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Published: 26 July 2024
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1

Moraes, Aurino. Minas na Alliança Liberal e na Revolução. 2nd ed. Brasília: Câmara dos Deputados, Centro de Documentação e Informação, Coordenação de Publicações, 1990.

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2

Alliance, SDP Liberal. Britain united: The time has come : the SDP/Liberal Alliance programme for government. London: SDP for the SDP/Liberal Alliance, 1987.

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3

Ingle, Stephen. The Alliance: Piggy in the middle or radical alternative? Hull: Department of Politics,University of Hull, 1985.

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4

Alliance, SDP/Liberal. Britain united: The time has come : the SDP/Liberal Alliance Programme for government. London: Published for SDP/Liberal Alliance by SDP and Hebden Royal Publications, 1987.

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5

1941-, Leach Robert, ed. The alliance alternative in Australia: Beyond labor and liberal. Annanadale, Australia: Catalyst Press, 1995.

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6

Alliance, SDP-Liberal. Freedom & choice for women: A Liberal-SDP Alliance policy proposal. Hebden Bridge: Hebden Royd Publications, 1986.

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7

John, Stevenson. Third party politics since 1945: Liberals, Alliance and LiberalDemocrats. Oxford: Blackwell, 1993.

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8

1960-, Boyle Kevin, ed. Organized labor and American politics, 1894-1994: The labor-liberal alliance. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998.

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9

Ingle, Stephen. The Alliance: Piggy in the middle or radical alternative? [Hull]: University of Hull, Department of Politics, 1985.

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10

Alliance, SDP/Liberal, Social Democratic Party, and Liberal Party, eds. Britain united: The time has come : the SDP/Liberal Alliance programme for government. London: SDP for SDP/Liberal Alliance, 1987.

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11

Alliance, SDP Liberal. If you're still seriously thinking of voting Labour - think again!: Only Monroe Palmer can topple the Tories in Hendon South. London: S. Palmieri, 1987.

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12

Jenkins, Roy. Partnership of principle: Writings and speeches on the making of the alliance. Monmouth, Gwent: Radical Centre in association with Secker & Warburg, London, 1985.

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13

Steel, David, 1938 Mar. 31-, ed. The time has come: Partnership for progress. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987.

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14

Reform, Joint Liberal/SDP Alliance Commission on Constitutional. Decentralisation and the revival of Local Government: Third report ofthe Joint Liberal/SDP Alliance Commission on Constitutional Reform. London: Alliance, 1986.

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15

Joint Liberal / SDP Alliance Commission on Constitutional Reform. Decentralisation and the revival of local government: Third report of the Joint Liberal / SDP Alliance Commission on Constitutional Reform. London (4 Cowley St., SW1): Alliance, 1986.

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16

Jonathan, Collett, Karakashian Stephen, and Rainforest Alliance, eds. Greening the college curriculum: A guide to environmental teaching in the liberal arts : a project of the Rainforest Alliance. Washington, D.C: Island Press, 1996.

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17

Murko, Mojca Drčar. Avtoportret. Ljubljana: Liberalna akademija, 2006.

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18

Alliance, SDP Liberal. The alliance action programme for Northamptonshire: The campaign manifesto of the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party for the May1985 Northamptonshire County Council elections. Northampton: SDP-Liberal Alliance, 1985.

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19

Third party politics since 1945: Liberals, Alliance and Liberal Democrats. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers, 1993.

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20

Third party politics since 1945: Liberals, Alliance, and Liberal Democrats. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers, 1993.

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21

Hartmann, Susan M. Liberal Feminism and the Reshaping of the New Deal Order. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0010.

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This chapter addresses the view that liberals have failed to marry the demands of identity- and class-based politics. It argues that in the 1970s, liberals built a powerful alliance between feminists and New Deal-style economic reforms that expanded the Democratic coalition and continues to exert influence upon it today. Although feminists failed in many of their symbolic or legal goals—particularly in the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment or federal funding for abortion—they succeeded in passing legislation that vastly improved the lives of homemakers and women workers. The chapter maintains that, surely, incorporation of gender issues into the liberal agenda contributed to the rise of a conservative countermovement, but without equal rights, the universal promise of New Deal economics would remain empty.
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22

Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894-1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance. Ebsco Publishing, 1998.

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23

Indispensable Traitors: Liberal Parties in Settler Conflicts. Greenwood Press, 2002.

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24

Stoker, Shannon. Alliance - Freedom Is Everything. HarperCollins Publishers, 2014.

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25

Druks, Herbert. The Uncertain Alliance. Praeger, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216028956.

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This critical examination of American-Israeli relations from the last year of the Kennedy administration to the last year of Bill Clinton's tenure in office is a companion volume to Herbert Druks' previous bookThe Uncertain Friendship: The U.S. and Israel from Roosevelt to Kennedy. Based upon extensive research of archival sources and interviews of those who made this history happen, such as Harry S. Truman, Averell Harriman, Yitzhak Rabin, and Yitzhak Shamir, this study provides a challenging examination of key events and issues during the last three decades, including JFK and Israel's nuclear research, Johnson and the Six Day War, Kissinger-Nixon and the Yom Kippur War, the rescue at Entebbe, Begin's decision to liberate Lebanon from the PLO, Bush and Iraq, and the Land for Peace formula. In addition to this comprehensive narrative account, Druks does not shy away from the tougher questions that plague the history of the two nations. What was the nature of the friendship and alliance that Israel achieved with the United States? Did that friendship and alliance help sustain Israel's independence, or did it merely turn Israel into a vassal state of the American empire? Did Israel have another viable alternative? What may lie in store for the future of American-Israeli relations?
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26

Draft constitution of the New Liberal and Social Democratic Party, which may be known as the Alliance. [U.K.]: Hebden Royd Publications, 1987.

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27

Boyle, Kevin. Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894-1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance (Suny Series in American Labor History). State University of New York Press, 1998.

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28

Boyle, Kevin. Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894-1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance (S U N Y Series in American Labor History). State University of New York Press, 1998.

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29

Thompson, Elizabeth F. How the West Stole Democracy from the Arabs: The Syrian Congress of 1920 and the Destruction of Its Liberal-Islamic Alliance. Grove/Atlantic, Incorporated, 2020.

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30

Mitchell, Thomas G. Native vs. Settler. Praeger, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400689925.

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Settler-native conflicts in Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and South Africa serve as excellent comparative cases as three areas linked to Britain where insurgencies occurred during roughly the same period. Important factors considered are settler parties, settler mythology, the role of native fighters, settler terror, the role of liberal parties, and the conduct of the war by security forces. Settlers and natives in each area share similar attitudes, liberal parties operate in similar fashions, and there are common explanations for the formation of splinter liberation groups. However, according to Mitchell, the key difference between the cases lies in the behavior of British security forces in comparison to South African and Israeli forces. Mitchell's chapter on liberal parties includes an independent account of the Progressive Federal Party of South Africa, the official parliamentary opposition from 1977 to 1987, along with the first major published account of the Alliance Party in Northern Ireland. His study of splinter group formation contains the first major account since 1964 of the Pan-Africanist Party of Azania, including its insurgency campaign in the 1980s and 1990s. Mitchell also contrasts behavior among the Inkatha Party and Labour Party in South Africa with the Social Democrat and Labour Party in Northern Ireland.
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31

Rosamond, Annika Bergman. Swedish Internationalism and Development Aid. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.26.

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This chapter provides a critical assessment of Swedish internationalism by unpacking its social democratic roots and liberal expressions. It examines the distinct features of Sweden’s social democratic internationalism, with its focus on solidarism within and beyond borders, and the country’s tradition of neutrality, which is also linked to internationalism. The chapter also provides an investigation into the internationalist tradition of the center-right coalition government known as the Alliance. The discussion is situated within constructivist scholarship on Swedish internationalism, social democracy, and neutrality. The empirical focus is Sweden’s commitment to a more equitably distributed international income through provisions of overseas development assistance.
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32

Moore, Rebecca R. NATO's New Mission. Praeger, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400689994.

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Reports of NATO's death have been greatly exaggerated. Characterizations of NATO as a relic of the past do not square with the fact that the Alliance is busier today than at any time in its history. As Europe has become more unified and more democratic, NATO has assumed new layers of significance in the global security environment. In a post-September 11 world, the old 1990s debate about what is in area and what is out of area is a luxury that the Alliance can no longer afford. Decisions made at the 2004 Istanbul summit aimed at enhancing NATO's partnerships with the states of Central Asia and extending the partnership concept to the Greater Middle East reflect the Alliance's new, more global presence as do new military missions in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Sudan. Moore argues that a careful analysis of NATO's new, more global focus suggests that it's not the nature of NATO's mission that has changed, but rather its scope. NATO is approaching its new out of area missions with the political tools developed after the Soviet threat faded in the early 1990s when the Allies agreed that, rather than merely defend an old order, they would now create a new one grounded in liberal democratic values, including individual liberty and the rule of law. Indeed, the mission of projecting stability eastward was understood to be inextricable from the promotion of these values. This new mission required that NATO devote greater attention to its political dimension. In fact, as the United States turned to promoting democracy around the world in the wake of September 11, it ultimately sought to enlist NATO in its mission of extending democracy beyond Europe to Central Asia and the Middle East. As Moore demonstrates in her attempt to provide a full and comprehensive understanding of the new NATO, while divisions within the Alliance persist as to just how global NATO should be, the post-September 11 security environment ensures that NATO's survival depends upon its willingness to project security beyond Europe. That mission will be as much political as it is military.
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33

Thompson, Elizabeth F. How the West Stole Democracy from the Arabs: The Syrian Arab Congress of 1920 and the Destruction of Its Liberal-Islamic Alliance. Grove/Atlantic, Incorporated, 2020.

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34

Thompson, Elizabeth F. How the West Stole Democracy from the Arabs: The Syrian Arab Congress of 1920 and the Destruction of Its Historical Liberal-Islamic Alliance. Grove/Atlantic, Incorporated, 2020.

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35

Thompson, Elizabeth F. How the West Stole Democracy from the Arabs: The Syrian Arab Congress of 1920 and the Destruction of Its Historic Liberal-Islamic Alliance. Grove/Atlantic, Incorporated, 2021.

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36

Feisal Amin Rasoul, al-Istrabadi. Part 5 Emerging Constitutions in Islamic Countries, 5.7 Islam and the State in Iraq: The Post-2003 Constitutions. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199759880.003.0033.

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The post-2003 period in Iraq saw the drafting of two constitutions in rapid succession. An interim constitution was drafted in 2003–2004 and a permanent constitution in 2005. Liberal-secularists were largely ascendant during the drafting of the interim constitution, while the Shīʻī religious parties, in alliance with the Kurdish coalition, dominated the drafting of the permanent constitution. This chapter analyzes the very different philosophical approaches of the two documents by focusing on their differing treatments of the role of Islam and, ultimately, Islamic law, the Sharīʻah. The chapter is organized as follows. Section II presents a digest of the formal constitutional relationship between the State and Islam. Section III analyzes the different approaches of the two post-2003 constitutions to the judiciary, noting especially their different approaches to personal-status laws. Section IV focuses on the 2004 and 2006 constitutions and their respective treatments of civil rights.
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37

Yvonne, Baatz. Part II To Arbitrate or Not to Arbitrate? The Grey Area of Contracts of Carriage, 7 Incorporation of a Charterparty Arbitration Clause into a Bill of Lading and its Effect on Third Parties. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198757948.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses the practice of incorporating charterparty arbitration clauses into bills of lading and examines recent decisions of the English courts which have tended to take a flexible and liberal approach in determining the effectiveness of such incorporation. It notes that a restrictive approach to the recognition of the validity of such arbitration clauses results in a highly uncertain position for a carrier who may find itself having to arbitrate in different locations to respond to different claims arising out of the same incident. It also criticizes the European Court of Justice’s decision in Allianz SpA (formerly RiunioneAdriatica di SicurtaSpA) v West Tankers Inc (The Front Comor). The case has created the potential of much confusion on the enforceability of a charterparty arbitration clause incorporated into a bill of lading, and creates unnecessary unpredictability and the heightened potential of litigation costs to determine preliminary issues.
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38

Lauve-Moon, Katie. Preacher Woman. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197527542.001.0001.

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When people are committed to gender equality, what gets in their way of achieving it? Why do well-intentioned people reinforce sexist outcomes? Why does dissonance persist between organizational actors’ good intentions of equality and sexist outcomes? This book provides answers to these questions by applying the critical lens of gendered organizations to moderate-liberal congregations that separated from their mainline denomination in support of women’s equal leadership yet remain predominately male in positions of authority. This critical methodological study investigates congregations affiliated with the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship (CBF) with some dually aligned with The Alliance of Baptists. Although the CBF identifies the equal leadership of women as a core component of its collective identity and women are enrolling in Baptist seminaries at almost equal rates as men, only about 5% of CBF congregations employ women as solo senior pastors. This book provides an organizational analysis investigating gendered congregational processes on the individual, interactional, and organizational levels, including themes such as gendered hiring criteria, a perceived incongruence of women’s bodies and leadership, unconscious biases of organizational actors, and how women pastors’ experiences of discrimination influence their riskier approaches to leadership.
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39

Whittier, Nancy. The Violence Against Women Act and Ambivalent Alliances. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190235994.003.0004.

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Chapter 4 examines the Violence Against Women Act and the ambivalent alliance that led to it. The chapter shows the influence of feminist organizations on the legislation and traces how support from conservative elected officials formed alongside opposition from conservative activists outside the state. Conservatives and many liberals in Congress sought to be tough on crime and protect women from domestic violence and rape, while feminists sought to reduce the systematic victimization of women and improve the response from law enforcement and others. Congressional testimony promulgated a frame about violence against women as a gendered crime that could be understood in different ways by different sides. The chapter shows how this frame promoted VAWA’s success but feminist advocates’ intersectional goals for immigrants, women of color, and LGBT people were marginalized. The chapter shows how, by 2011, conservative activists’ influence on Congress through the Tea Party movement and feminists’ ongoing push to strengthen VAWA’s intersectional dimensions destabilized agreement on VAWA. The chapter addresses feminist criticism of VAWA as a case of carceral feminism, showing how VAWA’s discourse and legislation promoted both carceral, non-carceral, and intersectional frames and outcomes. VAWA reflects both unprecedented feminist legislative influence countervailing conservative influence.
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40

Roessler, Philip, and Harry Verhoeven. Winning the War, Losing the Peace. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190611354.003.0003.

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This chapter lays out the book’s central argument. It first addresses the limitations of existing explanations—war for natural resources, spillover of Rwandan genocide, anti-foreign resistance and personalization of power. It then develops the building blocks of the argument, which attributes Africa’s Great War to the type of revolutionary organization and regional alliance the comrades built to liberate Zaire. In contrast to the strong Leninist political organizations that they built during their own revolutionary struggles, the regional powers, led by the RPF, backed the emergence of a weak, personalized rebel movement heavily dependent on foreign support. This allowed the RPF to maximize its control of the AFDL and pursue its immediate priority of chasing down the génocidaires but at the cost of long-term peace. In the absence of strong domestic or regional institutions, the liberators failed to manage the vacuum of power their annihilation of the Mobutu regime brought about. Consequently, despite alignment on the goals of liberating Zaire, the post-Mobutu system would be defined by high levels of internal and external uncertainty among comrades, ending in catastrophic war.
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41

Leuprecht, Christian, and Hayley McNorton. Intelligence as Democratic Statecraft. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893949.001.0001.

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Democracy needs to be defended, and intelligence is the first line of defence. However, the liberal-democratic norm of limited state intervention in the lives of citizens means that security and accountability are in tension insofar as their first principles are diametrically opposed: whereas openness and transparency are hallmarks of democratic governance, operational secrecy—in relation to other states, to democratic society, and to other parts of government—is the essence of intelligence tradecraft. Intelligence accountability reconciles democracy and security through transparent standards, guidelines, legal frameworks, executive directives, and international law. Evolving executive, legislative, judicial, and bureaucratic mechanisms for intelligence oversight and review have become a distinct feature of democratic regimes. Over recent decades legislative and judicial components have been added to complement administrative and executive accountability. Using a most-similar systems design to compare intelligence accountability in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, this book expands compliance as the sine qua non of intelligence to gauge effectiveness, efficiency, and innovation across the intelligence community. In the context of changing technology and threat vectors that have significantly affected, altered, and expanded the role, powers, and capabilities of intelligence, this book compares the institutions, composition, practices, characteristics, and cultures of intelligence accountability systems across the world’s oldest and most powerful intelligence alliance. In an asymmetric struggle against unprincipled adversaries, accountability has to reassure a sceptical public that the intelligence and security community plays by the same rules that democracies are committed to defend.
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42

Llewellyn-Smith, Michael. Venizelos. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197586495.001.0001.

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This book is about the life and times of Eleftherios Venizelos, one of the greatest political leaders of Greece in the twentieth century. It covers first his upbringing, education, and political apprenticeship in Ottoman Crete. Venizelos played a major part in the Cretan struggle for Union with Greece. He worked under Prince George of Greece, High Commissioner of the Powers, when Crete became an autonomous regime, and broke with him in the uprising at Therisso which moved Crete a step nearer to Union. Venizelos moved to Greece in 1910, resolved a political crisis provoked by a military uprising, and became prime minister. He founded his own liberal party, and introduced a new constitution and major reforms of Greece's political, economic, and social affairs. He negotiated an alliance with Bulgaria and Serbia and in 1912-13 these Balkan allies attacked the Turks in Macedonia, Thrace and Epirus and were victorious. The territory and population of Greece was almost doubled as a result. These wars, in the second of which Greece and Serbia defeated former ally Bulgaria, won great gains for Greece including Salonika, but left multiple issues unresolved including the fate of the Aegean islands and a naval arms race with Turkey. But these problems were sidelined on the outbreak of the Great War in 1914. Venizelos's career will be explored further in a second volume taking the story on from 1914 to his death in 1936.
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43

Baer, Ulrich. What Snowflakes Get Right. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190054199.001.0001.

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Angry debates about polarizing speakers have roiled college campuses. Conservatives accuse universities of muzzling unpopular opinions, betraying their values of open inquiry; students sympathetic to the Left advocate for some regulation of speech, asking for “safe spaces” and protection against visiting speakers and even curricula they feel disrespects them. Some even call these students “snowflakes”—too fragile to be exposed to opinions and ideas that challenge their worldviews. How might universities resolve these debates about free speech, which pit students’ welfare against the university’s commitment to free inquiry and open debate? This book provides a new way of looking at this dilemma. It explains how the current dichotomy is false and is not really about the feelings of offended students, or protecting an open marketplace of ideas. Rather, what is at stake is our democracy’s commitment to equality, and the university’s critical role as an arbiter of truth. The book shows how and why free speech forges an otherwise uneasy alliance of liberals and ultraconservatives, and why this First Amendment absolutism is untenable in law and society in general. The book draws on law, philosophy, and the author’s extensive experience as a university administrator to show that the lens of equality can resolve this impasse, and can allow the university to serve as a model for democracy that upholds both truth and equality as its founding principles.
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44

Ferreiro, Larrie D. Churchill's American Arsenal. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197554012.001.0001.

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Abstract The weapons and inventions that helped the Allies to win World War Two had not even been imagined when the conflict began. This book tells the story of how a British and American scientific and technological partnership, one that started not long after Britain had lost its ally France and stood alone against Nazi Germany, developed these innovations on an industrial scale. It has often been argued that the atomic bomb ended the war, but radar won it. Development of both began in Britain and then was taken over by the United States, which had the industrial and engineering capacity, and also the advantage of not being part of the battlefront. The partnership between the two nations was responsible for a number of iconic “American” weapons and inventions: the P-51 Merlin Mustang fighter, the Liberty ship, the proximity fuze, the LST, the Sherman tank, and even penicillin originally stemmed from British experiments and designs, then were brought to life with American scientific and technological might. Relying on previously untold stories of those scientists, engineers, and workers, on both sides of the Atlantic, who made all this possible, this book expands the story of the British-American “special relationship” in World War Two. It shows how the alliance extended beyond the battlefront and onto the home front, and resulted in the innovations that ultimately decided the outcome of the most devasting conflict in human history.
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45

The British Political Parties and the Falklands War. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

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46

Larsen, Timothy. Congregationalists. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0002.

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The nineteenth century was a period of remarkable advance for the Baptists in the United Kingdom. The vigour of the Baptist movement was identified with the voluntary system and the influence of their leading pulpiteers, notably Charles Haddon Spurgeon. However, Baptists were often divided on the strictness of their Calvinism, the question of whether baptism as a believer was a prerequisite for participation in Communion, and issues connected with ministerial training. By the end of the century, some Baptists led by F.B. Meyer had recognized the ministry of women as deaconesses, if not as pastors. Both domestic and foreign mission were essential to Baptist activity. The Baptist Home Missionary Society assumed an important role here, while Spurgeon’s Pastors’ College became increasingly significant in supplying domestic evangelists. Meyer played an important role in the development, within Baptist life, of interdenominational evangelism, while the Baptist Missionary Society and its secretary Joseph Angus supplied the Protestant missionary movement with the resonant phrase ‘The World for Christ in our Generation’. In addition to conversionism, Baptists were also interested in campaigning against the repression of Protestants and other religious minorities on the Continent. Baptist activities were supported by institutions: the formation of the Baptist Union in 1813 serving Particular Baptists, as well as a range of interdenominational bodies such as the Evangelical Alliance. Not until 1891 did the Particular Baptists merge with the New Connexion of General Baptists, while theological controversy continued to pose fresh challenges to Baptist unity. Moderate evangelicals such as Joseph Angus who occupied a respectable if not commanding place in nineteenth-century biblical scholarship probably spoke for a majority of Baptists. Yet when in 1887 Charles Haddon Spurgeon alleged that Baptists were drifting into destructive theological liberalism, he provoked the ‘Downgrade Controversy’. In the end, a large-scale secession of Spurgeon’s followers was averted. In the area of spirituality, there was an emphasis on the agency of the Spirit in the church. Some later nineteenth-century Baptists were drawn towards the emphasis of the Keswick Convention on the power of prayer and the ‘rest of faith’. At the same time, Baptists became increasingly active in the cause of social reform. Undergirding Baptist involvement in the campaign to abolish slavery was the theological conviction—in William Knibb’s words—that God ‘views all nations as one flesh’. By the end of the century, through initiatives such as the Baptist Forward Movement, Baptists were championing a widening concern with home mission that involved addressing the need for medical care and housing in poor areas. Ministers such as John Clifford also took a leading role in shaping the ‘Nonconformist Conscience’ and Baptists supplied a number of leading Liberal MPs, most notably Sir Morton Peto. Their ambitions to make a difference in the world would peak in the later nineteenth and early twentieth century as their political influence gradually waned thereafter.
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47

Taking Action for a Better Tomorrow. Jeremy P. Boggess, 2019.

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