Academic literature on the topic 'Alliança Liberal'

"For quite a while," Peter Berkowitz notes, "leading aca- demic liberals and their best-known critics formed an unwit- ting alliance, promulgating the view that liberal political theory" ignores the whole subject of virtue and cultivation (p. 170). If that view is correct, this neglect not only would spawn "fatal theoretical lacunae" (p. 4) but also would raise serious doubts about liberalism's capacity to sustain the "qualities of mind and character" (p. 172) required for "the operation and maintenance" of "free and democratic institutions" (p. 6). In recent years, however, a new generation of liberals have challenged this widely held view. Thinkers such as William Galston and Stephen Macedo acknowledge that liberal re- gimes depend "upon a specific set of virtues," which "they do not automatically produce" (pp. 27­8). Their work points toward the "dependence" of liberal societies on "extraliberal and nongovernmental sources of virtue" (p. 28), such as "the family, religion and the array of associations in civil society" (p. 6). Simultaneously, they insist that "limited government is not the same as neutral government" (p. 173), and they affirm "that the liberal state, within bounds, ought to pursue liberal purposes" and, thus, "may, within limits, foster virtues" that serve these purposes (p. xii).

This study aims to investigate the public perception of the structural changes in British foreign policy at the beginning of the XX century. The authors focus on assessments of the British political circles, primarily the liberal-imperialists – the right wing of the Liberal Party. The article analyses the content and prospects of the Anglo-Japanese agreement. Particular emphasis is placed on the study of publications containing assessments of the foreign policy of the United Kingdom in the central as well as provincial print media. It should be stressed that the British political circles discorded with on the country's foreign policy course - the ruling Conservative party approved the conclusion of the treaty, but the opposition liberal party unequivocally assessed the agreement of 1902. The right-wing liberals, in contrast to the center and the left wing of the Liberal Party, were less skeptical about this Anglo-Japanese alliance. Finally, the au-thors draw conclusions that the press as a whole was ambivalent about the agreement of 1902.

Poland’s Political Apparitions: How to Dispel ThemIn this paper I will argue that within the decades since the Velvet Revolution of 1989, the mutual perception of the liberal and leftist political formations negatively affected the prospects of their possible cooperation. A failure of the Polish liberals to cooperate with Poland’s Left was among the main reasons for the inability to form a progressive alliance. More importantly, it left a fertile ground upon which populist and authoritarian movements were able to grow. As a result, Poland, initially presented as a role model of the transition from the conditions of the “real” socialism, has become an oppressive despotic regime, just like Turkey and Hungary. I will attempt to explain the emergence of the non-liberal democracy in Poland by stressing in particular the failure of the Polish liberals to take seriously the problems of social and economic exclusion resulting from the economic shock therapy applied during the transformative decades. Pointing to the tradition of the egalitarian liberalism, largely o erlooked in Poland, I will argue that there are both doctrinal resources and practical models which could be tapped by Polish liberals in order to establish a fruitful cooperation with the Poland’s Left. Such a programme would have a chance to succeed on the condition of dispelling the phantom of neoliberalism

Political theory has developed at important junctures by questioning its ontological foundations. Modern political thought begins by questioning the naturalness of human sociability. Instead of the civic friendship propounded by the ancients, modern liberals see friendship as belonging to a private sphere, whereas the state is an alliance among competitors. Postmodern theorists have extended the logic of competition to encompass private friendships, doing so, in part, by critiquing liberal foundations. Plato's account of friendship reveals surprising affinities with two such postmodern critiques. TheLysisexplores what friendship would be like without ontological claims or with only negative foundations such as the power and enmity found in accounts of friendship as diverse as those of Foucault and Derrida. The Platonic/postmodern comparison offers a way of ensuring that foundational inquiry illuminates political theory and argues for a greater role for fundamental ontology than mainstream liberal theorists have yet conceded.

FIDESZ, as an outlawed protest movement of the Kádár era, has preserved their specific type of “outlawed and clandestine” political tradition and identity. A strong anti-communism, a popular mobilizing strategy and an atmosphere of hatred towards the agents of Hungary’s communist past remained within the political culture of the party from the suppressed underground movement. The political generation of leading activists, including current Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, has been socialized in the “underground” of the eighties. The experience of “being outlawed” under the Communist system has had longlasting effects on them. The “myths”, symbols, and “fights” of the suppressed protest movements keep themselves alive in the new political culture in the present goals and strategies of FIDESZ-MPP. The former protest movement transformed itself into a minority party with liberal affiliations in the new parliament of 1990. However, as the Hungarian Liberal Party (SZDSZ) moved into a governing alliance with the successor to the Communist party, FIDESZ moved to the right, becoming its leading force. Competition between five centre-right parties led to FIDESZ’s control as the leader of a centre-right government (1998-2002). While the socialists (MSZP) and liberals (SZDSZ) became governing forces twice (2002-2010), FIDESZ became a mobilizing populist party, gaining hegemony within the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition. The economic and financial crisis assisted FIDESZ in mobilizing protest, leading the FIDESZ-KDNP alliance to a two–thirds majority victory in the 2010 elections.

Much of the key to the future of the British party system rests in the nature of the support for the Liberal–Social Democratic Alliance. If that support is a protest vote, the possibility of realignment within the party system is negligible; if it is socially and attitudinally distinct, then the potential for a fundamental realignment is clearly present. By applying multivariate analysis to survey data, this paper examines the social and attitudinal bases of support for the Alliance in the 1983 British general election, and for comparative purposes, examines Liberal support in the 1979 general election. The results show that Alliance support in 1983 was somewhat different from 1979 Liberal support, notably in terms of the issues that motivated Alliance voters. In light of comparative theoretical work on third parties, these findings suggest the possibility of a long-term rôle for the Alliance as either a realigning or at least persistently dealigning force.

Abstract NATO has for 75 years been a remarkably resilient organization because it has been able to change when the world changed. NATO's longevity is in large part due to a dual structure, which has enabled the alliance to oscillate between a role as a military alliance and as a community of value. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and global geopolitical shifts such as the rise of China prompted NATO to prioritize its role as a military alliance and to add a new political focus on China. However, this article demonstrates that NATO's reading of the geopolitical transformation is incomplete. NATO should recognize the new global ordering architecture as a multi-order one, which requires NATO to distinguish clearly between the ‘unbounded’ global rules-based order in which several international orders now exist and the ‘bounded’ liberal international order of which NATO is a key institution. NATO needs to develop its policies accordingly—policies governing relations within the liberal international order must be clearly anchored in liberal values and designed to defend liberal international order, while policies governing relations between international orders cannot be anchored in liberal values, but must seek rules-based cooperation in areas of shared interests.

I am interested in exploring the usefulness and limits of traditional categories of feminist theory, such as those laid out by Alison Jaggar (1977; 1983). I begin the analysis by critically comparing various treatments of liberal feminism. I focus throughout this investigation on uncovering ways that current frameworks privilege white authors and concerns, recreate the split between theory and activism, and obscure long histories of theoretical and practical coalition and alliance work.

Identities should be established independent of limitations by organization or application. We consider mobile and/or remote users and applications. Essential parts are centralized or distributed identity management systems
Workshop "Netz- und Service-Infrastrukturen" Wünschenswert ist die Gültigkeit von Identitäten über Organisations- bzw. Applikationsgrenzen hinweg. Dabei werden mobile/entfernte Nutzer und Anwendungen betrachtet. Kernstück bilden zentrale oder verteilte Identitätsverwaltungen

It is essential to solve the problem due to password fatigue in order to increase the security of the transactions on the Web and secure the users’ account and information. Web Single Sign-On is one of the techniques that have been created to solve these issues. Unfortunately, this method creates new opportunities for hackers. The Liberty Alliance and OpenID are two of the most known Web Single Sign-On frameworks. This work intends to review the strengths and the weaknesses of both regarding their ability to protect the confidentiality, integrity and availability of the users’ information, by studying their aptitude to prevent some of the most dangerous attacks on the web. The analysis of the results shows that Liberty Alliance has created a strong infrastructure in order to mitigate those attacks. Consequently, this framework protects the confidentiality, integrity and availability of the users’ information more efficiently than OpenID. On the other hand, this latter shows significant weaknesses that compromises the confidentiality, integrity and availability of the users’ information.

La présente recherche vise à reconstituer la position de la revue Mensaje, pendant 15 ans d'histoire du Chili (1958-1973). Ainsi, par le biais d’une méthodologie inductive et qualitative, l’étude effectue une analyse de l’interprétation de cette publication. De cette façon, par la codification de tous les articles par sujet ou par thématique, ce travail met en évidence les concepts centraux utilisés par Mensaje, au moyen desquels la revue a analysé la période étudiée. En outre, la recherche établit une relation entre ces concepts et propose un scénario fondé sur un terme transversal, celui de “changement social”, propre à tous les articles. L’étude, est composée de deux sections: «L'importance du changement social» et «Deux modèles de changement social». Ces deux sections sont complémentaires ; les débats et les concepts qui émergent dans la première section sont analysés, approfondis et mis en perspective sur le territoire chilien au cours de la seconde section. Chacune de ces sections est subdivisée en trois chapitres, qui examinent chronologiquement les concepts centraux, commentés par Mensaje.Le premier chapitre de la section initiale « L’importance du changement social » examine le concept de «communisme» et la façon dont la publication présente le « communisme » comme «une urgence» et «un problème» en raison de son «impact croissant». Le magazine Mensaje a interprété cette influence progressive du «communisme» en tant que symptôme d'un problème: «le malaise social en expansion». Dans ce contexte, Mensaje propose en réponse le renforcement des corps intermédiaires et l'application de la théorie du développement économique, en faveur de la modification des structures économiques et sociales. Le deuxième chapitre propose une analyse relationnelle entre la Révolution Cubaine et Alliance for Progress (ALPRO). Les deux événements ont favorisé, mais pas par la même voie, une valeur ajouté pour le «changement social». Le troisième chapitre traite de la mise en place de la «réforme agraire » au Chili comme un signe de l'arrivée du « changement social » sur le territoire. Dans ce contexte, l’analyse porte sur l'influence et l'impact de l'expérience de la répartition et distribution des terres de la hiérarchie de l'Église parmi ses travailleurs, comme un symbole d'approbation d’un modèle spécifique de « changement social ».La deuxième section traite spécifiquement de deux modèles chiliens de «changement social»: le premier revolución en libertad (révolution en liberté), le deuxième transición al socialismo (transition vers le socialisme). Dans ce scénario, le premier chapitre analyse l'émergence et la consolidation du parti démocrate-chrétien (PDC) dans l'arène politique et sa victoire présidentielle en 1964. Le magazine Mensaje soutiendra le gouvernement d'Eduardo Frei (PDC) et son projet «révolution en liberté» jusqu'à 1967. Le deuxième chapitre étudie la désillusion de la revue concernant le projet PDC, ainsi que l'explication de son échec. Néanmoins, la publication confirme l'existence de transformations dans la société chilienne, mais ceci par la multiplication des mouvements sociaux. La dernière partie de cette section étudie le succès de Unidad Popular (Unité Populaire) - l'union des mouvements et des partis de gauche, certains marxistes - lors des élections présidentielles de 1970. La revue finit par analyser la présence éventuelle d'une «extrême-droite fasciste» au Chili. Enfin, le dernier chapitre, commente directement les trois ans de gouvernement de l'UP et son projet de "transition vers le socialisme", en quatre moments: «Situation continentale», «Construction d'un espace social dominant», «Crise de confiance dans le jeu politique des partis» et enfin «Coup d'état (1973)»
The present research aims to reconstruct the position of the magazine Mensaje throughout fifteen years of Chile’s history (1958-1973). Through an inductive and qualitative methodology, a review on the interpretation of this publication has been reached. In this way, through the codification of all articles by topic, this work introduces the central concepts used by Mensaje, which the journal employed to analyse this historical period. In addition to this, the research proposes a relationship or storyline between these concepts, born from a transversal term throughout the articles: "social change". In regard to the structure of the study, the work is divided into two sections: "the importance of social change" and "two models of social change". Both sections are complementary: while debates and concepts emerge in the first section, the second pursues them and delves into them in Chilean soil. Each one of these sections is subdivided into three chapters, which chronologically examine the central concepts commented by Mensaje.The first chapter of the initial section “the importance of social change” examines the concept of "communism" and how it constitutes “an urgency” and a “problem" for the publication due to its "growth". Mensaje interprets the progressive influence of “communism” as a symptom of a problem: the "expanding social malaise". In this scenario Mensaje proposes the strengthening of intermediary bodies and the application of the theory of economic development in favour of changing the social and economic structures as an answer. The second chapter propose a comparative analysis between the Cuban Revolution and the Alliance for Progress (ALPRO). Both events promoted, although not in the same way, a greater value for "social change". The third chapter deals with the implementation of the "agrarian reform" in Chile, as a sign of the arrival of "social change” to the territory. In this context, we analyse the influence and impact of the experience of the distribution of land owned by the Church’s hierarchy amongst its workers, as a symbol of approval of a specific model of "social change".The second section deals with two specific Chilean models of "social change": the first “revolución en libertad" (revolution in freedom), the second “transición al socialismo” (transition to socialism). In this context, the first chapter analyses the emergence and consolidation of the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) in the political arena, through the gain of the presidency in 1964. The magazine Mensaje explicitly supports the government of Eduardo Frei (PDC) and its project "revolution in freedom". The second chapter studies the magazines disillusionment in respect to the PDC’s political project, and gives an explanation for its failure. Nevertheless, the publication confirms the existence of transformations in Chilean society by the multiplication of social movements. The last part of this section studies the success of “Unidad Popular” (Popular Unity) -a union of left-wing movements and parties, some of them Marxist- in the presidential elections of 1970. The magazine ends by analysing the possible presence of a "fascist right" in Chile. Finally, the last chapter comments directly on the three years of government of the UP and its project to "transit to socialism” in four moments: "continental situation", "construction of a dominant social area", "crisis of confidence in the political game of parties" and finally "coup d'état (1973)"
La presente investigación tiene como objetivo reconstruir la postura de la revista Mensaje a lo largo de 15 años de la historia de Chile (1958-1973). Así, mediante una metodología inductiva y cualitativa, el presente trabajo analiza el discurso de la publicación en el periodo. De tal modo, el trabajo por medio de la codificación de los artículos por temáticas recoge los conceptos centrales a través de los cuales la revista interpretó los diversos sucesos. Por otra parte, esta reflexión establece una relación entre estos conceptos a partir del término “cambio social”, noción recurrente en los artículos. Respecto a la estructura este estudio se organiza en dos secciones complementarias: “la importancia del cambio social” y “dos modelos de cambio social”. En la primera sección el trabajo relaciona debates y conceptos socio-políticos, mientras que la segunda se aparta de una esfera más teórica para ponerlos a prueba en el contexto chileno. Cada uno de estos apartados se subdividen en tres capítulos que examinan cronológicamente las temáticas comentadas por Mensaje.Así, el primer capítulo de la sección inicial estudia el concepto de “comunismo” y cómo para la publicación este constituyó una “urgencia” y un “problema” debido a su crecimiento, interpretado como síntoma del “creciente malestar social”. Así, Mensaje propone como respuesta el fortalecimiento de los “cuerpos intermedios” y la aplicación de la “teoría del desarrollo” a favor del cambio de la estructura económica y social. El segundo capítulo propone un análisis relacional entre la Revolución Cubana y Alianza para el Progreso (ALPRO). Ambos acontecimientos que promocionaron, aunque no del mismo modo, un mayor valor por el “cambio social”. El tercer capítulo aborda la implementación de la “reforma agraria” en Chile como signo de la llegada del “cambio social” al territorio. En este contexto, se analiza la influencia e impacto que tuvo el reparto de tierras de la jerarquía de la Iglesia Católica entre sus trabajadores como señal de aprobación de modelo específico de “cambio social”. La segunda sección trata específicamente sobre dos modelos chilenos de “cambio social”: “revolución en libertad” y “transición al socialismo”. El primer capítulo considera la consolidación del Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC), el cual logra la presidencia en 1964 con el candidato Eduardo Frei y el proyecto “revolución en libertad”, a los que la revista Mensaje apoyó explícitamente. El segundo capítulo expone la desilusión de la revista respecto al proyecto, así como la explicación sobre su fracaso. No obstante, la publicación confirma la existencia de transformaciones en la sociedad chilena por la multiplicación de los movimientos sociales. La última parte de esta sección, estudia el éxito en las elecciones presidenciales de 1970 por la Unidad Popular (UP) –unión de movimientos y partidos de izquierda, algunos marxistas–. La revista termina analizando la posible presencia de una derecha “fascista” en Chile. Finalmente, el último capítulo, analiza, en cuatro momentos, los tres años de gobierno de la UP y su proyecto “tránsito al socialismo”: “situación continental”, “construcción del un área social dominante”, “crisis de confianza en el juego político de partidos” y “golpe de estado (1973)”

Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the world’s largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government’s tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests – such as votes and rents – as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

Under traditional International relations theory, diplomacy relates to relations between sovereign nations. There have been two broad schools of thought on the dynamics behind these relations: the ‘realist’ school, which tends to consider power and conflict as the major lens through which such should be viewed, and the ‘idealist’ school which tended to focus on cooperation rather than conflict. Between these two extreme views, a third school, the English School of International Relations, also known as the British Institutionalists, provides somewhat of a compromise view, acknowledging the merit of both realism and idealism, by accepting that power remains an important element but also advocating that acceptance of common norms and institutions plays a significant role in determining relations, or the International Society between states. In 1977 Hedley Bull offered the following definition of International Society when he stated that International Society … exists when a group of states, conscious of certain common interests and common values, form a society in the sense that they conceive themselves to be bound by a common set of rules in their relations with one another, and share in the working of common institutions. This thesis is not specifically related to International Relations theory, which deals with inter-state relations. Whilst inter-state conflict and international relations remain important drivers of foreign and military policy, there is a growing recognition that it is intra-state conflict avoidance and post-conflict reconstruction which increasingly mitigate the risk to the safety, security, peace and prosperity of nations and regions. Much of this disquiet has its roots in maladministration, poor governance and a lack of justice. These are areas in which traditional approaches to foreign intervention via trade, aid and military force have limited effect, and in which effective consent-based policing and justice can play a significant part in building sustainable and peaceful outcomes. This thesis discusses the role played by a non-traditional actor in the international arena, the police, specifically the Australian Federal Police (AFP), in addressing some of these intra-state justice and governance issues in a constantly changing, unstable and unpredictable global and regional environment. The thesis is intended to outline the diversity and versatility of AFP activities and to contextualise them in terms of non-traditional New Diplomacy. The aspects of diplomacy of most significance relate to diplomatic qualities or traits of the individual police officer, diplomatic behaviours of these members, and diplomatic outcomes of their activities. As such the thesis does not relate directly to International Relations theory or to International Society, as espoused by Hedley Bull. There are, however, some interesting intersections which are worthy of note. There are some critics of the English School who argue that it is Eurocentric. Today’s International Relations originated in the 19th century when a number of European nations formed a club of ‘civilised’ states bound by international law, which expanded around the globe to involve all nations. This concept has been used to explain the lack of imperative for a supra-state or world government to maintain orderly inter-state relations, as the force which binds them is consent to agree to common interest and values within a global rules-based order. In terms of policing on an international scale, global government is simply too unwieldy. There are a number of global, consent-based institutions such as the United Nations and INTERPOL, which fulfil this requirement to a certain extent. The AFP has had long involvement with both of these global institutions, as well as several regional policing institutions. In terms of conflict-oriented ‘realism’ and cooperative ‘idealism’, policing walks both sides of the street. As this thesis will discuss, the whole posture of liberal-democratic policing is conflict prevention, and the means by which such police carry out their daily duties is by cooperation. This is the context in which replication or expansion of International Society should be considered in relation to the activities of the AFP internationally and regionally. This thesis is by definition Eurocentric, or more specifically Anglo-centric, due to the historical fact that the AFP draws all of its principles from Australia’s British antecedents and adheres to a largely ‘western’ or European notion of human rights values. This thesis explores the role of the AFP as an international actor. The thesis asserts that effective international policing has never been more important in linking the international with the domestic. The way the AFP operates in a landscape where traditional policing paradigms are rapidly changing, due to ever-changing, political, diplomatic, and transnational issues, is examined in the context of the ‘globalisation paradox’, of both needing and fearing, global governance simultaneously, as raised by Anne-Marie Slaughter in her book, A New World Order. The way the organisation has evolved from its origins, based on Western liberal-democratic policing values, approaches and skills, to an organisation involved in international policing and diplomacy at the highest levels, while still retaining its liberal-democratic credentials is explained. It is argued that in the contemporary international and Australian context, the AFP is an effective and experienced agency. It is further argued that this is a distinctive form of new diplomacy, appropriate to an increasingly globalised world. The AFP has established an extensive international network in more than 30 countries, has been a consistent contributor to national security, has participated in numerous international deployments over half a century, and continues to play a meaningful role in Australian foreign policy efforts. The thesis provides evidence to show how AFP officers exhibit diplomatic qualities similar to those listed by Daryl Copeland in his book Guerrilla Diplomacy , as well as those mentioned by Christopher Meyer in his book Getting Our Way. In all of its international endeavours, AFP members have demonstrated, in varying degrees, the three enduring elements of diplomacy as outlined by Jonsson and Hall in their book The Essence of Diplomacy. They have communicated and negotiated in some very challenging circumstances and they are representatives of the Australian Government and its humanitarian values. The AFP, as part of broader efforts with institutions such as the UN, have not so much sought a replication of international society, as mentioned by Jonsson and Hall, but have provided a supplement to international society, by effective networking, thereby addressing in large part, Slaughter’s ‘globalisation paradox’. It is not so much universal police homogeneity which is sought by such endeavours, as a balance between it, and the heterogeneity which is inevitably associated with cultures transitioning from custom and tradition, to 21st century expectations of nationhood. The way the AFP’s transnational operations, activities, and deployments, not only serve perceived national interests, but result in more effective regional governance, is identified as ‘diplomacy by default’, because formal Track I diplomacy is not their primary objective. It will be demonstrated how international diplomacy, while generally conducted with perceived national interests as its primary goal, has a secondary benefit, good international citizenship, and that the AFP has a credible history of serving both. It is argued that the AFP is well positioned within government, law and intelligence and security circles, in the Australian and international contexts, through an extensive liaison officer network in South-East Asia, the South-West Pacific as well as more broadly. It will be demonstrated how the AFP has shown itself as capable and ready to respond effectively to extant and emerging challenges, and as such, has earned a place in foreign policy discussions and considerations at the highest diplomatic levels, including the UN. The AFP provides a distinctive and direct link between the global, the regional, and the domestic, which matches the rapidly globalised community it represents. The thesis confirms that international policing acts as a distinctive aspect of Australian ‘firm’ diplomacy, and supplements the more traditional elements of international engagement, between the ‘soft’ or traditional diplomacy, and the ‘hard’ form of military intervention. The evidence provided shows how it is by this form of whole-of-government activity, inclusive of policing, that stability and security are enhanced, and peace and prosperity are encouraged. Overall, the thesis affirms the AFP as a transnational agency, which is well placed to link the international with the domestic, the contextual with the aspirational, and the theoretical with the practical, in a period of strategic uncertainty in international affairs at the dawn of the Third Millennium.

This work, the way its name suggests it, is intent on the theme of process of achievement of the Latin American states' independence of Spain and Portugal, and on situating of this process in the context of the events of this time in further world's parts, and mainly in the context of the policies of single powers which had, or could have, some interests in the said spaces. Likewise the name itself suggests, its chief interest is intent primarily on the period of the years 1815-1826. While in Europe the Napoleonic Wars had definitively ended, and a new order here was creating, according to principles of the Vienna Congress, and under the supervision of the Holy Alliance, Spanish America had gone through first phase of her own wars of liberation, and it could seem, on the beginning, the situation here was coming anew to profit of the Spanish monarchy, recuperating from the precedent years of the French rule and the war with French intruders. However, the struggle of independence of single Hispanic-American states was continuing, like the Portuguese Brazil reached for own independence of colonial metropolis as well. In the Spanish America's case, Spain, really isolated, despite the negative attitudes of the Holy Alliance's monarchical governments towards the development in her oversea possessions, and...

Dieser Artikel geht von der diskursstrategischen Frage aus, ob sich angesichts des Rechtspopulismus radikaldemokratisches Theoretisieren mit liberalem Denken verbinden muss, um eine anti-faschistische Allianz zu bilden. Dieses Strategieange- bot, vertreten durch Paul Mason, wird zurückgewiesen. Ein genauer Blick auf Differenzen aber auch Ähnlichkeiten zwischen radikaldemokratischen und rechtspopulistischen Diskurs- strategien zeigt, dass sowohl die negatorische wie auch die persuasive radikaldemokratische Institutionenkritik Potentiale bereithalten, sich nicht nur deutlich vom rechtspopulistischen Denken abzugrenzen, sondern auch den anti-demokratischen Effekten des liberalen Denkens

Alliances are common in the world history. In the framework of international relations, several theoretical explanations were applied to answer the questions of why and how states enter into alliances. The traditional approach explains the concept of alliance through the assumptions of the theory of balance of power. Game theory is also a theoretical approach to analyze the behavior of states used in academic and strategic analysis. In this paper, the basic assumption about the behavior of the states of the collective West is the theory of balance of threat. In the geographical sense, the subject of analysis is Eastern and South-Eastern Europe as a response to the behavior of the states. When faced with a significant external threat, states can balance or join. Balancing is defined as an alliance with other states against a current threat; the association is brought to the association with the source of danger. This theory is presented through an analysis of state decisions on critical issues in the international security depending on whether states balance or join by Stephen Walt, systematically exposed in the capital work The Origin of Alliances. (Волт, 2009) In this paper, the subject of analysis is the expansion of the NATO pact after the end of the Cold War, trying to give answers to the question of why the countries of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe "joined" this military alliance after the fall of the "Iron Curtain". Keywords: alliance; balance; international security; Russian Federation

With the increasing globalization, countries’ competitive power on international markets has gained importance. One of the most prevalent methods which is used to determine countries’ comparative advantages on which field and, thereby their international competitive power is “Explained Comparative Advantages” or “Balassa Index” developed by Balassa (1965). If index value that is attained by calculating index is higher than 50, country’s competitive power on that good is high; if the index value is less than 50, competitive power on that good is low. In this study, 4 countries are selected according to their accessibility of the data, for these countries, variance on the competitive power is examined in terms of defense industry with Balassa Index. In the study, counter arguments with globalization logic, that is, especially in defense industry reduction of external dependence when considered even Adam Smith gave approval anti liberal implementations about this subject, in the countries which are exposed to domestic and foreign oppression, searching for detractive precaution on external dependence is more likely high. In the analysis to test this hypothesis, while competition pursuit on defense industry is triggering self-reliance in stressful economies, it is high in economies that have weak military alliance.