and under the aegis of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the period of the post-Stalinist thaw; notably, this happened before their presentation at the Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdam (29 December 1957).
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Jeong, Dong-Jun. "Historical Research on the Parisian Café Procope." Korea Association of World History and Culture 64 (September 30, 2022): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.09.64.179.
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The visit of Soliman Aga(1669) is the starting-point of the development of coffee culture in Paris. As the ambassador of Ottoman Empire, he was granted an audience with Louis XIV in Versailles. His task was to read the king’s thoughts : If my empire attacks Vienna, Louis will intervene in the war? But Soliman Aga did not accomplish his mission. He went and stayed in Paris for 10 months with more than two dozen attendants. During that time, in a Turkish room he served Turkish coffees very carefully to the ladies of Paris high society. Soliman Aga could infer information about Louis’s mind from their ongoing conversation in the room. Not long after that he left the city, Parisians fell deep into coffee drinking. One of the attendants of Soliman Aga, a person named Pascal, remained in Paris. With a large amount of coffee beans that his superior left, he started up coffee peddling in the Saint-Germain market and at the Quai de l’École. Pascal is a historical figure because of the relationship between Soliman Aga and the owner of Café Procope (Procopio), but innumerable and unidentified coffee peddlers of Levantine origins worked in the streets of European cities like London, Oxford, Paris etc. Pascal did not succeed in coffee business. He thought he could benefit from conducting his business in a market as people gathered there. But the temporary function of Saint-Germain market, like every market throughout France, was Pascal’s Achilles heel. His other business at Quai de l’École finally ended up getting no attention from Parisians. Nonetheless, Francesco Procopio dei Coltelli, an ex-employee of Pascal, returned to the Saint-Germain Market in order to sell coffee. He made money in that place and also obtained several licenses from the French government relevant to sale of coffee, tea, lemonade and alcoholic beverages. And he was planning new-concept coffeehouse that would far surpass Pascal’s peddling. Wide spaces, tapestried walls, chandeliers hanging from the ceiling, marble tables... he tried to make his Café Procope a center of brilliant social life. This coffeehouse was well located on the rue des Fossés-Saint-Germain, very close to the Théâtre-Français. The effect of people flocking to the theater was wonderful. Wealthy theater-goers, many famous actors, play writers became regular frequenters of that coffeehouse. It was critical factor directly connected to the success of Café Procope. If I may add one more thing, there is an extensive menu including tea, hot chocolate, wine, l’eau de cédrat, ices, sorbets, barvaroise etc. So, Café Procope was to be the first modern coffeehouse in Paris and would serve as a model to the Parisian coffeehouses that would follow in the years to come.(Daejin University)
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Vester, Matthew. "Jean-Michel Ribera. Diplomatie et espionnage: Les Ambassadeurs du roi de France auprès de Philippe II du traité du Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) à la mort de Henri III (1589). Bibliothèque Littéraire de la Renaissance 68. Paris: Honoré Champion Éditeur, 2007. 734 pp. index. tbls. map. chron. bibl. €135. ISBN: 978-2-7453-1449-9." Renaissance Quarterly 61, no. 2 (2008): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.0.0076.
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Adams, Jacqueline. "Why Jewish Refugees Were Imprisoned in a Spanish Detention Camp While Fleeing Europe (1940–1945)." Journal of Modern European History, December 8, 2022, 161189442211304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130464.
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One route out of continental Europe for Jewish refugees seeking to escape Nazi and Vichy persecution was via Franco’s Spain. Yet hundreds of these refugees were imprisoned soon after arriving in the country. From prison, men of military age tended to be sent to a detention camp for weeks, months or up to three years. This camp was known as the ‘Campo de Concentración de Miranda de Ebro’, and conditions in it were harsh. Why were Jewish men sent there? They were interned in the camp because senior Spanish officials created a series of policies that spelt out what officials and officers should do with different categories of foreigners who had entered the country without all the necessary documents. These policies did not target Jews. They were influenced by large population movements within France and from France into Spain; by the pro-Axis and pro-Allies leanings of senior officials; and by pressure that the British, American and German ambassadors in Madrid put on the Spanish government. Between September 1940 and January 1943, the policy determined that provincial governors were responsible for deciding what to do with newly arrived foreigners. Provincial governors’ membership in the Falange, a Germanophile party, may have influenced their decisions. While interned in the camp, many Jewish refugees saw their visas to their final destinations and boat tickets out of Europe expire, and they endured hunger, illness, separation from their family and other conditions that were detrimental to their health.
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EKİCİ, Kansu, and Alican KİRİŞOĞLU. "From Enemy to Kinship: The Ilkhanid-Crusader Alliance Efforts Against The Mamluks in the Holy Land Jerusalem Axis." KARE, June 14, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.38060/kare.1111974.
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Jerusalem has been a centre of attraction since the earliest historical periods of the Middle East, and because it is an important location for three monotheistic religions, the dominant states wanted to dominate this city during the medieval period. The Crusaders, who were hit hard by the loss of Jerusalem during the period of Saladin Eyyubi, organised new expeditions to regain their lost position in the Middle East. Still, these failed if short-term successes were left aside. After the Ayyubid State withdrew from the history stage, the Mamluks dominated most of the lands they conquered and ended the Mongolian military advance, which left the whole world in horror, in the Battle of Ain Jalut in 1260. The inadequacy of the armed forces and tactics of the Mongols against this new enemy, despite the military support of the Armenians and Georgians in the region, forced them to seek new allies. The inadequacy of the armed forces and tactics of the Mongols against this new enemy, despite the military support of the Armenians and Georgians in the region, forced them to seek new allies. In this way, the efforts of the Ilkhanate to ally with the Europeans and their extensions in the Middle East, the Crusader States, against the Mamluks began. Starting from the Hulagu period until the collapse of the Ilkhanate, ambassadors were sent to powerful rulers of Europe, such as the kings of England and France, especially the Papacy, to organise a joint expedition against the Mamluks. Similarly, ambassadors came from Europe to Iran. During these contacts, the Ilkhanate offered to take the Christian holy city of Jerusalem and give it to them to get the support of Europe and to organise a new Crusade. Still, the Europeans have always looked at a non-Christian society with suspicion. Despite all the embassy exchanges between Europe and the Mongols, it was not possible to organise a joint operation against the Mamluks due to political turmoil, distance problems and synchronisation difficulties in Europe. This study deals with the Ilkhanid-European relations on the axis of Jerusalem.
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Abdullah, Najati. "Armenian massacres in Diyarbakir 1895 The Kurdish image in the diplomatic reports of the French Vice-Consul in Diyarbakir Gustave Meyrier." Journal of Kurdistani for Strategic Studies, August 20, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54809/jkss.vispecial.109.
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The Armenian massacre in Diyarbakir (13- November 1895) is one of the first pages of the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman Empire, and later became a bloody beginning in the history of the Ottoman Empire, which continued until the last quarter of the Ottoman era, It was also adopted in the republican era as a policy Ethnic genocide perpetrated by the Turkish state against many non-Turkish peoples and ethnic minorities. This study attempts, through diplomatic reports between the French Consulate in Diyarbakir and the French Embassy in Istanbul, which were exchanged during 18941896-, to shed light on the actual scene of the involvement of Kurdish tribes in the Diyarbakir massacre against the Armenians. These reports are an important historical source, because the consul himself was present in Diyarbakir and at the center of the events, moreover, the reports are written in a confidential manner and with the aim of giving as much real information as possible about the sequence of acts of massacre to the French government. Therefore, the exchange of secret diplomatic reports between the Vice-Consul of France Gustav Mayer in Diyarbakir and Paul Cambon, the French ambassador in Istanbul, clearly shows us the role of the auxiliary parties in participating in the Diyarbakir massacre in 1895, a picture that represents the participation of the Hamidiye regiments and Kurdish tribes. The Diyarbakir Massacre of 1895, according to most historical sources, resulted in 100,000 to 300,000 Armenian casualties, but the debate remains open to re-reading and re-history of the 1895 massacre. Our study is part of a research project on the actual picture of the involvement of Kurdish tribes in the Diyarbakir massacre for the Armenians in 1895.