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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Alliances Warfare

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Academic literature on the topic 'Alliances Warfare'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 9 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Alliances Warfare"

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Garrido, Francisco, and Soledad González. "Adaptive Strategies during Times of Conflict and Transformation: Copiapó Valley under the Spanish Conquest in the Sixteenth Century." Ethnohistory 67, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-7888777.

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Abstract This article explores the changes and adaptation of warfare strategies in indigenous societies during the Spanish conquest, through a case study of Copiapó valley in northern Chile. Using ethnohistorical and archaeological data, it explores the experiences and actions of collective agents who transformed their warfare practices and social alliances in order to fight for their autonomy and survival. The Copiapó people transformed from a society characterized by low-scale intermittent warfare to one that employed an intensive mode of conflict and developed broader inter-ethnic alliances. Their relative success in this last stage eventually proved to be an effective bargaining tool to negotiate better conditions for their incorporation into the new colonial system.

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Macfarlan, Shane J., Pamela I. Erickson, James Yost, Jhanira Regalado, Lilia Jaramillo, and Stephen Beckerman. "Bands of brothers and in-laws: Waorani warfare, marriage and alliance formation." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 285, no. 1890 (October 31, 2018): 20181859. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2018.1859.

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The root of modern human warfare lies in the lethal coalitionary violence of males in small-scale societies. However, there is a paucity of quantitative data concerning the form and function of coalitionary violence in this setting. Debates exist over how lethal coalitions are constituted, as well as the motivations and benefits for males to join such groups. Data from a lowland Amazonian population, the Waorani of Ecuador, illuminate three issues: (i) the degree to which raiding parties are composed of groups of fraternal kin as opposed to strategic alliances of actual or potential affinal kin; (ii) the extent to which individuals use pre-existing affinal ties to motivate others to participate in war or leverage warfare as a mechanism to create such ties; and (iii) the extent to which participation in raiding is driven by rewards associated with future marriage opportunities. Analyses demonstrate that Waorani raiding parties were composed of a mix of males who were potential affines, actual affines and fraternal kin, suggesting that men used pre-existing genetic, lineal and social kin ties for recruiting raid partners and used raiding as a venue to create novel social relationships. Furthermore, analyses demonstrate that males leveraged raiding alliances to achieve marriage opportunities for themselves as well as for their children. Overall, it appears that a complex set of motivations involving individual rewards, kin marriage opportunities, subtle coercion and the assessment of alliance strength promote violent intergroup conflict among the Waorani. These findings illustrate the complex inter-relationships among kin selection, coalition building and mating success in our species.

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Livaja, Jerko. "Decentralized Security Systems in Hybrid War Conditions with an Emphasis on the Security System in Bosnia and Herzegovina." National security and the future 22, no. 3 (December 22, 2021): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.22.3.2.

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Combining all hitherto known forms and methods of conventional and unconventional warfare, hybrid warfare is increasingly replacing classical military conflicts and is gradually changing into the primary form of realizing state interests, independently or within military-political alliances. No period in the history of human civilization has been marked by such an intensity of war conflicts as the last century. Apart from the two largest war conflicts in history, in which almost all countries of the world were involved, the last century was also marked by the Cold War.

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McJimsey, Robert D. "A Country Divided? English Politics and the Nine Years' War." Albion 23, no. 1 (1991): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050542.

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The accession of William III began a revolution in English foreign policy. Under the Dutch king's auspices England joined a Grand Alliance against the France of Louis XIV and shouldered the burdens of a principal partner in a major continental war. Not only did the war place grave financial strains upon the state; the formulation, administration, and execution of war policy also became areas of continual concern. These concerns combined to raise general questions about England's proper role in European affairs and about the proper application of English power in service of those interests. They also cast William III and the politicians into a constitutional no-man's land in which the royal monopoly over war and peace had to contest with the need to secure annual supplies. It has been the historian's task to explain how William III's “continental commitment” to land warfare, alliances, and defense of European liberties survived this political struggle.

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Carvalho, Sylvestre, Henrique Mota, and Marcelo Martins. "Landscapes of Biochemical Warfare: Spatial Self-Organization Woven from Allelopathic Interactions." Life 13, no. 2 (February 13, 2023): 512. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/life13020512.

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Evidence shows that diversity and spatial distributions of biological communities are largely driven by the race of living organisms in their adaptation to chemicals synthesized by their neighbors. In this report, the emergence of mathematical models on pure spatial self-organization induced by biochemical suppression (allelopathy) and competition between species were investigated through numerical analysis. For both random and patched initial spatial distributions of species, we demonstrate that warfare survivors are self-organized on the landscape in Turing-like patterns driven by diffusive instabilities of allelochemicals. These patterns are simple; either all species coexist at low diffusion rates or are massively extinct, except for a few at high diffusivities, but they are complex and biodiversity-sustained at intermediate diffusion rates. “Defensive alliances” and ecotones seem to be basic mechanisms that sustain great biodiversity in our hybrid cellular automata model. Moreover, species coexistence and extinction exhibit multi-stationarity.

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Close, Christopher W. "City-States, Princely States, and Warfare: Corporate Alliance and State Formation in the Holy Roman Empire (1540–1610)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 2017): 205–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416687959.

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Scholars often view the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries as a period of general urban decline, when territorial rulers imposed their political agendas on smaller state actors such as city-states in ever more authoritative ways. Such a view is especially prevalent in studies based in the Holy Roman Empire. It forms part of a larger approach to studying the course of state formation that focuses too much on the building of internal bureaucratic institutions and not enough on the importance of interactions between state actors. Studies that examine the relationship between warfare and state formation in particular downplay the importance of city-states, arguing that the costs of war served as a prime vehicle for princely states to marginalize city-states during the Reformation era. This article re-evaluates this paradigm of urban decline through the comparative study of corporate alliances, formal cooperative associations between princely states and city-states. Specifically, it examines the fallout surrounding two conflicts between princes and city-states within the Schmalkaldic League and the Protestant Union. Controversies over the use of alliance military forces within these leagues reveal that rather than decline in the decades leading up to the Thirty Years War, urban influence within leagues increased over time because of the dynamics of war. This conclusion challenges the narratives of territoriality and urban decline that dominate much of the political history covering the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Ultimately, it presents a new way to understand the relationship between city-states, princely states, warfare, and the course of state formation in the Reformation-era Holy Roman Empire.

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Trifunović, Darko, and Darko Obradović. "Hybrid and cyber warfare - international problems and joint solutions." National security and the future 21, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2020): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.21.1-2.2.

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Hybrid warfare is a significant threat to National Security and Countries in last 10 years. Hybrid activities are not new, but environment of cyberspace is completely different than before. We are witnessing a great expansion of the aforementioned fifth combat space, which knows no borders, fences, social or cultural barriers. Hybrid war as a form of endangering the security of sovereign states is primarily based on subversive activities in order to paralyze the state apparatus with the ultimate goal of changing the political leadership. This change of political leadership in the earlier period of history was far simpler and most often began and ended with armed aggression, the use of armed rebellion, or a coup. As modern societies increasingly turn to reliable alliances, mechanisms of collective security, conventional methods have become for quite some time less effective and outdated. The use of disinformation as an integral method of Hybrid Warfare has its roots in the concept of "ideological subversion". Ideological subversion is a term firstly defined by KGB in 1970th. KGB invented “Ideological subversion” as a tool of special warfare against civilians and administrative employees. To make it easier to follow the case study, the authors of the Hybrid War operation divide it into four phases: Demoralization, Destabilization, Crisis, and Stabilization. For Russia, the Balkans hold significant historic, cultural, and religious connections—shared ties that are actively propagated, and at times exaggerated, by Russian public diplomacy efforts and media narratives.

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Guoqiang, Dong, and Andrew G. Walder. "Forces of Disorder: The Army in Xuzhou’s Factional Warfare, 1967–1969." Modern China 44, no. 2 (September 4, 2017): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700417729123.

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Recent research on factional conflicts during the initial years of the Cultural Revolution has revealed the deep involvement of the armed forces in factional battles among rebel forces and the striking extent to which regional army units themselves were divided into factions. The origins of these intra-army splits have received little attention. In a detailed examination of the course of the army’s involvement in the severe and prolonged factional infighting in the northern Jiangsu prefecture of Xuzhou, we trace intra-army splits to decisions made by local commanders in shifting circumstances, and their efforts to defend their initial actions after central policies changed, threatening to turn them into scapegoats. Pressures from above to force recalcitrant officers into line served to split local military commands and intensify alliances between opposed army and civilian factions. The complex organizational structure of domestic military commands exacerbated these locally generated divisions and made them more difficult to resolve. Xuzhou is an extreme case of a pattern that was likely repeated across hundreds of regions during this chaotic period, threatening the integrity of China’s armed forces and influencing Mao’s ultimate decision to curtail this phase of the Cultural Revolution.

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Pannier, Alice, and Olivier Schmitt. "To fight another day: France between the fight against terrorism and future warfare." International Affairs 95, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 897–916. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz050.

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Abstract This article examines the ways in which recent military experiences have affected France's approach to the use of military power, the role of allies and its vision of future warfare. In its management of strategic challenges, we identify the persistence of many traits of France's historical habits and practices. France remains a distinct, outward looking, and militarily willing and able European power. However, the threats that France has sought to address and the operational and financial constraints it has faced in the past decade in particular, have led to significant changes in its approach to and conduct of warfare. In particular, the threat of Islamist terrorism has led to a reframing of French governments' priorities around more narrowly-defined national interests. It has translated into a ‘pragmatic’, or ‘realist’ turn in foreign policy, and a move from ‘wars of choice’ to ‘wars of necessity’. In this context, France's military alliances are being rethought around a core number of functional partnerships to compensate for capability gaps and military overstretch. Meanwhile, French armed forces are getting prepared to face the challenges posed by emerging technologies and the future of Great-Power competition. Overall, the multiple security challenges faced by successive French governments have confirmed, yet redefined, the contours of France's traditional dilemma between a desire for an autonomous defense policy and the reality of a necessary reliance on allies.

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Smyatckij, Dmitry G. "Varangians and Rus: Peculiarities of military confrontation and interaction (VI–XIV centuries)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 484–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2022-22-4-484-489.

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The article is devoted to the study of medieval Scandinavian and domestic narrative sources for information about the peculiarities of the military confrontation and interaction between the Varangians and Ancient Rus. On the basis of the analyzed materials conclusions have been made about the necessity of applying the method of comparative analysis when considering medieval Nordic narrative sources, and also about the peculiarities and substantive changes of Russian-Scandinavian relations during the period VI–XIV centuries: the battles between the Varangians and Rus were fought both on land and at sea, across a vast geographical area; the analyzed sources show evidence of military interaction between the Varangians and Ancient Rus through the recruitment of individual detachments, military aid and dynastic alliances; the character of the military confrontation between the Varangians and Rus is traced as the principles of warfare change by the XIV century.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Alliances Warfare"

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Ziegler, Thomas. "The long war concept using the security cooperation Marine Air Ground Task Force to address irregular threats through shaping and deterrence /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490846.

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Jones, Benjamin F. "Freeing France the Allies, the Resistance, and the JEDBURGHs." Lawrence, KS : University of Kansas, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA488406.

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ABBIATI, MICHELE. "L'ESERCITO ITALIANO E LA CONQUISTA DELLA CATALOGNA (1808-1811).UNO STUDIO DI MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS NELL'EUROPA NAPOLEONICA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/491761.

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L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811) Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02 La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero. La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness. La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano). Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.
The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.

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Jacobs, Matthew D. "A “Psychological Offensive”: United States Public Diplomacy, Revolutionary Cuba, and the Contest for Latin American Hearts and Minds during the 1960s." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427980665.

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Borghard, Erica. "Friends with Benefits? Power and Influence in Proxy Warfare." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Q81B7Z.

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This dissertation analyzes patterns of power and influence in the context of proxy alliances between states and armed, non-state groups. In particular, I explore the following questions: Why do some states have leverage over their non-state proxies, while others find themselves at the behest of their far weaker allies? Put differently, why doesn't a state's enormous material advantage systematically translate into an ability to influence the behavior of proxy groups? Governments often find themselves stymied by belligerent proxies and drawn into unwanted conflict escalation with adversaries--precisely what states sought to avoid by relying on covert, indirect alliances in the first place. I argue that the very factors that make proxy warfare appealing to states--its clandestine, informal nature--threaten to undermine governments' abilities to exert leverage over their proxies. Governments seek out proxy alliances when the material or political costs of directly confronting an adversary are unappealingly high, driven by the logic that proxy groups can help states achieve their foreign policy objectives "on the cheap" and in a way that allows states to plausibly deny involvement in a conflict. However, the actions states must take to ensure plausible deniability, specifically the decisions political leaders make about how they will manage and oversee a proxy ally, can undermine their leverage. The decisions political leaders make about alliance design and management, which have negative effects on their bargaining power, are fundamentally driven by two related logics: the requirements of plausible deniability, and attempts to navigate the preferences of domestic political veto players and bureaucracies. Plausible deniability requires establishing as much distance as possible between a decision maker and a proxy and/or operating with a minimal footprint on the ground. To do so, political leaders often delegate authority for managing tasks pertaining to the proxy alliance to covert organizations with the security sector (e.g., intelligence organizations). However, this clandestine and informal delegation is problematic in two respects. First, the bureaucratic actor to whom the political leader delegates authority for carrying out tasks pertaining to the proxy alliance has a general incentive to ensure its organization is abundantly resourced. Therefore, it has a vested interest in the perpetuation of the proxy alliance. Second, bureaucratic leaders (as well as all of the other individuals to whom authority is delegated) may have personal, political, or ideological preferences that differ substantially from those of the political leadership. If the effects of delegating authority in this way are so perverse, why do leaders do it? And why don't they reign in wayward bureaucrats? At the most basic level, leaders have a high valuation for plausible deniability for international or domestic political reasons (to avoid retaliation from an adversary or keep things secret from domestic political actors), and powerful, entrenched bureaucracies are difficult to control. Digging deeper, however, there is a compelling domestic political story that existing accounts of proxy alliances have neglected to tell. Political leaders often abdicate authority to other bureaucratic actors or individuals--even when they may foresee the issues identified above--as a strategy for protecting themselves from domestic political veto players with strong policy preferences that diverge substantially from their own. To evaluate the explanatory scope of the theory, I explore patterns of influence in proxy alliance in a series of comparative case studies, in which I use process tracing and structured, focused comparison to assess whether and to what extent decisions about alliance management affect a state's leverage over its non-state proxy. Specifically, I analyze bargaining power in six different proxy alliances: the Syria-Fatah alliance in the 1960s-70s; the alliance between the FNLA and UNITA in Angola and the United States from 1975-76; the India-Mukti Bahini alliance in East Pakistan in 1971; the United States-UNITA alliance in Angola in the 1980s; the alliance between the United States, Iran, and Israel, and the KDP in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1970s; and the alliance between India and Tamil insurgents in Sri Lanka in the 1980s. I compare the explanatory scope of my theory to the interstate alliance politics literature, and find that my theory not only accounts for the unexplained variation in the universe of cases, but also offers a more complete understanding of the dynamics of state-proxy relationships.

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Davies, Shawn. "Control and Uncertainty in the Delegation of War : A Principal-Agent Explanation of Interrebel Relations." Thesis, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353433.

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External support has previously been found to increase both interrebel alliances and interrebel conflict. This thesis uses a modified principal-agent theory to bring these findings together in a common theoretical framework, arguing that external support leads to interrebel alliances when the sponsor’s leverage is high, and to interrebel warfare when the sponsor’s leverage is low. Using data on multiparty conflicts from 1975-2010, it aims to answer why external state support has increased interrebel warfare in some cases and interrebel alliances in other. It finds that the effect of external support isn’t unidirectional on interrebel alliances or interrebel warfare. This thesis finds that when controlling for forms of support that allows a sponsor to monitor the rebel group, external support is positively correlated with interrebel warfare and negatively with interrebel alliances. It also finds that the monitoring capacity of the sponsor decreases interrebel warfare, whilst the effects on interrebel alliances are inconsistent. Further, strong rebel groups, groups active in areas of drug cultivation and groups that share ideational ties with other groups in the same conflict, are found to be more likely to engage in interrebel warfare, and less likely to engage in interrebel alliances.

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Books on the topic "Alliances Warfare"

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W, Kegley Charles. When trust breaks down: Alliance norms and world politics. Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 1989.

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1939-, Bain Darrell, ed. The Cresperian alliance. Kingsport, Tenn: Twilight Times Books, 2010.

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Ostrander, John. Alliance. Milwaukie, Or: Dark Horse, 2008.

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Buettner, Robert. Orphan's alliance. New York: Orbit, 2008.

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Harry, Verploegh, ed. The warfare of the spirit: Developing spiritual maturity. Camp Hill, Pa: Christian Publications, 1993.

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Cuccaro, Elio. Alliance academic review 1997. Edited by Christian and Missionary Alliance. Camp Hill, PA: Christian Publications, 1997.

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Empires and indigenes: Intercultural alliance, imperial expansion, and warfare in the early modern world. New York: New York University Press, 2011.

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Cuccaro, Elio. Alliance academic review 2000. Edited by Christian and Missionary Alliance. Camp Hill, PA: Christian Publications, 2000.

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Booth, Ken. Britain, NATO, and nuclear weapons: Alternative defence versus alliance reform. London: Macmillan, 1989.

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Booth, Ken. Britain, NATO, and nuclear weapons: Alternative defence versus alliance reform. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Alliances Warfare"

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Fermann, Gunnar. "Alliance Politics Dynamics." In Coping with Caveats in Coalition Warfare, 127–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92519-6_8.

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Freedman, Lawrence. "Alliance and the British Way in Warfare." In The Politics of British Defence 1979–98, 27–46. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14957-5_3.

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Hedinger, Daniel. "Fascist Warfare and the Axis Alliance: From Blitzkrieg to Total War." In Fascist Warfare, 1922–1945, 195–220. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27648-5_9.

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Gibson, D. Blair. "Was There a Method to Their Madness? Warfare, Alliance Formation, and the Origins of the Irish Medieval State." In Human Conflict from Neanderthals to the Samburu: Structure and Agency in Webs of Violence, 39–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46824-8_4.

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"Seapower and alliances in the era of Bismarck and William II." In Naval Coalition Warfare, 81–94. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203945322-13.

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Kohut, Lauren. "Warfare and Alliance: A Human-Scale GIS Analysis of Defensive Alliances in the Colca Valley, Peru." In Global Perspectives on Landscapes of Warfare, 247–72. University Press of Colorado, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5876/9781646422111.c012.

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Cutrer, Thomas W. "The Wolf Is Come." In Theater of a Separate War. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631561.003.0003.

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Examines the history of the five so-called “Civilized Tribes”: their expulsion from their ancestral homelands in the southeastern United States, intertribal disagreements over alliances with North or South, formation of regiments for the Confederacy, and resultant intertribal warfare.

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Clark, Andrew J. "Alliances, Clusters, and Spatial Analysis: A Multiscalar Approach to Studying Warfare in the Middle Missouri." In Archaeological Perspectives on Warfare on the Great Plains, 295–317. University Press of Colorado, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5876/9781607326700.c012.

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Herrmann, Rachel B. "Cherokee and Creek Victual Warfare in the Revolutionary South." In No Useless Mouth, 65–86. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501716119.003.0004.

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This chapter focuses on the victual warfare that prevailed in the southern colonies and then states. Three periods of bad food diplomacy, victual warfare, or a combination of the two methods of communication—during 1775–1778, 1779, and 1780–1782—illustrate how confused policy, hunger, and violence became intertwined. The first time span reveals inadequate food diplomacy and changes in victual warfare. Indians'—Cherokees and Creeks—behavior shifted from killing and maiming animals to stealing, butchering, and eating them. During the second period, previous changes, in combination with the death of John Stuart—the southern agent for British Indian Affairs and a key official among the Creeks—disrupted Anglo-Indian alliances. This was characterized by extreme confusion caused by shoddy British food diplomacy, and by increased American attempts to create Native hunger, which they did by intensifying their victual warfare and circumscribing food-aid distributions. From 1780 to 1782 power relations were hard to predict. As British military leaders deprioritized Indian diplomacy, American states grew more likely to use the threat of victual warfare to try to create hunger and control people. At the same time, the states' Indian policies became inconsistent. Ultimately, unsuccessful food diplomacy had three results: it created confusion, it made white Americans reluctant to distribute food aid, and it forced people to associate victual warfare with famine creation, famine prevention, and violence.

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Plank, Geoffrey. "The First Phase of Atlantic Warfare, from the Fifteenth Century to 1688." In Atlantic Wars, 203–26. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190860455.003.0010.

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Abstract:

Chapter 9 analyzes a pattern of warfare that developed across the Atlantic world from the fifteenth century to 1688. The chapter begins in the far north of the Atlantic before proceeding to conflict along the coast of Africa and across the Atlantic world. During this period European attempts to pursue large-scale transatlantic military campaigns rarely succeeded, because expeditionary forces sent from Europe almost invariably became mired in a tangle of regional or local battles. Combatants engaged in predatory raids, retaliatory attacks, and captive-taking. Small-scale skirmishes rarely escalated into transatlantic war. Responding to local circumstances, Europeans fought against each other, exploited divisions within indigenous communities, and joined Americans and Africans in military alliances.

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Reports on the topic "Alliances Warfare"

1

Ramotowski, Edward J. Alliances Still Matter: The Importance of Coalition Warfare in a Unipolar World. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada441741.

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2

Weddle, Kevin J. The Ottawa Treaty and Coalition Warfare: An Unholy Alliance? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada363463.

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3

Semmens, Steven P. Decision Making in Alliance Warfare: Operation Market Garden - A Case Study. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394709.

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