Journal articles on the topic 'Alliança Liberal'
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1
Grasso, Kenneth L. "Virtue and the Making of Modern Liberalism. By Peter Berkowitz. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999. 235p. $27.95." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401232018.
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"For quite a while," Peter Berkowitz notes, "leading aca- demic liberals and their best-known critics formed an unwit- ting alliance, promulgating the view that liberal political theory" ignores the whole subject of virtue and cultivation (p. 170). If that view is correct, this neglect not only would spawn "fatal theoretical lacunae" (p. 4) but also would raise serious doubts about liberalism's capacity to sustain the "qualities of mind and character" (p. 172) required for "the operation and maintenance" of "free and democratic institutions" (p. 6). In recent years, however, a new generation of liberals have challenged this widely held view. Thinkers such as William Galston and Stephen Macedo acknowledge that liberal re- gimes depend "upon a specific set of virtues," which "they do not automatically produce" (pp. 278). Their work points toward the "dependence" of liberal societies on "extraliberal and nongovernmental sources of virtue" (p. 28), such as "the family, religion and the array of associations in civil society" (p. 6). Simultaneously, they insist that "limited government is not the same as neutral government" (p. 173), and they affirm "that the liberal state, within bounds, ought to pursue liberal purposes" and, thus, "may, within limits, foster virtues" that serve these purposes (p. xii).
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GELLA, T. N., and F. I. PROKONIN. "ASSESSMENT OF THE ANGLO-JAPANESE AGREEMENT OF 1902 BY THE BRITISH POLITICAL ELITE AND THE PRESS." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 10, no. 3 (2021): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2021-10-3-39-51.
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This study aims to investigate the public perception of the structural changes in British foreign policy at the beginning of the XX century. The authors focus on assessments of the British political circles, primarily the liberal-imperialists – the right wing of the Liberal Party. The article analyses the content and prospects of the Anglo-Japanese agreement. Particular emphasis is placed on the study of publications containing assessments of the foreign policy of the United Kingdom in the central as well as provincial print media. It should be stressed that the British political circles discorded with on the country's foreign policy course - the ruling Conservative party approved the conclusion of the treaty, but the opposition liberal party unequivocally assessed the agreement of 1902. The right-wing liberals, in contrast to the center and the left wing of the Liberal Party, were less skeptical about this Anglo-Japanese alliance. Finally, the au-thors draw conclusions that the press as a whole was ambivalent about the agreement of 1902.
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Chmielewski, Adam. "Polskie zjawy polityczne." Politeja 17, no. 4(67) (October 15, 2020): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.67.01.
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Poland’s Political Apparitions: How to Dispel ThemIn this paper I will argue that within the decades since the Velvet Revolution of 1989, the mutual perception of the liberal and leftist political formations negatively affected the prospects of their possible cooperation. A failure of the Polish liberals to cooperate with Poland’s Left was among the main reasons for the inability to form a progressive alliance. More importantly, it left a fertile ground upon which populist and authoritarian movements were able to grow. As a result, Poland, initially presented as a role model of the transition from the conditions of the “real” socialism, has become an oppressive despotic regime, just like Turkey and Hungary. I will attempt to explain the emergence of the non-liberal democracy in Poland by stressing in particular the failure of the Polish liberals to take seriously the problems of social and economic exclusion resulting from the economic shock therapy applied during the transformative decades. Pointing to the tradition of the egalitarian liberalism, largely o erlooked in Poland, I will argue that there are both doctrinal resources and practical models which could be tapped by Polish liberals in order to establish a fruitful cooperation with the Poland’s Left. Such a programme would have a chance to succeed on the condition of dispelling the phantom of neoliberalism
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LUDWIG, PAUL W. "Without Foundations: Plato'sLysisand Postmodern Friendship." American Political Science Review 104, no. 1 (February 2010): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000018.
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Political theory has developed at important junctures by questioning its ontological foundations. Modern political thought begins by questioning the naturalness of human sociability. Instead of the civic friendship propounded by the ancients, modern liberals see friendship as belonging to a private sphere, whereas the state is an alliance among competitors. Postmodern theorists have extended the logic of competition to encompass private friendships, doing so, in part, by critiquing liberal foundations. Plato's account of friendship reveals surprising affinities with two such postmodern critiques. TheLysisexplores what friendship would be like without ontological claims or with only negative foundations such as the power and enmity found in accounts of friendship as diverse as those of Foucault and Derrida. The Platonic/postmodern comparison offers a way of ensuring that foundational inquiry illuminates political theory and argues for a greater role for fundamental ontology than mainstream liberal theorists have yet conceded.
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Szabó, Máté. "From a suppressed anti-communist dissident movement to a governing party: the transformations of FIDESZ in Hungary." Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 2, no. 2 (December 12, 2011): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/cjssp.2011.02.03.
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FIDESZ, as an outlawed protest movement of the Kádár era, has preserved their specific type of “outlawed and clandestine” political tradition and identity. A strong anti-communism, a popular mobilizing strategy and an atmosphere of hatred towards the agents of Hungary’s communist past remained within the political culture of the party from the suppressed underground movement. The political generation of leading activists, including current Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, has been socialized in the “underground” of the eighties. The experience of “being outlawed” under the Communist system has had longlasting effects on them. The “myths”, symbols, and “fights” of the suppressed protest movements keep themselves alive in the new political culture in the present goals and strategies of FIDESZ-MPP. The former protest movement transformed itself into a minority party with liberal affiliations in the new parliament of 1990. However, as the Hungarian Liberal Party (SZDSZ) moved into a governing alliance with the successor to the Communist party, FIDESZ moved to the right, becoming its leading force. Competition between five centre-right parties led to FIDESZ’s control as the leader of a centre-right government (1998-2002). While the socialists (MSZP) and liberals (SZDSZ) became governing forces twice (2002-2010), FIDESZ became a mobilizing populist party, gaining hegemony within the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition. The economic and financial crisis assisted FIDESZ in mobilizing protest, leading the FIDESZ-KDNP alliance to a two–thirds majority victory in the 2010 elections.
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Studlar, Donley T., and Ian McAllister. "Protest and Survive? Alliance Support in the 1983 British General Election." Political Studies 35, no. 1 (March 1987): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00187.x.
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Much of the key to the future of the British party system rests in the nature of the support for the Liberal–Social Democratic Alliance. If that support is a protest vote, the possibility of realignment within the party system is negligible; if it is socially and attitudinally distinct, then the potential for a fundamental realignment is clearly present. By applying multivariate analysis to survey data, this paper examines the social and attitudinal bases of support for the Alliance in the 1983 British general election, and for comparative purposes, examines Liberal support in the 1979 general election. The results show that Alliance support in 1983 was somewhat different from 1979 Liberal support, notably in terms of the issues that motivated Alliance voters. In light of comparative theoretical work on third parties, these findings suggest the possibility of a long-term rôle for the Alliance as either a realigning or at least persistently dealigning force.
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Flockhart, Trine. "NATO in the multi-order world." International Affairs 100, no. 2 (March 4, 2024): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae004.
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Abstract NATO has for 75 years been a remarkably resilient organization because it has been able to change when the world changed. NATO's longevity is in large part due to a dual structure, which has enabled the alliance to oscillate between a role as a military alliance and as a community of value. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and global geopolitical shifts such as the rise of China prompted NATO to prioritize its role as a military alliance and to add a new political focus on China. However, this article demonstrates that NATO's reading of the geopolitical transformation is incomplete. NATO should recognize the new global ordering architecture as a multi-order one, which requires NATO to distinguish clearly between the ‘unbounded’ global rules-based order in which several international orders now exist and the ‘bounded’ liberal international order of which NATO is a key institution. NATO needs to develop its policies accordingly—policies governing relations within the liberal international order must be clearly anchored in liberal values and designed to defend liberal international order, while policies governing relations between international orders cannot be anchored in liberal values, but must seek rules-based cooperation in areas of shared interests.
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Kensinger, Loretta. "(In)Quest of Liberal Feminism." Hypatia 12, no. 4 (1997): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00303.x.
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I am interested in exploring the usefulness and limits of traditional categories of feminist theory, such as those laid out by Alison Jaggar (1977; 1983). I begin the analysis by critically comparing various treatments of liberal feminism. I focus throughout this investigation on uncovering ways that current frameworks privilege white authors and concerns, recreate the split between theory and activism, and obscure long histories of theoretical and practical coalition and alliance work.
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Domhoff, G. William. "Creating a Liberal-Left Alliance for Social Change." American Behavioral Scientist 53, no. 1 (August 12, 2009): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209338792.
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Owen, David, and Clive Rose. "Defence and international security: SDP/Liberal Alliance Policies." RUSI Journal 132, no. 2 (June 1987): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848708523161.
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Mochizuki, M., and M. O'Hanlon. "A liberal vision for the US-Japanese alliance." Survival 40, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713659965.
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Savage, Larry, and Chantal Mancini. "Strategic Electoral Dilemmas and the Politics of Teachers’ Unions in Ontario." Canadian Political Science Review 16, no. 1 (April 6, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20221832.
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AbstractThis article seeks to explain both convergence and divergence in Ontario teacher union electoral strategy. After coalescing around a strategy of anti-Progressive Conservative (PC) strategic voting beginning with the 1999 provincial election, Ontario’s major teachers’ unions developed an electoral alliance with the McGuinty Liberals designed to advance teacher union priorities and mitigate the possibility of a return to power for the PCs. The authors use campaign finance and interview data to demonstrate that this ad hoc partnership was strengthened over the course of several election campaigns before the Liberal government’s decision to legislate restrictions on teacher union collective bargaining rights in 2012 led to unprecedented tension in the union-party partnership. The authors adapt the concept of union-party loyalty dilemmas to explain why individual teachers’ unions responded differently to the Liberal government’s efforts to impose austerity measures in the education sector.RésuméCet article vise à expliquer les convergences et divergences au sein des stratégies électorales des syndicats enseignants en Ontario. Après s’être ralliés à une approche de vote stratégique contre le Parti progressiste-conservateur (PPC) à partir des élections provinciales de 1999, les principaux syndicats enseignants de l’Ontario ont par la suite développé une alliance électorale avec les Libéraux de McGuinty afin de faire avancer leurs revendications et éviter un retour au pouvoir du PPC. Les auteurs s’appuient sur des données de financement des campagnes électorales ainsi que des entrevues afin de démontrer que ce partenariat ponctuel a été renforcé au cours de plusieurs campagnes électorales jusqu’à la décision du gouvernement libéral de faire adopter, en 2012, des restrictions aux droits de négociation collective des syndicats enseignants, conduisant ainsi à des tensions inédites au sein de cette alliance syndicats-parti. Les auteurs adaptent le concept de dilemmes de loyauté syndicat-parti afin d’expliquer pourquoi des syndicats enseignants ont répondu différemment aux efforts du gouvernement libéral d’imposer des mesures d’austérité dans le domaine de l’éducation.Keywords: unions; education; elections; Ontario; strategic votingMot-clés : syndicats; éducation; élections; Ontario; vote stratégique
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Arndt, Christoph. "Die Folketingswahl in Dänemark vom 6. Juni 2019: Klarer Sieg des linken Lagers." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 4 (2019): 777–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-4-777.
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The 2015 election to the Danish Folketing saw yet another change of government . Despite gains for the liberal-conservative Venstre, the incumbent centre-right government led by Prime Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen (Venstre) lost its majority due to substantial losses of the Danish People’s Party and the Liberal Alliance . The new Danish government is a social democratic single party minority government led by Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen . This government is tolerated by the Social Liberals, the Socialist People’s Party as well as the left radical Unity List and constitutes the clearest left-wing majority since the 1971 election . The centre-right camp was split on the tax issue during the whole election period and punished at the ballots despite a sound economy and policy gains on immigration . The Social Democrats benefited from their more restrictive immigration policy by gaining votes from the centre-right parties . They now command the first left-wing majority since the turn of the millennium . However, the ideological differences on immigration policy within the leftist camp will not make governing easier for Frederiksen’s single party minority government . Moreover, the new party “Nye Borgerlige” is the first party to the right of the Danish People’s Party since 1998 in the new Folketing that now consists of ten parties . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 777 - 790]
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Barraclough, Tim. "Liberal‐SDP Alliance support ‐ a return to protest politics?" British Elections and Parties Yearbook 2, no. 1 (January 1992): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889208412911.
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ZEMÁNEK, Ladislav. "Czech Republic: an opposition alliance against liberal-democratic authoritarianism." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 4 (2022): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2022-4-89-97.
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Hinšt, Daniel. "Disinformation as Geopolitical Risk for Transatlantic Institutions." Međunarodne studije 21, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.46672/ms.21.2.4.
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Disinformation has become a geopolitical risk for transatlantic institutions and for the global democratic alliance. Russia and China as authoritarian powers have had a long-standing interest to undermine the institutions of the liberal international order, led by the United States, the European Union and the NATO alliance. That way, disinformation can undermine trust in the liberal democratic system, including free market economy, individual liberty and open society. This geopolitical risk poses a significant threat to fact-based and evidence-based policymaking in many areas, including economy and security. Comprehensive counter-intelligence policy solutions can detect and mitigate this risk by ensuring broader institutional and societal resilience through lifelong civic education.
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Meyer Resende, Madalena, and Anja Hennig. "Polish Catholic Bishops, Nationalism and Liberal Democracy." Religions 12, no. 2 (January 30, 2021): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020094.
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The alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government has been widely reported and resulted in significant benefits for the Church. However, beginning in mid-2016, the top church leadership, including the Episcopal Conference, has distanced itself from the government and condemned its use of National Catholicism as legitimation rhetoric for the government’s malpractices in the fields of human rights and democracy. How to account for this behavior? The article proposes two explanations. The first is that the alliance of the PiS with the nationalist wing of the Church, while legitimating its illiberal refugee policy and attacks on democratic institutions of the government, further radicalized the National Catholic faction of the Polish Church and motivated a reaction of the liberal and mainstream conservative prelates. The leaders of the Episcopate, facing an empowered and radical National Catholic faction, pushed back with a doctrinal clarification of Catholic orthodoxy. The second explanatory path considers the transnational influence of Catholicism, in particular of Pope Francis’ intervention in favor of refugee rights as prompting the mainstream bishops to reestablish the Catholic orthodoxy. The article starts by tracing the opposition of the Bishops Conference and liberal prelates to the government’s refugee and autocratizing policies. Second, it describes the dynamics of the Church’s internal polarization during the PiS government. Third, it traces and contextualizes the intervention of Pope Francis during the asylum political crisis (2015–2016). Fourth, it portrays their respective impact: while the Pope’s intervention triggered the bishops’ response, the deepening rifts between liberal and nationalist factions of Polish Catholicism are the ground cause for the reaction.
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Jurgella, Janet. "Classic Connections: Aiding Literary Comprehension through Varied Liberal Arts Alliance." English Journal 87, no. 3 (March 1, 1998): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ej19983547.
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Offers four avenues to teaching classic literature. Describes how the author helps students connect with classic literature through assignments that look for connections between literature and: (1) art and music; (2) dramatic interpretation; (3) video/technology; and (4) other literary works.
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Hopgood, Stephen. "When the Music Stops." Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.002.
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The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by liberal world order. Now the viability of global liberal institutions is increasingly in doubt, a backlash against humanitarianism (and human rights) has gained momentum. I will argue that without liberal world order, global humanitarianism as we currently understand it is impossible, confronting humanitarians with an existential choice: how might they function in a world which doesn’t have liberal institutions at its core? The version of global humanitarianism with which we are familiar might not survive this transition, but maybe other forms of humanitarian action will emerge. What comes next might not meet the hopes of today’s humanitarians, however. The humanitarian alliance with liberalism is no accident, and if the world is less liberal, its version of humanitarian action is likely to be less liberal too. Nevertheless, humanitarianism will fare better than its humanist twin, human rights, in this new world.
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Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Liberal Democracy vs Conservative Populism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 66 (February 20, 2019): 344–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-1-344-380.
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The origins of democracy date back to the Ancient World, and parliamentarism appeared in the Middle Ages. Their fusion to create representative democracy took nearly two centuries with this evolution process resulting in the appearance of present-day liberal democracy, where the latest form of liberalism have little to do with the laissez faire liberalism of the 19-th century or the Keynesian neo-liberalism of the 20-th. It serves the interests of financial oligarchy and imposes its rules upon the whole world. The former right- and left-wing parties are now merged into the same ruling elite. Nor did the former conservatism stand the test of time, resorting to alliance with neo-conservatism. Various opponents of this elite in the West today are called «populists». The most colorful example of this «populism» of the last decade is the movement of «yellow jackets» in France. Its participants unite socialist and anarchist slogans with the conservative ones and demand the «direct democracy». In Russia we have our own tradition of such unity, beginning with the early Slavophils, and supported by A.I. Solzhenitsyn as «democracy from below».
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Kirişci, Kemal. "Turkey and Its Post-Soviet Neighborhood." Current History 112, no. 756 (October 1, 2013): 271–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2013.112.756.271.
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In the long run, a stable, democratic, and economically dynamic Turkey that remains a member of the transatlantic alliance may be able to ease the post-Soviet region closer to the Western liberal order.
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Saalfeld, Thomas. "Coalition Governance Under Chancellor Merkel's Grand Coalition: A Comparison of the Cabinets Merkel I and Merkel II." German Politics and Society 28, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280305.
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A comparison of the 2005-2009 cabinet Merkel I (the “Grand“ Coalition) and the Christian Democrat-Liberal coalition cabinet Merkel II formed in 2009 presents an interesting puzzle. Political commentators and coalition theorists alike would have expected the CDU/CSU-SPD coalition to experience a relatively high, and the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition a relatively low level of overt inter-party conflict. In reality, however, relations in the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition were relatively conflictive, whereas the Grand Coalition seemed to manage conflict between reluctant partners successfully. This article seeks to explain these seemingly paradoxical differences between the two coalitions. It demonstrates that both the positioning of the coalition parties in the policy space and important institutions constraining coalition bargaining after the formation of the cabinet Merkel II (portfolio allocation, role of the CDU/CSU state minister presidents) disadvantaged the FDP in pursuing its key policy goals (especially tax reform). As a result, the Liberals resorted to “noisy“ tactics in the public sphere. The grand coalition, by contrast, was an alliance of co-equals, which facilitated a more consensual management of inter-party conflict.
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Sleeper, Jim. "Innocents Abroad? Liberal Educators in Illiberal Societies." Ethics & International Affairs 29, no. 2 (2015): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679415000039.
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It might seem an American Dream come true: About 100 Massachusetts Institute of Technology professors, ten at a time, are managing five laboratories stocked with “totally state-of-the-art equipment” in a gleaming new tower on the National University of Singapore campus. As the New York Times reports, the campus houses the Singapore-MIT Alliance for Research and Technology and other projects, involving “world-class universities from Britain, China, France, Germany, Israel and Switzerland.” The MIT professors and their forty PhD and postdoctoral researchers are designing “myriad innovations”: driverless cars that would respond to “killer app” sensors throughout Singapore; stingray-like robots that will collect ocean-bottom data to fight noxious algae; and technologies that will track infectious diseases, energy consumption, and other movements in this tightly run, wealthy city-state of 5.4 million people.
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Thurber, Timothy N., and Kevin Boyle. "Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894-1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 52, no. 4 (July 1999): 658. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2525075.
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Tine, Warren Van, and Kevin Boyle. "Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894-1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance." Michigan Historical Review 25, no. 1 (1999): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173801.
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Dragunoiu, Dana. "J.M. Coetzee’s Life & Times of Michael K and the Thin Theory of the Good." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 41, no. 1 (March 2006): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989406062919.
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As elsewhere in J.M. Coetzee’s fiction, Michael K’s body is a central repository of signification. His life-threatening thinness operates as a supple metaphor for the novel’s ambivalent relationship with liberal doctrine. As a marker of the staggering cost of K’s commitment to self-determination, it highlights the suffering that attends a liberal prioritization of freedom over welfare. Yet in spite of its unflinching acknowledgement of liberalism’s limitations, the novel anchors its deepest moral convictions in Kantian and Rawlsian liberal doctrine. Coetzee’s quarrel with communitarianism and qualified endorsement of liberal values are traced back to the complicity he sees between communitarian discourse and the theoretical underpinnings of apartheid. Life & Times of Michael K exposes the alliance between communitarian and consequentialist ethical principles, and reveals the ways in which these principles abet oppression and exploitation by prioritizing the maximization of good outcomes over the claims of freedom.
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Abente, Diego. "Foreign Capital, Economic Elites and the State in Paraguay during the Liberal Republic (1870–1936)." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 1989): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014425.
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The Paraguayan liberal republic, spanning from the end of the War of the Triple Alliance until the end of the Chaco War, is one of the most under-researched and probably one of the most undervalued periods of Paraguayan history and has only recently elicited some scholarly interest.1 During this period capital accumulation developed exclusively in the private domain, economic policies were informed by laissez–faire doctrines, and the political arena embodied, if mostly theoretically, the liberal principles of public contestation and elite competition. Those basic and distinctive traits, and in that particular combination, are found in no other period of Paraguayan history. It therefore makes conceptual sense to speak of the liberal republic as a distinct period in Paraguayan history.
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Campati, Antonio. "Elite and Liberal Democracy: A New Equilibrium?" Topoi 41, no. 1 (October 11, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11245-021-09762-1.
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AbstractIn contemporary democracies, the balance between the minority principle and democratic principles, one of the components underlying the relationship between liberalism and democracy, is being broken. This paper offers a reflection on this theme – crucial for the future of representative government – in relation to the importance of the theory of elites. The article is divided into three parts: the first part briefly traces the main phases of the theory of elites from the late nineteenth century to the present, indicating, for each, the salient features; the second part focuses on the elements characterizing the alliance between the minority principle and democratic principles, which forms the basis of liberal representative democracy, with specific consideration paid to the geometric architecture of democracy, comprising a horizontal dimension and a vertical dimension; finally, the third part argues the need for strengthening the logic of distance to consolidate the connection between the theory of elites and liberal representative democracy.
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Choi, Seung-Whan. "Can trade and security alliance help reduce interstate war?" PLOS ONE 19, no. 6 (June 20, 2024): e0304482. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0304482.
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This study explains how the gap between theory and empirical research hinders scientific progress in the area of international political economy. To demonstrate this point, I use Chen’s Extended Dependence Theory, which challenges liberal peace theory but fails to provide supporting empirical evidence. Chen contends that it is not trade dependence between two states that fosters peace but a challenger’s trade relations with the defense-pact partners of the target. Although Chen criticizes liberal peace proponents whose primary concern is how to deter war, his empirical analysis is confined to how to decrease (fatal) militarized disputes short of war. I argue that for his theory to succeed, it must be validated against the most severe and intense form of conflict. Using statistical tests and substantive significance, I uncover no peace-building effect, with regards to war, attributable to Extended Dependence. It appears that the Extended Dependence variable exhibits a ceiling effect. Future research should explain why economic ties and security institutions fail to work together to lower the risk of the most destructive form of conflict.
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Gillies, Jamie, JP Lewis, and Tom Bateman. "The 2018 Provincial Election in New Brunswick." Canadian Political Science Review 14, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 98–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20201796.
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New Brunswick’s 2018 election produced a minority legislature, the first in a century. The major parties continue to decline in voter support, and two new parties now have a presence in the Assembly. The election brings New Brunswick’s electoral politics increasingly into the modern Canadian mainstream; one new caucus is the Greens. In other respects, the election made the old new again. The populist People’s Alliance gained three seats partly on the basis of criticism of bilingualism policy. The Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives, in an informal alliance to govern, are all but confined to the anglophone parts of the province, while the defeated Liberals have all their strength in the Acadian north-east. The campaign mattered, as did constitutional conventions. The Liberals squandered a large lead in the polls, and the parties struggled to sort out the conventions of government formation.
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Lisowska, Urszula. "Political liberalism and political emotions – an unlikely alliance? On Martha Nussbaum’s approach to stability." Hybris 39, no. 4 (December 30, 2017): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1689-4286.39.02.
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The paper offers a type of internal criticism of Martha Nussbaum’s liberal political philosophy. On the one hand, Nussbaum’s claims to political liberalism (as defined by Rawls) are questioned. It is argued that her capabilities-based liberalism remains committed to a broader, primarily Aristotelian account of the human condition. As a result, it exceeds the limits imposed by political liberalism with its focus on citizenship and non-comprehensive foundations of political regimes. On the other hand, the paper argues that Nussbaum’s project can meet the basic normative objective of political liberalism. That is to say, it offers a convincing solution to the question: how can liberal values be stable in a society, given that liberalism endorses the plurality of acceptable normative doctrines? Nussbaum is able to address this issue, because her rich philosophical commitments allow her to complement liberal tenets with a compatible account of practical reasoning complementary. The paper focuses on one of the elements of this conception, i.e. Nussbaum’s theory of emotions and their role in a political culture.
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Edwards, Peter. "The Liberals as Managers of the Australian-American Alliance." Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, no. 3 (September 2005): 451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.0386a.x.
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Fida, Zeeshan, Sadia Sulaiman, and Aqeel Abbas Kazmi. "The Russia-Ukraine war: unravelling the challenges to the liberal international order." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/7.2.6.
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With the diffusion of power in global affairs, a convergence of multiple threats began to intersect and challenge ‘the liberal international order’. On the one hand, the US, the sole hegemon, has been frequently abusing the rules and institutions of ‘the liberal international order’. Besides, ‘the post-Cold War US grand strategy of liberal internationalism’ has been under pressure from ‘the revisionist states such as Russia and China’ and the right-wing populist leaders in advanced Western democracies. On the other hand, the global society is witnessing the return of great power politics, imperial ambitions, and Moscow’s desire to gather Russians and re-establish a Russian sphere of influence in its neighbourhood by unleashing war against Ukraine. These geopolitical challenges aggravate the great powers’ competition, undermining the American dream of the universal liberal order. With the return of ‘the tragedy of great power politics’, the United States needs to maintain a strategy of coexistence rather than confrontation. Washington ought to prefer stability over democracy promotion, shore up its democratic alliance, and shred its imperial character such as NATO enlargement to preserve the rules of the liberal international order.
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ROODHOUSE, MARK. "Lady Chatterley and the Monk: Anglican Radicals and the Lady Chatterley Trial of 1960." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 59, no. 3 (July 2008): 475–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046907002473.
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The trial of Penguin Books for publishing an unexpurgated edition of D. H. Lawrence's novel Lady Chatterley's lover is a symbolic episode in histories of 1960s Britain, used to illustrate changes in social attitudes. However, historians have not appreciated the impact of the trial on Anglican attitudes towards contemporary society. Using correspondence in the papers of the Mirfield father and literary critic Martin Jarrett-Kerr, this article reveals the tensions within a loose coalition of Anglican radicals just as their views began to receive attention in the media. Jarrett-Kerr and fellow liberal Anglo-Catholics found themselves in an uneasy alliance with Liberal Anglicans, whose views were conflated with those of the radicals.
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Waters, Kristin. "A Journey from Willful Ignorance to Liberal Guilt to Black Feminist Thought." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 5, no. 3 (2016): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2016.5.3.108.
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How can white feminists productively engage with black feminist thought and practice? What are some of the excuses and stumbling blocks white feminists use and encounter that circumvent alliance with black feminists and others at the intersections of different raced and gendered realities? This essay suggests the need to further a comprehensive epistemological framework, one that distinguishes between a willful ignorance that reinforces hegemonic whiteness and the reflexivity required to move towards dismantling willful ignorance, improving knowledge projects, and creating liberatory frameworks and alliances.
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RYU, Yongwook. "South Korea in 2022: Aspiring to Become a Global Pivotal State?" East Asian Policy 15, no. 01 (January 2023): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000016.
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South Korea aspires to become a global pivotal state and aims to play a greater role in the promotion of the existing liberal order. The central axis of this foreign policy is the ROK–US alliance, which will bring Seoul closer to Washington and Tokyo and will likely increase friction with Beijing and Pyongyang during the Yoon Suk-yeol administration.
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Hahn, Steven. "Response to Sklar." Studies in American Political Development 5, no. 2 (1991): 214–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000225.
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Near the end of his important and challenging essay, Martin J. Sklar briefly considers an alternative path of development to the corporate-liberal reorganization that he identifies with the era between the 1890s and 1916. “A statist resolution might have taken hold,” Sklar writes,had the American capitalist class, or its corporate sector, been less developed in its market powers and proficiencies and hence more dependent on the state for its wealth and power; had the liberal republican tradition of the supremacy of society over the state (the sovereignty of the people) been weaker; had the working class been less imbued with that republican ideology, less developed, and hence more inclined to statist rather than associative-constitutional ideas and principles; had the corporate sector of the capitalist class sought and found alliance with a statist-oriented sector of the working class or a statist-oriented petty bourgeoisie, especially in the farm and rural population; had the corporate sector of the capitalist class sought and found alliance with civilian or military professionals, technicians, administrators, and managers—or a “managerial class”—looking to the state as a base of power. (p. 210)
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Nielsen, Poul Erik. "Media in Post-Communist Mongolia." Nordicom Review 30, no. 2 (November 1, 2009): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0149.
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Abstract The introduction of a liberal media model built on freedom of expression, non-regulation, and free market in Post-Communist Mongolia has lead to a plethora of new media outlets. In a context of external pluralism, the media are key players in dramatic political, social, and cultural changes in Mongolian society. However, due to violations of media freedom, lack of ethical standards as well as market failures in a media market marred with clientelism, the Mongolian media have neither lived up to the ideals of liberal media theory nor been driving forces in the ongoing democratization process. Instead, private and public media, in an unholy alliance, appear more like a lapdog in the service of the political and financial establishment than like a watchdog.
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Yiftachel, Oren. "Liberal Colonialism? Israel’s 2013 Elections and the “Ethnocratic Bubble”." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 3 (2013): 48–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.3.48.
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Israel’s 2013 Knesset elections, in which the incumbent ruling party was returned to power for the first time in a quarter-century, were noteworthy in several respects. The basic divisions of Israeli politics into geopolitical and socioeconomic blocs were unchanged, only small electoral shifts being registered. On the other hand, as this report shows, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu barely achieved an electoral victory despite his overwhelming preponderance in public-opinion polls. Due to the rise of the new, personality-driven Yesh Atid party and the latter’s unlikely alliance with the settler-based Jewish Home, which together garnered as many Knesset seats as the winning Likud-Yisrael Beitenu list, for the first time in decades ultra-Orthodox parties were excluded from the governing coalition. The elections were marked by the near-invisibility of the Palestinian issue and Palestinian citizens of Israel. The report concludes that the continuing governing consensus in favor of “liberal colonialism” is unsustainable, although exploiting the “cracks” in that consensus is difficult and unlikely in the short term.
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Golub, Y., and S. Shenin. "From Trump to Biden: What Will Happen to NATO?" International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 3 (2021): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.4.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of transformation of NATO in the post-bipolar period and forecasting the prospects of the alliance. In the context of the bloc’s evolution, as well as taking into account the different approaches to US foreign policy on the part of the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the reasons for the deterioration of transatlantic relations, including how Washington used the potential of the alliance to solve its strategic tasks in the past and present. It is noted that after the end of the Cold War, all US presidents to some extent used unilateral approaches to achieve the national interests of the United States at the expense of NATO, which contributed to the accumulation of discontent in Europe with American dominance in the alliance and the desire for a certain autonomy in the field of defense and security. In fact, President D. Trump continued the traditional conservative policy of B. Obama towards NATO, which was supposed to ensure the implementation of the strategy of “Pivot to Asia”. The Republicans’ use of harsh rhetoric and threats has seriously undermined transatlantic solidarity. Although conservative political and ideological groups in the United States actively supported Trump’s approach as “effective”, nevertheless, the majority of groups in both parties (liberals, realists and neoconservatives) for various reasons believed that such a policy does not meet American interests and it is necessary to consider the possibility of granting the EU greater independence in the field of defense and security. Since after Biden’s victory, the initiative on the issue of NATO policy passed into the hands of representatives of liberal groups, the President will have to look for ways to synthesize the points of view of progressives, “restorationists” and “reformists” within the framework of internal party competition. It is concluded that in the context of the new balance of power in the world the Biden administration will most likely be forced to abandon the traditional vision of the role of NATO in favor of the “reformist” concept of “strategic autonomy” of Europe.
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Mallon, Ryan. "A Party Built on Bigotry Alone? The Scottish Board of Dissenters and Edinburgh Liberalism, 1834–56." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 41, no. 2 (November 2021): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2021.0328.
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By assessing the Central Board of Dissenters, arguably the most influential liberal-voluntary group of the mid-nineteenth century and the political wing of Scottish dissent, this article questions whether the Liberal party in Edinburgh was indeed built on ‘bigotry alone’, and asks whether the groups that would later form the backbone of Scottish Liberalism until the Great War were, as John Brown claimed, the enemies of all oppressions and monopolies, or simply the products of sectarian strife. The Central Board of Dissenters acted as the conduit for ecclesiastical and political organisation for Edinburgh's radical voluntaries during the bitter conflict of the pre-Disruption period, and utilised this organisational strength after 1843 to create a pan-dissenting alliance based on the anti-Maynooth campaign. Despite their foundations in the intra-Presbyterian strife of Victorian Scotland, the electoral successes of this period created a base both in Edinburgh and across Scotland for a Liberal party, once it threw off the ideological shackles of these denominational struggles, which would dominate Scottish politics until the Great War.
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McHugh, Declan. "Labour, The Liberals, and the Progressive Alliance in Manchester, 1900–1914." Northern History 39, no. 1 (March 2002): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/nhi.2002.39.1.93.
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Topor, Claudiu-Lucian. "Germany’s policy and the diplomatic agenda of Romanian neutrality (1914-1916). The Prospect of a plan for an alliance with Sweden." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 1 (August 15, 2011): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_7.
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In the summer of 1915, concerned about Italy’s entry into the war in alliance with the Entente powers yet encouraged by the victories of its armies on the Eastern Front, the German diplomacy attempted to encourage Sweden and Romania to abandon their neutrality in order to give a decisive blow to Russia. In several reports dispatched from Berlin, Alexandru Beldiman, the envoy to Germany who was also Romania’s representative in the Scandinavian countries, raised the possibility of Sweden’s entry into the war on the German side. After he had identified Russia as the common historical enemy of the two countries, the Romanian diplomat suggested forging an alliance under the leadership of Germany. A strong alliance was thought to ensure Sweden’s ascendancy in Finland and the Baltic states, and Romania’s supremacy in the East at the Black Sea. Although this plan was rejected by the liberal government, Beldiman’s initiative in a period of neutrality remains an alternative in the Romanian political circles to Entente supremacy.
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Maoz, Zeev. "Network Polarization, Network Interdependence, and International Conflict, 1816–2002." Journal of Peace Research 43, no. 4 (July 2006): 391–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343306065720.
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This study examines the effect of polarization and interdependence on systemic conflict. It argues that both polarization and interdependence must be conceptualized in terms of different types of relations among states and that different relationships would reflect varied levels of polarization and inter-dependence. Accordingly, this study develops general measures of network polarization and interdependence that allow measurement of these concepts over a wide array of international relations. Hypotheses are deduced from the realist and liberal paradigms about how alliance polarization, trade polarization, and cultural polarization affect systemic conflict. Likewise, hypotheses are deduced regarding the expected effects of strategic and economic interdependence on conflict. These hypotheses are tested using data on alliance, trade, linguistic, and religious networks over the period 1816–2002. The findings suggest that alliance polarization and strategic interdependence increase the amount of systemic conflict, while trade polarization and economic interdependence have a dampening effect on the amount of conflict in the international system. The theoretical implications of these results are discussed.
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Ryu, Yongwook. "South Korea's role conceptions and the liberal international order." International Affairs 99, no. 4 (July 3, 2023): 1439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad164.
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Abstract Despite South Korea's general support of the liberal international order (LIO), its actions often deviate from or weaken the practices and values of the LIO. Applying role theory, the article argues that this apparent contradiction in South Korea's foreign policy arises from a situation of role conflict due to its multiple and conflicting role conceptions. Following an analysis of leaders’ speeches and official policy statements, the article contends that it is the interpretation of the past, not just the past per se, that matters for role conception and contestation. For South Korea, the experience and differing interpretations of the Korean War have simultaneously produced both LIO-supporting role conceptions (‘responsible international citizen’, ‘middle power’ and ‘global pivotal state’) and LIO-deviating or weakening roles (‘US ally’, ‘balancer’ and ‘independent nation’), thereby causing role conflict and inconsistency in the country's foreign policy behavior. The latter roles push Seoul either toward a more realist, alliance-based form of order or causes it to focus more exclusively on the Korean peninsula order, which emphasizes independence and inter-Korean unity. Based on these insights, the article suggests that it is imperative to minimize domestic dissensus on the interpretation of critical historical events, in order to avoid potential role conflict and to promote consistency in foreign policy.
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Misalucha-Willoughby, Charmaine. "The Philippines and the liberal rules-based international order." International Affairs 99, no. 4 (July 3, 2023): 1537–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad163.
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Abstract How do small powers choose the version of an international order to subscribe to? What factors are at play when a state subscribes to the rules-based order or decides to abandon those commitments and shift to an alternative version of order? The argument put forth in this article is that this choice is a function of domestic dynamics and the expected foreign policy gains of the sitting leader. In questioning the automaticity of a small power's choice, the article makes two important contributions. At the conceptual level, it supports the idea that orders persist because of the mutually constitutive actions of great and small powers. It lends credence to the claim of intersubjectivity in international relations and emphasizes that agency is anchored in relations between states. At the policy level, the article finds that while the Philippines seems to automatically subscribe to the United States-led order, pockets of resistance are a function of a colonial past that lingers to this day, which became fertile ground for the country's pivot to China during the Duterte administration. The article closes by highlighting that alliances risk their cohesion and effectiveness without coordinated maintenance, so policy lessons on alliance management are necessary to improve collective security arrangements.
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Ajzenhamer, Vladimir. "Battlefield praxis: The alliance of realism and constructivism and the “fall” of liberal internationalism." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 262–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703262a.
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The Great Debates are an important stage in the development of International Relations (IR) as a science. However, the ?exactness? of its chronology and content, as well as the precise determination of the actors and results, is questionable on several grounds. Therefore, relying on this, often contradictory, interpretations of the outcome of the Great Debates, little can be said about the current state of the mentioned theoretical dialogue. Today, IR scholars mostly discuss abandoning the idea of macro theory and the pluralistic silence in which medium-scale theories resonate in peace. However, this "diagnosis" still does not give us an answer to the question of who really won the fight of so-called big theories, or which theoretical paradigm today has the greatest influence within the disciplinary field? Applying the idea of reflexivity between the theory of international relations and the practice of foreign policy, the author of this paper rejects the restrictions of the mythos of the discipline (at the center of which is the myth of the Great Debates) and turns to the analysis of international political praxis as an instrument for the identification of the mentioned theoretical impact. At the center of the analysis are the foreign policy principles of the United States, which the author reviews in a hundred-year time interval, in particular emphasizing the doctrine of Wilsonianism and the principles of foreign policy advocated by the current US President Donald Tramp. Facing Wilsonianism and Trampism (determining, in turn, the latter as a realistic-constructivist Anti-Wilsonian coalition), the author offers his view of the current state of paradigmatic ?clashes? in the theory and practice of international relations.
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Beresford, Peter. "Including Our Self In Struggle." Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v8i4.523.
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This article takes as its starting point the author’s personal perspective and long term personal experience as survivor and activist/researcher to explore the ways in which the alliance of neo-liberal ideology and the psychiatric system has resisted the impact of mental health service users’/survivors’ activism and instead sought to co-opt and subvert its language, ideas and initiatives. Drawing on the author’s perspective, it looks first at how this has happened in relation to the language of mental health, exploring specific terminology. Then it examines how this has happened in relation to key ideas associated with survivors’ collective action, including self-management, peer support and recovery. It show how ‘our’ ideas have been reconstituted to serve neo-liberal ideological goals. Thirdly it looks at how survivors’ innovations have been obstructed and taken over instead by the dominant bio-medical paradigm. Finally it traces the way in which survivor knowledge has similarly been obstructed and appropriated. The article ends with discussion of ‘two beacons of hope’; the emergence of Mad Studies and ‘Gap-mending’ which offer the possibility of challenging neo-liberal dominance and emphasises the need to support and safeguard these developing opportunities.
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Birnbaum, Simon. "Should surfers be ostracized? Basic income, liberal neutrality, and the work ethos." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 10, no. 4 (February 10, 2011): 396–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x10386569.
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Neutralists have argued that there is something illiberal about linking access to gift-like resources to work requirements. The central liberal motivation for basic income is to provide greater freedom to choose between different ways of life, including options attaching great importance to non-market activities and disposable time. As argued by Philippe Van Parijs, even those spending their days surfing should be fed. This article examines Van Parijs' dual commitment to a ‘real libertarian’ justification of basic income and the public enforcement of a strong work ethos, which serves to boost the volume of work at a given rate of taxation. It is argued (contra Van Parijs) that this alliance faces the neutrality objection: the work ethos will largely offset the liberal gains of unconditionality by radically restricting the set of permissible options available. A relaxed, non-obligatory ethos might avoid this implication. This view, however, is vulnerable to the structural exploitation objection: feasibility is achieved only because some choose to do necessary tasks to which most people have the same aversion. In light of these objections, the article examines whether there is a morally untainted feasibility path consistent with liberal objectives.
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Nossal, Kim Richard. "The North Atlantic anchor: Canada and the Pacific Century." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 364–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018792909.
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This paper surveys Canada’s ambivalence towards the Asia Pacific, and seeks to put that ambivalence into the broader context of the dominant strategic perspective in Canada that has privileged, and continues to privilege, a North Atlantic focus for Canadian foreign and defence policy. It argues that Canada’s laggardly approach to Asia Pacific diplomacy can be best explained by the widespread perception among Canadians—and their government—that the North Atlantic alliance should remain the key driver of Canadian foreign and defence policy. Indeed, this geostrategic outlook has actually intensified with the election of Donald J. Trump and his unorthodox approach to the transatlantic alliance and the liberal international order. I argue that this North Atlantic outlook, so dominant for so much of Canada’s history, will continue to anchor Canadian foreign and defence policy, making Canada’s engagement in the Asia Pacific more problematic.