Academic literature on the topic 'Ambassadors – France'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ambassadors – France"
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Tischer, Anuschka. "Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650): The Perfect Ambassador of the Early 17th Century." International Negotiation 13, no. 2 (2008): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180608x320207.
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AbstractIn the 17th century there was no professional diplomacy: a mission as envoy or ambassador was part of a broader political or administrative career. Many politicians still neglected the importance of permanent diplomacy. Thus, there was no training, and few ambassadors had solid experience in foreign traditions and languages or in methods of diplomatic negotiations. It was rather accidental when a man from a well established Parisian family, like Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650), served France abroad for more than 20 years. At the climax of his career, at the Congress of Westphalia, he was in many ways what we today think a good diplomat should be: open minded, smooth, compromising. In the 17th century, however, these were no criteria for the choice of an ambassador. Moreover, French governments prior to Louis XIV allowed their ambassadors to influence foreign affairs, and d'Avaux could even establish a network of his confidents in the diplomatic service. The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 was thus a result not only of governmental orders, but of a competition between d'Avaux and his rival and coambassador Abel Servien.
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Mazarchuk, Dmitry V. "The nomenclature of diplomatic agents as a source on the history of the English diplomatic corps of Henry VII." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (November 2, 2022): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2022-4-28-34.
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The results of the analysis of the use of diplomatic nomenclature during the reign of Henry VII are presented. A total of 12 terms were identified, of which 5 were the most commonly used to refer to English ambassadors. The diplomatic nomenclature was poorly ordered, the terminology did not reflect the specific functional duties of the persons sent to the mission. The only exceptions were missions to receive cash payments due under an agreement with France. At the same time, the process of unification of the diplomatic nomenclature began, which was reflected in the use of stable formulas in the texts of ambassadorial powers of attorney. Based on the analysis of the diplomatic nomenclature, a conclusion was made about the fact that at the turn of the 15th–16th centuries ambassador hierarchy.
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Tyler, Ph.D., D.Sc., Christopher W. "Leonardo’s Skull and the Complex Symbolism of Holbein’s “Ambassadors”." Journal of Research in Philosophy and History 4, no. 1 (February 19, 2021): p36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jrph.v4n1p36.
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The depiction of memento mori such as skulls was a niche artistic trend symbolizing the contemplation of mortality that can be traced back to the privations of the Black Death in the 1340s, but became popular in the mid-16th century. Nevertheless, the anamorphism of the floating skull in Hans Holbein’s ‘The Ambassadors’ of 1533, though much discussed as a clandestine wedding commemoration, has never been satisfactorily explained in its historical context as a diplomatic gift to the French ambassadors to the court of Henry VIII who were in the process of negotiations with the Pope for his divorce. Consideration of Holbein’s youthful trips to Italy and France suggest that he may have been substantially influenced by exposure to Leonardo da Vinci’s works, and that the skull may have been an explicit reference to Leonardo’s anamorphic demonstrations for the French court at Amboise, and hence a homage to the cultural interests of the French ambassadors of the notable Dinteville family for whom the painting was a destined. This hypothesis is supported by iconographic analysis of works by Holbein and Leonardo’s followers in the School of Fontainebleau in combination with literary references to its implicit symbolism.
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Kohl, Benjamin G., Vincent Ilardi, and Frank J. Fata. "Dispatches with Related Documents of Milanese Ambassadors in France and Burgundy, 1450-1483." American Historical Review 90, no. 1 (February 1985): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860846.
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Van Cleave, Peter D. "The Dutch Origins of the Quasi War: John Adams, the Netherlands, and Atlantic Politics in the 1790s." Journal of Early American History 8, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 30–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00801001.
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In 1797, John Adams called together a special session of Congress. Adams informed the assembled members that he had sent new ambassadors to France and requested a buildup of the military. Adams’s belligerent message set the stage for the military engagement with France that came to be known as the Quasi War. In the message, Adams included some documents about French depredations in the Netherlands. While these documents have caused some historians pause, this article argues that the use of these documents offer insight into the much larger role the Dutch played in the Early American Republic and in Adams’s own decision-making process. In order to fully understand the origins of the Quasi War, we must consider Adams’s connections with the Netherlands and the Dutch people.
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Borgognoni, Ezequiel. "MARIE GIGAULT DE BELLEFONDS, AMBASSADRESS OF FRANCE. GENDER, POWER AND DIPLOMACY AT THE COURT OF CHARLES II OF SPAIN, 1679-1681." Librosdelacorte.es, no. 20 (June 24, 2020): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/ldc2020.12.20.001.
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In this article, I will analyse the political activity of marquise Marie Gigault de Bellefonds, ambassadress of France at the Madrid court between 1679 and 1681, by reflecting on the different diplomatic strategies implemented by her and her husband in order to gain the favour of the monarchs, particularly of the queen consort Marie-Louise of Orleans. The study of Louis XIV of France’s instructions to his ambassador and the perusal of the letters that the ambassadress sent to her friends in Paris evidence the importance of collaborative work in the marriages among diplomats in seventeenth-century court society. Moreover, our sources allow us to make visible the role of the wives of ambassadors in the pre-modern diplomatic system –a field of study in its beginning stages, but also highly promising.
Who was Marie Gigault de Bellefonds? Why was she considered a dangerous individual or, as stated by Saint-Simon, «evil as a snake» at the court? Who were her main adversaries in Madrid? What was she accused of? Why did she and her husband have to leave the embassy in 1681? This research will attempt to answer these and other questions related to the presence of the French ambassadress at the court of Charles II and Marie-Louise of Orleans.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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van den Boogert, Maurits H. "Written Proof Between Capitulations and Ottoman Kadi Courts in the Early Modern Period." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10018.
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Abstract The introduction of legal reforms in the sixteenth century that gave the Hanafi school its central place in the Ottoman legal system coincided with the arrival of new trade partners from the West, first France and later England and the Dutch Republic. The Ottoman authorities’ own emphasis on the primacy of written proof and the marginalization of oral testimony was also reflected in the privileges granted to these new arrivals from the West. Although many European ambassadors and consuls distrusted “Turkish justice”, the Ottoman legal system’s stability and predictability contributed considerably to creating favourable conditions of trade.
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Cooper, Richard. "‘Era una meraviglia vederli’: Carnival in Cognac (1520) between the Bastille and the Cloth of Gold." Nottingham French Studies 56, no. 3 (December 2017): 336–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2017.0195.
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The years 1517–20 saw a renewal of court festival in France, following the arrival of Leonardo da Vinci. Machines became a feature, as did elaborate mythological and chivalric pageants, banquets and dances. Although the 1518 celebrations at Amboise and the Bastille have been studied, as has the Field of the Cloth of Gold, little was known about the elaborate Carnival in 1520 held in the birthplace of François Ier. Archival evidence reveals this to have been an innovative Valois festival, lasting over a fortnight, in the Château which the King and his mother had specially rebuilt and decorated to accommodate the whole court and foreign ambassadors, who hunted and feasted every day and danced every night, despite Lenten austerity.
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LOVEMAN, KATE. "POLITICAL INFORMATION IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 555–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004516.
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Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ambassadors – France"
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Janin, Françoise. "La France face aux Deux-Siciles (1734-1792) : les impasses de la grandeur." Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EPHE4028.
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La présente étude trouve son point de départ dans le sentiment de malaise et de déception que la France éprouve vis-à-vis des Deux-Siciles entre 1734 et 1792, alors qu’un Bourbon, cousin du roi de France, est roi des Deux-Siciles. En effet, malgré sa puissance, la France ne parvient guère à s’imposer face aux Deux-Siciles, ni sur la scène politique européenne, ni à un niveau plus local, méditerranéen, côtier, où se jouent des intérêts économiques assez mineurs pour les Français. Cette thèse, qui étudie les relations entre la France et les Deux-Siciles du seul point de vue de la France, vise en premier lieu, à travers un parcours chronologique initial, à retracer les conflits et à faire apparaître les pierres d’achoppement qui attestent la difficulté et la dégradation de la relation bilatérale, qui expliquent le mélange de déception et d’irritation ressenti et qui mettent en même temps sur la piste des erreurs d’appréciation commises par les serviteurs du roi de France. Se plaçant, précisément, du point de vue de ces acteurs, l’étude a ensuite pour ambition de saisir ces erreurs d’appréciation, et donc de montrer comment la prétendue victime est, à bien des égards, l’auteur de son propre malheur : comment, en d’autres termes, le tour pris par les relations entre la France et les Deux-Siciles renvoie, à un niveau plus profond que celui des événements, à un constant défaut de lecture des réalités napolitaines et siciliennes. Ce constat établi, il s’agit, enfin, de comprendre pourquoi le roi de France, qui dispose pourtant de représentants nombreux, n’est pas en mesure de parvenir à une meilleure appréciation de la situation et donc à une action plus profitable et plus incisive sur ce partenaire a priori plus faible que luiThe starting point of this thesis is the sense of discomfort and disappointment that France feels vis-à-vis the Two Sicilies between 1734 and 1792 when a Bourbon king, a cousin of the king of France, rules the Two Sicilies. Despite its power, France is unable to assert itself over the Two Sicilies on the European stage or at a local scale, that is on the coast, where French economic interests are rather low. The purpose of this thesis is to study the relationship between France and the Two Sicilies from the French point of view. First, conflicts and stumbling blocks are presented in chronological order. This analysis shows the difficulties and the deterioration of the bilateral relationship, that explain French disappointment and annoyance and that put us on the track of misconceptions prevalent among many French king’s servants. Then the study focuses on these misconceptions and shows how the alleged victim is the author of his own misfortune. In other words it shows how beyond all the incidents, France fails to understand Neapolitan and Sicilian realities. After that, this study investigates the reasons why the French king and his many representatives are unable to improve the knowledge of the situation and therefore to carry out an appropriate policy
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Gellard, Matthieu. "Une reine épistolaire. Les usages de la lettre et leurs effets dans l’action diplomatique de Catherine de Médicis, 1559 1589." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040176.
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Si Catherine de Médicis a fait l’objet d’une attention jamais démentie de la part des historiens, aucune recherche n’a jamais été menée sur un aspect pourtant central de son action politique : la diplomatie. Or, elle a abondamment écrit entre l’avènement de François II le 10 juillet 1559 et sa propre mort le 5 janvier 1589 : il reste aujourd’hui 5 958 lettres d’une correspondance dont le rythme n’a jamais réellement fléchi pendant ces trois décennies. La part extérieure encore conservée représente quant à elle 2 454 pièces et forme une source centrale pour comprendre la politique étrangère menée par la reine mère. Toutefois, dans le cadre de cette étude, les dépêches de Catherine de Médicis aux résidents français ainsi que les réponses qu’elle reçoit d’eux ont surtout été abordées comme un objet d’histoire plus encore que comme un témoignage des négociations diplomatiques. L’intérêt s’est donc porté sur l’épistolarité comme moyen de gouvernement à une époque où l’éloignement entre les acteurs fait de la lettre, qui dans le domaine diplomatique prend le nom de dépêche, le seul lien qui les unitHistorians have always been interested by Catherine de Medici but no research has even been produced on a central aspect of her action: diplomacy. Yet, she has written an enormous amount of letters from the accession to the throne of her son François II in 1559 to her own death in 1589 and we still have 5 958 letters from a correspondence that has never weakened during three decades. Among them, we can find 2 454 foreign letters, that forms a central object to understand the foreign policy decided by the Queen Mother. Yet, during this work, the letters written by Catherine de Medici to the French ambassadors and the replies she received from them has mainly been considered as an historical object more than a testimony of diplomatic negotiations. Therefore, the interest has been focused on epistolarity as a means of government in a time when distance between actors makes the letter to be the only link between them
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Spitzbarth, Anne-Brigitte. "Ambassades et ambassadeurs de Philippe le Bon, troisième duc Valois de Bourgogne (1419-1467)." Lille 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007LIL30042.
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Au XVe siècle, Philippe le Bon, premier pair de France et prince d'Empire, se trouva à la tête d'un Etat qu'il étendit considérablement durant son principat. La diplomatie joua un rôle significatif dans cette extension. Dès lors, il convient de s'interroger sur les vecteurs et acteurs de cette diplomatie que furent les ambassades et ambasssadeurs et donc, de déterminer quels furent les moyens mis en œuvre par le duc de Bourgogne pour en assurer le déploiement et l'exécution. Ces moyens furent principalement de trois types : conceptuels et intellectuels d'une part, humains d'autre part et enfin, matériels. Il s'agit de définir précisément les concepts d'ambassadeurs et ambassades, d'identifier les méthodes utilisées par les premiers, les outils mis à leur disposition ; puis de déterminer dans quels groupes socio-culturels et comment ils furent choisis, si parmi eux on pouvait distinguer des experts ou identifier des carrières ; et enfin, de déterminer quels furent les moyens matériels et en particulier, financiers, consacrés par le duc à l'envoi de ses ambassades et à la rétribution de ses ambassadeurs. En étudiant les moyens mis en œuvre, cette recherche offre des éléments permettant de restituter la place accordée à la diplomatie par Philippe le Bon dans sa politique globaleBy the end of the Middle Ages, Philip the Good, first peer of France and prince of the Empire ruled a State that he greatly extended. Diplomacy played a significant part in the extension. Therefore, it is necessary to wonder about vectors and actors of this diplomacy, namely, embassies and ambassadors, and to determinate the means, set up by the duke of Burgundy to execute it. These means were essentially of three types : conceptual and intellectual on the one hand, human on the other, and material. This research precisely defines the concepts of embassies and ambassadors, identifies methods and tools used by the latter, determines in which groups they were and how, wether it was possible to identify experts and carriers, and eventually, assesses what were the material, and especially financials, leverages used and devoted by the duke to the dispatch of his embassies and of his ambassadors. By studying this means, this research offers elements likely to determine the importance of diplomacy as political tool in the larger scheme set up by Philip the Good
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Warlin, Jean-Alfred. "Représenter la France à la cour des tsarines. Les deux ambassades de Joachim-Jacques de La Chétardie de 1739 à 1744." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040223.
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Le marquis de La Chétardie est le premier envoyé de la France en Russie à être revêtu du caractère d’ambassadeur. Cet honneur, naguère refusé à Pierre le Grand, a été accordé à sa nièce Anna, quoique ce fût au décours du premier conflit armé entre les deux pays. Son séjour à Petersbourg révéla ses qualités mais aussi ses limites ; en effet, ce courtisan achevé, courtois, expert en conversation et en réceptions mondaines, obsédé par un cérémonial pointilleux, a raté toutes les entreprises qu’il avait envisagées. A l’opposé, certaines de ses initiatives lui ont valu des désaveux. Impliqué modérément dans le coup d’État qui mit Élisabeth sur le trône, il ne profita pas longtemps de la faveur acquise à cette occasion. Il avait mal estimé les ressources des belligérants russes et suédois ; quelques maladresses, dont son gouvernement portait plus que lui la responsabilité, associées à la xénophobie exacerbée des Russes, suffirent à transformer le favori en paria ; il se vit refuser par la souveraine la médiation initialement promise dans le conflit en cours, et dut solliciter son rappel. Revenu en France, il y élabora un projet, qui fit long feu, d’alliance franco-russo-suédoise, qui devait remplacer le système des « barrières », sacrifier la Pologne et bouleverser le système établi. Son second séjour fut funeste et bref, son combat contre le vice-chancelier Bestoutcheff ne pouvant se terminer que par la chute de l’un d’eux. Ce fut lui qui fut expulsé, ayant péché par excès de confiance dans son chiffre. Ainsi, la première ambassade de France en Russie se terminait-elle dans la confusion ; La Chétardie, malgré sa séduction, avait échoué dans sa mission et dans ses grands projetsThe marquis de La Chétardie was the first French envoy to Russia invested with the title of ambassador. This honor, denied to Peter the Great, was accorded to his niece Anna, although the two countries were then engaged in their first armed conflict. La Chétardie’s mission in St. Petersburg revealed both his qualities and weaknesses. A polished, experienced courtier, an expert conversationalist at home in fashionable gatherings and punctilious about court ceremonial, he failed at every project he undertook. Nevertheless, some of these failures were not his alone. Having played a minor role in the coup d’état that put Elisabeth on the throne, he acquired a favor from which he was unable to profit for long. He miscalculated the resources of Russian and Swedish belligerents. Several blunders connected to the exacerbated xenophobia of the Russians, although less his responsibility than his government’s, made him a pariah. Having been denied the role of mediator promised by the sovereign during the ongoing conflict, he was obliged to request his recall. Upon returning to France, he developed a project for an alliance among France, Russia, and Sweden that would have replaced the system of « barriers, » sacrificed Poland, and overturned the prevailing diplomatic system. His second mission was unhappy and brief as a result of his conflict with the Vice-Chancellor Bestoutchef, a conflict that could only end in the fall of one of them. It was La Chétardie who was removed because of his overconfidence in the security of his codes. Thus did the first French embassy to Russia end in confusion. Despite his seductive appeal, La Chétardie had failed in his mission and grand projects
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Osmont, Matthieu. "Les ambassadeurs de France à Bonn (1955-1999)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0015.
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« La relation franco-allemande se porte si bien que l’on pourrait se demander à quoi cela sert d’avoir des ambassadeurs à Bonn et à Paris ». Cette phrase, prononcée en juin 1960 par l’ambassadeur François Seydoux, résume bien l’enjeu de cette thèse. Dans un contexte de rapprochement franco-allemand ininterrompu des années 1950 aux années 1990, la place des représentants permanents dans la relation entre les deux pays mérite d’être interrogée. Les ambassadeurs ont-ils encore un rôle à jouer à partir du moment où les chefs d’État et de gouvernement, les ministres, mais aussi les hauts fonctionnaires français et allemands se rencontrent fréquemment et tiennent le devant de la scène ? L’observation attentive de l’action des ambassadeurs français à Bonn contredit la thèse d’un « déclin des ambassades ». Accompagnant l’institutionnalisation du partenariat franco-allemand, les douze diplomates français qui se succèdent à Bonn entre 1955 et 1999 ne cessent pas d’assurer leurs traditionnelles fonctions d’information, de négociation et de représentation. Ils s’en acquittent toutefois selon des modalités sans cesse renouvelées. Cette thèse apporte également un éclairage nouveau sur les évolutions récentes d’une administration régalienne, le Quai d’Orsay. Malgré le poids de certains héritages et la permanence d’une certaine idée de l’Allemagne, le corps diplomatique est loin d’être immobile et la vision des relations internationales ou la conception même de leur mission ne sont pas les mêmes d’un diplomate à l’autre"The Franco-German relationship is doing so well that one might ask himself what is the point of having ambassadors in Bonn and Paris". This sentence, pronounced in June, 1960 by the ambassador François Seydoux, actually summarizes the challenge of this thesis. Since France and Germany are getting closer and closer from the 1950s to the 1990s, the place of the permanent representatives in the relationship between the two countries has to be examined. Do the ambassadors still have a role to play when the heads of state and of government, the Ministers, but also the French and German senior officials meet frequently and are the front of the stage ? The close examination of the action of the French ambassadors in Bonn contradicts the thesis of a "decline of the embassies". Accompanying the institutionalization of the Franco-German partnership, the twelve French diplomats who worked in Bonn between 1955 and 1999 do not cease to perform their traditional functions of information, negotiation and representation. However, they perform in ways always new. This thesis also casts a new light on the recent evolutions of an important administration, the French Ministry of Foreign affairs. Despite the weight of certain traditions and the permanence of a certain idea of Germany, the diplomatic corps is far from being immovable and the vision of the international relations or the conception of their mission are not the same from one diplomat to another
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Ribera, Jean-Michel Amalric Jean-Pierre. "Diplomatie et espionnage : les ambassadeurs du roi de France auprès de Philippe II : du traité du Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) à la mort de Henri III (1589) /." Paris : H. Champion, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410308384.
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Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Histoire--Toulouse 2, 2004. Titre de soutenance : Les ambassadeurs du roi de France auprès de Philippe II, du traité du Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) à la mort de Henri III (1589) : diplomatie et espionnage.Bibliogr. p. 609-689. Notes bibliogr. Index.
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Kingston, de Leusse Meredith. "Etre diplomate : éléments pour une étude de l'activité d'ambassadeur." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010282.
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Le statut actuel de l'activité d'ambassadeur soulève des interrogations, notamment celle de sa marge de manœuvre. Nous avons analysé les facteurs structurels qui suggèrent aujourd'hui le déclin objectif du pouvoir de l'ambassadeur. Un ensemble de rapports de forces et des processus de hiérarchisation organisent la structure des espaces d'activités diplomatiques et contraignent les chefs de mission diplomatique dans leur capitale d'accréditation. Dans ce contexte, le quai d’Orsay tente de redéfinir l'activité d'ambassadeur et de délimiter un savoir-faire diplomatique. Les ambassadeurs préservent un certain pouvoir en déployant un ensemble de formes symboliques exprimant le fait qu'ils gèrent la représentation de la France à l'étranger. Ainsi la forme donne du pouvoir aux ambassadeurs qui savent et peuvent la manier, c'est-à-dire trouver un juste équilibre entre la distanciation et l'engagement. La mise en forme limite cependant la marge de manœuvre des ambassadeurs qui, en tant que personnes morales, jouent un rôle dépassant leur personne et doivent se plier aux intérêts supérieurs de la représentation de la France a l'étrangerAmbassadors'status brings up questions, namely concerning their latitude. The analysis of certain structural forms suggests a decline of ambassadors' power. Power play and hierarchical processes determine diplomatic activity and limit the efficacy of these activities. In such a context, the french ministry of foreign affairs has tried to define more precisely the individualised role of ambassadors. They have managed to preserve some power by rendering visible a group of symbolic forms that expressly serve representation of france abroad. These forms can render power to the diplomat who is able to put them into effect by finding a balance between aloofness and commitment. But this kind of formalism limits ambassadors' latitude because they represent a moral entity and play a role that surpass their individuality. Therefore they need to surrender to the higher interests as designated by the french state
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Davieau-Pousset, Sophie. "Maurice Dejean, diplomate atypique (1899-1982)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0022.
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Maurice Dejean (1899-1982) a connu une carrière diplomatique résolument atypique. Elle l’est tout d’abord par ses origines sociales, modestes. Elle l’est également en raison de son entrée tardive dans la Carrière, par des voies détournées : sa bonne connaissance de l’Allemagne et du renseignement dans l’entre-deux-guerres conduisent Dejean à servir deux ambassadeurs à Berlin dans les années 1930. Il est aux premières loges lors de la drôle de guerre et de la bataille de France. Se sachant attendu par de Gaulle à Londres, il rallie la France libre dès janvier 1941. Et devient, pour deux ans, Commissaire national aux Affaires étrangères puis représentant de la France auprès des gouvernements en exil. Son engagement dans la Résistance, offre à Dejean une carrière prestigieuse au service de la diplomatie française d’après-guerre. Ambassadeur en Tchécoslovaquie puis à Tokyo, il entre brutalement dans la logique de guerre froide, confronté au coup de Prague puis à la guerre de Corée. Sa mission suivante de Commissaire général en Indochine alors en cours de décolonisation, se termine par un échec avec la chute de Dien Bien Phu. Ambassadeur à Moscou de 1956 à 1964, Dejean croit en l’ouverture de l’URSS et mise sur un développement de la relation bilatérale, malgré les critiques. Son départ précipité, dans des conditions là encore singulières, met fin à sa carrière. Cette thèse retrace ainsi le parcours d’un diplomate atypique et, à travers cet itinéraire très riche, vise à évaluer le rôle de l’ambassadeur dans la définition de la diplomatie française, et à mieux appréhender les grandes problématiques contemporaines dans lesquelles son activité diplomatique s’est inséréeMaurice Dejean was born in 1899 and died in 1982. His diplomatic career was unquestionably atypical; because of his modest origins, and also because he joined the diplomatic corps fairly late and in an original fashion. Thanks to his knowledge of Germany and of the intelligence service during the interwar period, Dejean ended up serving two French ambassadors in Berlin in the 1930s. He played a leading role in the 1939-1940 war. Knowing that he was awaited by de Gaulle in London, he joined Free France in January 1941. For two years, he was Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, and then the representative of France in all relations with other governments in exile. Thanks to his participation in the Resistance, Dejean embarked on a prestigious career in post-war French diplomacy. As Ambassador in Czechoslovakia, he was instantly confronted with the logic of the Cold War during the 1948 Czech Coup, as he was later, during the Korean War, which he observed from Tokyo. His mission as Commissioner General in Indochina, from the perspective of colonial history and international relations, ended in a failure with the fall of Dien Bien Phu. As Ambassador in Moscow from 1956, Dejean believed in the opening of the USSR and in the development of bilateral relations despite criticisms within his own team. His precipitated departure in 1964 put an end to his career, in an unusual fashion once again. This thesis follows the life of an atypical diplomat and offers, through the development of his chequered career, a better understanding of the broader contemporary issues which surrounded the diplomatic activity he carried out
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Pimenta, Oliveira de Carvalho Daniel. "Diplomatie, information et publication. Les stratégies des ambassades de la Restauration portugaise en France (1641-1649)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH141/document.
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La présente thèse étudie les rapports entre les activités diplomatiques et la publication de livres, périodiques et pamphlets au milieu du XVIIe siècle, dans le contexte des premiers développements de la diplomatie de Restauration portugaise en France. Il s’agit d’examiner en détail les objectifs, le champ d’action et les initiatives des représentants du nouveau monarque intervenant dans la circulation de l’information politique et dans le monde des livres et des imprimeries, avec une attention exclusive portée à la conjoncture de la première mission envoyée à Paris en 1641, et à quelques aspects de l’action des ambassades suivantes, jusqu’au retour à Lisbonne de la délégation du marquis de Niza en 1649.Il sera possible d’abord de discerner une série de circonstances et de publications antérieures à l’arrivée des envoyés portugais, et puis d’observer les fréquentations et contacts qu’ils établissent en France, ainsi que toute sorte d’occupations quotidiennes liées à la diffusion d’informations, à l’écriture et à la circulation de pièces manuscrites et imprimées. Cette échelle temporelle plus fine permettra en outre d’enquêter sur des pratiques littéraires, rhétoriques et informationnelles qui composaient le paysage éditorial qu’ont trouvé en France les agents de Jean IV. Toutes ces recherches contribuent à une lecture minutieuse des éléments discursifs et matériels présents dans les publications que l’ambassade portugaise produit, ou qu’elle espérait fomenter, afin de reconstituer au plus proche les intentions de leurs rédacteurs et éditeurs, voire les réflexions et réactions plus immédiates que ces publications pouvaient susciter chez les lecteurs et dans une partie substantielle de la société françaiseThis thesis studies the relationships between diplomatic activities and the publication of books, journals, and pamphlets in the mid-17th century in the context of the initial development of Portuguese Restauration diplomacy in France. It is about examining in detail the goals, field of action, and initiatives of the new monarch’s representatives who intervene in the circulation of political information and in the world of books and typography workshops, giving exclusive attention to the circumstance of the first mission sent to Paris in 1641 and to some aspects of actions of the following embassies, until the return to Lisbon of the Marquis of Niza’s delegation in 1649.It will be possible, firstly, to distinguish a series of circumstances and publications prior to the arrival of the Portuguese envoys and then observe visits and contacts that they establish in France, as well as all kind of daily occupations linked to the diffusion of information, writing, and the circulation of hand-written and printed pieces. This narrower time scale will allow, in addition, investigations on the literary, rhetorical, and informational practices that were part of the editorial landscape found in France by John IV’s agents. All these studies contribute to a meticulous reading of discursive and material elements present in the publications that the embassy produced, or had hoped to incentivize, with the goal of reconstituting as much as possible the intentions of its writers and editors, or even the most immediate reflections and reactions that these publications could arouse in readers and in a substantial part of French society
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Ribera, Jean-Michel. "Les ambassadeurs du roi de France auprès de Philippe II, du traité du Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) à la mort de Henri III (1589) : diplomatie et espionnage." Toulouse 2, 2004. https://acces.bibliotheque-diderot.fr/login?url=https://www.classiques-garnier.com/numerique-bases/index.php?module=App&action=FrameMain&colname=ColGarnier&filename=JraMS01.
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Durant les trente années de représentation diplomatique française à Madrid, cinq ambassadeurs se succèdent auprès de Philippe II. Issus de la noblesse provinciale, ces hommes sont introduits auprès du roi par des parents ou des alliés. Il s'agit d'hommes d'expérience qui ont servi le roi dans diverses négociations diplomatiques et / ou campagnes militaires. Leur mission principale à Madrid consiste à conserver la paix et à assurer l'installation à la cour d'Élisabeth de Valois, nouvelle reine d'Espagne. Confrontés à l'hostilité des Espagnols, ces ambassadeurs défendent avec conviction la politique menée par les rois de France et leur mère omniprésente, Catherine de Médicis. Ils s'appuient sur un réseau d'informateurs, extrêmement onéreux, qui contribue à leur endettement. Espions dans une cour étrangère, ils rivalisent d'imagination pour transmettre leurs dépêches. Les lettres sont chiffrées, les courriers régulièrement envoyés en plusieurs exemplaires par différents chemins. Les événements auxquels ils sont confrontés (l'entrevue de Bayonne, l'affaire de la Floride ou la conquête du Portugal) révèlent leurs personnalités, les moments de détente et de tensions entre les deux couronnesDuring the thirty years of French diplomatic representation in Madrid, five Ambassadors followed each other. Those men, born into the provincial nobility are introduced to the King by relations or allied. They are experienced men who served the King in varied diplomatic negotiations and / or military campaigns. Their main mission is to preserve peace and secure the installation of Elisabeth de Valois, new Queen of Spain into the Court. Confronted with the hostility of the Spaniards, those Ambassadors do defend the policy of the kings of France and its omnipresent mother Catherine de Medicis. They rely on a really expensive informers network that leads to their debt. Spies in the foreign court, they invent all sorts of stratagems to send their messages. The letters are coded ; they duplicate the mails they sent onto different ways. The events they are confronted with (the meeting of Bayonne, the Florida affair or the conquest of Portugal) reveal their personalities, the moments of détente or tension between the two crowns
Books on the topic "Ambassadors – France"
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Sandra, Kemp, ed. The ambassadors. London: J.M. Dent, 1999.
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James, Henry. The ambassadors. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
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Soffer, Ovadia. Mission Piégée: Un ambassadeur d'Israël en France. Paris: Biblieurope / Daphnaël, 1995.
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Henry, James. The ambassadors. London, England: Penguin Books, 2008.
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Henry, James. The ambassadors. Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2002.
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Henry, James. The ambassadors. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press, 1985.
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Henry, James. The ambassadors. [Boston]: Houghton Mifflin, 1990.
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Henry, James. The ambassadors. Harmondsworth [England]: Penguin Books, 1986.
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Center for Ottoman Diplomatic History, ed. Ambassadeurs de France morts à Constantinople. Istanbul: Les Éditions Isis, 2011.
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Philip, Creutz Gustav. Un ambassadeur a la cour de France: Le comte de Creutz ; lettres inédites à Gustave III, 1779-1780. Göteborg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Ambassadors – France"
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Bartikowski, Boris, and Mark Cleveland. "Ethnic Minority Consumers as Brand Ambassadors: Culture, Adaptation, and Global Brand Advocacy of Chinese Migrants in Canada and France." In Rediscovering the Essentiality of Marketing, 497–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29877-1_101.
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Brovadan, Carlotta Paola. "La «gita di Fiandra»: globi, libri e carte geografiche per Ferdinando II de’ Medici nella corrispondenza diplomatica di Giovan Battista Gondi." In Studi e saggi, 69–95. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-181-5.06.
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In the summer of 1634 the grand-ducal ambassador resident in France Giovan Battista Gondi made an undercover journey to Spanish Netherlands to meet Maria de’ Medici and tried to persuade her to leave the Habsburg territories for Florence. Despite the failure of the negotiations, a series of unpublished letters exchanged between Gondi and the first secretary of the Grand Duchy Andrea Cioli will serve as an opportunity to analyze which cultural and artistic affairs involved the Tuscan agent alongside the political events he primarily dealt with. In his letters Gondi described different artefacts that could have been acquired for the Medici collection, and publications that could have contributed to the reputation of the Grand Duke or, on the contrary, jeopardized it.
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Stratilaki-Klein, Sofia. "Plurilinguisme et socialisation des enfants allophones nouvellement arrivés en France: des ambassadeurs en herbe." In Literatur-, Kultur- und Sprachvermittlung: LiKuS, 147–75. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-61770-0_7.
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"Secrets, Diplomatics, and Spies in Late Medieval France and in the Burgundian State: Parallel Practices and Undercover Operations." In Beyond Ambassadors, 159–84. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004438989_009.
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Mokhberi, Susan. "The Persian Embassy to France in 1715." In The Persian Mirror, 64–85. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190884796.003.0005.
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The diplomatic visits from Ottoman, Muscovite, Siamese, and Moroccan ambassadors were handled differently than the frequent diplomatic visits from European countries. The “Oriental” visits produced many ceremonial challenges but also generated tremendous curiosity in the East, which Louis XIV used to his advantage. The crown took special care to turn the audiences with Oriental ambassadors into spectacular events to promote the Bourbon monarchy but had to be careful to adhere to French protocol and ensure that the diplomatic exchanges enhanced the image of French grandeur. The last magnificent display of Louis XIV’s reign, the visit of Mohammad Reza Beg in 1715, reveals the difficulties the French court encountered when dealing with foreign embassies. Louis XIV’s introducteur des ambassadors, the Baron de Breteuil, proved a culturally sensitive host, but he could not prevent conflict over French protocol that arose out of conceptions in common between France and Persia.
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Jackson, Christine. "The Fickleness of Princes." In Courtier, Scholar, and Man of the Sword, 170–94. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847225.003.0009.
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Herbert returned home from Paris in 1621 to recuperate following illness and near bankruptcy and found Parliament engaged in attacks upon Buckingham and James I resisting pressure to intervene militarily in Europe to support his dethroned daughter and son-in-law. Chapter 8 explores Herbert’s unexpectedly warm reception at the English court and his return to France as ambassador at the end of 1622. It examines his role in James I’s attempts to persuade Louis XIII to provide support and assistance to the elector palatine; his continuing, though more restrained, support for French Protestants; and his reports on the unorthodox diplomatic mission undertaken by Charles, prince of Wales, and Buckingham to complete negotiations for the Spanish match. Having accurately forecast that the Spanish infanta would marry a Catholic kinsman and personally promoted the advantages of a French bride for the prince, Herbert was devastated when he was recalled to allow ambassadors more acceptable to Louis XIII to negotiate a French match. The chapter ends with a review of his diplomatic career, set within the wider context of James I’s treatment of ambassadors. It emphasizes the accuracy of Herbert’s diplomatic predictions about Spanish and French priorities and intentions, and debunks the view that Herbert returned to England in disgrace in either 1621 or 1624.
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Bergeron, David M. "Diplomacy, Politics and the Arts." In The Duke of Lennox, 1574-1624, 147–97. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399500449.003.0005.
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This chapter focuses on Lennox’s political activities, diplomatic missions, and participation in the arts. On several occasions King James dispatched Lennox back to Scotland to wrangle with the Scottish Parliament. Lennox was also sent as emissary to France to solidify relationships and engage in marriage negotiations for Charles. Lennox regularly entertained and intervened for foreign ambassadors in London. In 1613 James made Lennox Earl of Richmond, enabling him to sit in Parliament. He became Lord Steward of the Household in 1616, and in 1623 Duke of Richmond. Early on Lennox became patron of his own acting company; he arranged the first Jacobean court masque, and he performed in several masques.
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Auger, Peter. "Translation and Cultural Convergence in Late Sixteenth-century Scotland and Huguenot France." In Cultures of Diplomacy and Literary Writing in the Early Modern World, 115–28. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198835691.003.0007.
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Examining poetical exchanges between James VI of Scotland and the Huguenot courtier Guillaume de Saluste Du Bartas in the 1580s, Chapter 7 demonstrates how poetry contributed to diplomatic initiatives, and how diplomatic concerns fostered expressiveness in the composition and presentation of poems. Early modern poetry, especially poetry in translation, could contribute to building better international cultural relations. Ambassadors and elite political figures were sometimes involved in such poems as writers, translators, readers, dedicatees, or recipients. When they were, these poems could contain subtle gestures consistent with the cultural diplomatic aims to express shared identity and strengthen political ties. The poetic exchanges between James and Du Bartas in the 1580s contained many signals of the common literary and political culture in Scotland and Protestant France, signals that are found in the subject matter, prosody, diction, structure, and other poetic features of the verses that they exchanged. This chapter examines the poetic techniques that James and Du Bartas used for expressing cultural convergence between Scotland and France when translating and composing original verse for each other, and then shows how the print publication of their poems enabled a broader international community to participate in this cultural moment.
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de Graaf, Beatrice. "An Imperial Affair: The Allied Council of Ambassadors and the Occupation of France, 1815–18." In A History of the European Restorations. Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781788318044.ch-003.
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Panaite, Viorel. "East Encounters West: Western Merchants, Capitulations and Islamic Law in the Ottoman Mediterranean (16th and 17th Centuries)." In Exploring the Commonalities of the Mediterranean Region, 35–50. Turkish Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.2020.040.
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An Ottoman manuscript from the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris gathered between the same covers different types of documents, such as peace and commerce treaties (‘ahdname), legal opinions (fetva), Imperial orders (hüküm), Grand Vizier’s reports (telhis), ambassadors’ petitions (‘arzuhal) etc.Considering the order of documents, one can speak about the incipient design to structure this work in three sections: diplomatic section, juridical section and ad-ministrative section. The capitulatory régime is illustrated by the Imperial Charters, granted by the Ottoman sultans to the Kings of France in 1569, 1581 and 1597. Ot-toman manuscripts with copies of peace and commerce treaties granted to Christian sovereigns can be frequently found in archives and libraries. Astonishing to this manuscript ‒ and one can say this is the only manuscript structured in this manner, discovered until now ‒, is the fact that the section of Imperial charters (‘ahdname-i hümayun) is followed by a special section of legal opinions (fetva). Moreover, the attempts of the Ottoman central authorities to limit the abuses of local officials – less known until now – are proved by various imperial commands (hüküm).This manuscript is a basic source for researching the commercial and diplomatic relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in the Mediterranean in the late 16thand early 17th centuries. Particularly, the documents included in the manuscript offer information on: procedure of granting and observing the commercial privileges to Christian sovereigns; the maritime caravans and commercial navigation; prohibition to enslave Christian merchants and to confiscate their merchandise; responsibilities of the French ambassador in Istanbul and consuls in the Mediterranean harbors; legal condition of the Western merchants without an apart ambassador to the Otto-man Court; interdiction to create trouble to the commercial traffic by the corsairs of Tunis, Algiers and Tripoli of Libya; mutual setting free of Muslim and French captives etc