Journal articles on the topic 'Aliksāndrīnā (Library) Antiquities Museum'

In Vilnius University Geology museum gathered, scientifically unique, material was never hidden from society. These resources are perfectly fit for: education, geoscientific knowledge propagation, informal natural science education (Rudnickaitė, 2003; 2007; 2012; ect.). When writing about the geology and mineralogy collections of Vilnius University, the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities and the Department of Natural History of the Museum of Antiquities under the Vilnius Public Library are always necessarily, though often fragmentarily, mentioned. This is an attempt to identify the part of the Geological collections that was transferred to the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities compiled by associate member of the Vilnius Temporary Archaeological Commission, teacher of natural sciences of the Vilnius 1st boys’ gymnasium, Kajetan Tamulewicz (1828-1870), a catalogue of the Department of Natural History of the Museum of Antiquities under the Vilnius Public Library from 1905, a catalogue of mineralogy compiled by a professor of the Vilnius Medicine and Surgery Academy and the author of several textbooks in mineralogy, Ignacy Jakowicki (1794-1847), from 1836 and other known sources. The scientific quality of the collections, their structure and more outstanding exibits are discussed. A small part of the collections, which were taken away in the 1840s and brought back from the Ilya Mechnikov State University in Odessa to the Geology and Mineralogy Museum of Vilnius University by professor Juozas Paškevičius and Eugenija Rudnickaitė on 23 May 1986, has also been used for the research. The author attempts to identify the exibits of the geological collections of Vilnius University that remained in Vilnius and were subsequently transferred to the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities (later, the Museum of Antiquities under the Vilnius Public Library) by comparing the list of exibits returned from the University of Odesa with the data in Jakowicki’s catalogue. It was mentioned in the minutes of the annual session of the Vilnius Temporary Archaeological Commission of 11 January 1858 that the systematically arranged collections became an excellent teaching aid for young people aspiring to education, and during the last year the museum received 11,800 visitors. The author can assert that the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities made a great contribution to society’s education and training of school children, the development of the science of geology and mineralogy in the period when there was no institution of higher education in Lithuania. E.Tyszkiewich had an exclusive role in this activity - he continued geological research even after the closure of the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities. Keywords: Museum of Geology, Vilnius University, Vilnius Museum of Antiquities, informal natural science education, geology, education, museum.

The article is devoted to the history of the Museum of Arts and Antiquities of Kazan University. There are different opinions in the literature about who should be considered the founder of the Museum of Arts and Antiquities, who was the first director, who, when and how carried out the reorganization of the museum. The chronological framework of the study — 1870–1922 — also includes the history of the Museum of Ethnography, Antiquities and Fine Arts, which was considered in the literature in terms of collecting local historical, archaeological and ethnographic collections, but in reality laid the foundation for the art collection of Kazan University. The article for the first time describes the circle of persons directly connected with the Museum of Arts and Antiquities of Kazan University, as well as with its predecessor — the Museum of Ethnography, antiquities and fine arts is presented in full. These are professors-heads N.A.Firsov, D.F.Belyaev, D.V.Ainalov, D.I.Naguyevsky, A.M.Mironov; keepers D.A.Korsakov, I.V. Sokolovsky, S.K.Kuznetsov, P.V.Traubenberg, assistants B.P.Denike and K.N.Kravchenko, unofficial assistants of heads, scientific consultants. Through their activities, the continuity of the development of museums, the results of the formation of the library and art collection are traced. The article traces the continuity of the development of museums, the results of the formation of a library and an art collection. The article focuses on the following aspects of the history of the Museum: the status of the museum, financial and logistical support, the number and composition of collections, the role of the museum in scientific, educational and educational work, fate in the Soviet era.

In 1894, the French scientist Joseph de Baye (1853–1931), an archaeologist, ethnographer, historian, traveler and collector, had visited the excavations and Museum in Chersonesus for the first time. In 1905, Baron de Baye had revisited the Crimea and the Museum in Chersonesus. The memory of this remains on the pages of «Books for visitors of the Chersonesus Museum», stored in the archive of the Museum-reserve. The Baron was personally acquainted with K. K. Kosciusko-Valyuzhinich, who was the first head of the excavations and Museum in Chersonesus, also was in correspondence with him and repeatedly donated his own works to the Museum library. The scientific library of the state Museum-reserve «Tauric Chersonese» has a very representative collection of his works, characterized by a unique composition, the history of receipt, the presence of gift inscriptions and other proprietary signs. Baron de Baye popularized the historical and archaeological antiquities of the South of Russia among his colleagues in France, Chersonesus in particular, and did a lot for establishment of strong scientific and cultural ties between France and Russia, including in the field of archaeology.

This article considers the Kazan period in V.K. Malmberg’s life. The circle of Kazan secondary school teachers and university lecturers in the intellectual space of Kazan during the second half of the 19th century is reconstructed. The influence of the family members and the German diaspora in Kazan on the development of V.K. Malmberg’s worldview is analyzed. These relationships determined his choice of profession as a historian of ancient art. His deep love for antiquity was cultivated by D.F. Belyaev, a classical philologist and prominent professor at Kazan University. It is revealed that the unrestricted access to Kazan University’s library collection of the latest literature on ancient art directed V.K. Malmberg’s line of reasoning. With a careful study of these materials came a good foundation for his subsequent research, which is proved by the recently published evidence from the epistolary collection of the Austrian National Library. It was at the Museum of Antiquities and Arts of Kazan University where he gained his first experience with teaching and working on museum collections. The hypothesis is put forward that V.K. Malmberg learned about A. Dürer’s works and style in Kazan because he explored the museum collection of Western European engravings available there. Future prospects for investigating the early stages of V.K. Malmberg’s professional endeavors are outlined.

Abstract The following paper is a preliminary publication of newly identified fragments of the book of Samuel that all belong to manuscript 4Q51. The fragments were discovered during the cataloging effort being carried out by the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) as part of the digitization project of the Leon Levy Dead Sea Scrolls Digital Library (www.deadseascrolls.org.il). Some of the fragments that will be presented were published in the past, but with various errors. Other fragments have never been published, although due to the placement of some of them on the museum plates it is clear that someone in the past recognized that they belong to 4Q51.

The article analyses a particular 19th century manor, classed among the category of the so-called intellectual manors – Teodor Narbutt’s (or Teodor Mateusz Ostyk-Narbutt, 1784–1864) Šiauriai manor (Pol. Szawry; Grodno Province, since 1843 – Vilnius Province, Lyda County). All the texts by Narbutt – fictional as well as the scientific works, including the famous Dzieje narodu litewskiego (The History of the Lithuanian Nation, vol. 1–9, Vilnius, 1835–1841) – were collected in this place. Throughout the years, the manor became a unique workshop for the historian in which one could find a rich library, collections of manuscripts, and Lithuanian artefacts. Up until now, the researchers have focused most of their attention on the contents and the assembly of Narbutt’s collection of books and periodical publications, while the collection of artefacts has received less limelight. The collections of historical documents, numismatic objects, and art pieces, which for the landowner-historian were no less important, have also been left on the margins. The aim of this article is: by employing the already analysed and completely new archival resources, take a different look at the col­lections once stored in Šiauriai, while, at the same time, cultivating the idea that the gathering of them was particularly purposeful and was perceived as a formation of a “compulsory” material, necessary for the writing of the history of Lithuania.

The article analyses a particular 19th century manor, classed among the category of the so-called intellectual manors – Teodor Narbutt’s (or Teodor Mateusz Ostyk-Narbutt, 1784–1864) Šiauriai manor (Pol. Szawry; Grodno Province, since 1843 – Vilnius Province, Lyda County). All the texts by Narbutt – fictional as well as the scientific works, including the famous Dzieje narodu litewskiego (The History of the Lithuanian Nation, vol. 1–9, Vilnius, 1835–1841) – were collected in this place. Throughout the years, the manor became a unique workshop for the historian in which one could find a rich library, collections of manuscripts, and Lithuanian artefacts. Up until now, the researchers have focused most of their attention on the contents and the assembly of Narbutt’s collection of books and periodical publications, while the collection of artefacts has received less limelight. The collections of historical documents, numismatic objects, and art pieces, which for the landowner-historian were no less important, have also been left on the margins. The aim of this article is: by employing the already analysed and completely new archival resources, take a different look at the col­lections once stored in Šiauriai, while, at the same time, cultivating the idea that the gathering of them was particularly purposeful and was perceived as a formation of a “compulsory” material, necessary for the writing of the history of Lithuania.

The beginning of historical-military museology in Poznan dates back to the mid-19th century when the Poznan Society of Friends of Learning assumed the responsibility to save historic monuments, and began to establish the Museum of Polish and Slavic Antiquities in the Grand Duchy of Posen (Poznan). The task was to collect archival, library, and museum materials, including militaria. As a result of these efforts, in 1882, the Mielżynski Museum was established which boasted an exquisite painting gallery, containing historical painting, a rich archaeological and military collection, and a sizeable collection of so-called historical mementoes: weapons, orders, decorations, etc. In the aftermath of the Greater Poland Uprising 1918 –1919, the Hindenburg Museum founded in 1916–1918 was transformed into a Military Museum. The ceremonial opening was held on 27 October 1919 by Józef Piłsudski, Poland’s Chief of State. The quickly growing collection was moved from Marcinkowskiego Avenue to the barracks in Bukowska Street, and subsequently to a new seat at 1 Artyleryjska Street in Poznan. The solemn opening of the Wielkopolska Military Museum was held on 22 April 1923 by the Commander of the 7th Corps District Major-General Kazimierz Raszewski. In 1939, anticipating the threat of war, the most precious objects were evacuated eastwards, and looted there. The items which stayed behind ended up in German museums. The mementoes connected with the history of the Polish military were destroyed, and the Museum was wound up. The first attempts at reactivating the Museum following WW II failed. It was only with the 1956 revolt that civil and military authorities changed their approach, The National Museum in Poznan undertook the first efforts. The Museum did not go back to its pre-WW II seat, but found home in a modern building in the Old Market Square in Poznan, to be ceremoniously launched on 22 February 1963 by the Commander of the Operational Air Force in Poznan Brigadier General Pilot Jan Raczkowski. Having recreated its collection, the Wielkopolska Military Museum, already as a Branch of the National Museum in Poznan, has held many exhibitions and shows. Moreover, it has released many publications, and run a broad range of educational activities. Among other projects, it has also made reference to the pre-WW II Museum. On 27 December 2019, a new jubilee exhibition ‘Wielkopolska Military Museum 1919–2019’ recording the 100-years’ history of the oldest historical-military museum in Poland was inaugurated.

The article presents information about manuscripts from the library of Paisius Velichkovsky currently in possession of the Neamţ Monastery. The study is based on three descriptions of the Neamţ manuscripts performed in 1905, 1962, and 2017. A comparative analysis of these sources led to the conclusion that the composition of the Neamţ library was not stable. At the present time, the Neamţ library possesses 263 manuscripts, thirty-seven of them were written by St. Paisius Velichkovsky. Some manuscripts have disappeared from the Neamţ Monastery, others have suffered losses of fragments. Seventeen books vanished from the library in the period between 1905 and 1962, nine books — in the period between 1962 and 2017. One of Paisius Velichkovsky’s autographs (the works of Macarius of Egypt) was among those books. During the period between 1905 and 1962, forty-four books were obtained by the library or returned to it, but twenty-five of them vanished later. Perhaps, some of those books came into the possession of the Museum of Antiquities in Bucharest. The article points out the manuscripts that have vanished from the library of the Neamţ Monastery and also those that have lost fragments of the text. It is possible that those manuscripts or parts of them will be found in other archives. The rich book heritage of the Neamţ monastery deserves being studied and preserved

I am often asked how a Victorianist came to write a book about museum exhibitions and the British quest for and Traffic in pre-Columbian antiquities. When I began, I had no formal training in these subjects and thus little that would count as a theory or method. Of course, as my interest grew I read as much of the scholarly literature as I could: critical studies of important collectors; analyses of exhibitionary practice and museum administration; the history of the museum from cabinets of curiosity to the virtual collections of the present. Yet much of what I learned in writing my own book, Informal Empire, was pieced together, often haltingly, one fragment at a time through a deep immersion in a rich archive. Sensing I was on new ground, I rejected any overarching schema, adhering to the perhaps counterintuitive notion that the best way to make the archive speak was to resist imposing a theory on it and instead to allow the shape of the materials themselves to suggest ways of proceeding. To illustrate both the advantages and the liabilities of this method, which I employed while working on nineteenth-century ethnography collections, I have chosen here to reconstruct the key steps of the scholarly journey that took me from the library to the world of museums and archives. I offer this reflection on critical practice first as an exercise in demystification and second as an encouragement to anyone, but especially students, who might wish to travel similar paths.

The article considers the process of accumulation, recording, keeping and use of the documentary monuments created on the Belarusian land, from ancient times to the present. It is noted that the regulatory and legal framework that existed in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the form of the “archival articles” of statutes, the Sejm resolutions and constitutions contributed to the preservation of documents, primarily of a legal nature. The magnates and gentry of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania took care of their family archives, inviting specialists who were experts in archives to organize them. With the inclusion of the Belarusian lands into the Russian Empire, the local administration was initially indifferent to the preservation of the archives of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, using them only as a means to fight political and ideological opponents. That was particularly evident in the case of the Vilna Museum of Antiquities with the attached Archaeological Commission – the museum suffered detriment as the administration considered its activities to be “polonophile”. One of the reasons for the closure of the museum and the commission in 1864 was the publication of the collections of documents that did not fit into the official historiographical paradigm. On the basis of the museum, the Vilna Public Library, loyal to the administration, was created with the Manuscripts Department, which began to be completed with the documents and materials found both on the territory of the Lithuanian and mainly Belarusian provinces, and it caused an outflow of documentary monuments from the places of their origin. The Vitebsk Scientific Archival Commission, founded in 1909, played a positive role in the collection and preservation of the documentary monuments in the region; the Commission contributed to the formation of the archives, museum and the library, which, after 1917, acquired the status of the institutions of a provincial level. With the creation in 1922 of the archival service of the republic, the formation of a network of state archives, libraries and museums, the issue of distributing archival documents and materials between them acquires particular urgency. It was discussed at the Second Meeting of Archival Workers of Belarus in December 1927, and also at the meeting of the representatives of archival, museum and library institutions in December 1929. Belarusian archivists D.I. Dovgiallo, M.V. Meleshko and others took part in the discussions on the interaction of archives, museums and libraries in collecting and keeping the archival materials. Currently, the republican museums and libraries keep about 10% of the National Archival Funds of Belarus. On April 18, 2022, the Law of the Republic of Belarus “On the Amendments to the Law ‘On Archives and Records Management in the Republic of Belarus’” was adopted, according to which the right to permanently keep the documents of the state part of the National Archival Funds of the Republic of Belarus was only granted to the state archives, while previously, along with archives, museums and libraries had the right to keep such documents. In the context of the “digital revolution” taking place in the world, the issue of interaction between archival, museum and library institutions in the preservation and use of documents and materials is of particular relevance

As an offshoot of the recent reevaluation of Heinrich Schliemann by Traill and others, British expatriate diplomat Frank Calvert, the father of field archaeology in the Troad, for a century consigned to being “in Schliemann's shadow”, is now receiving recognition for his extensive contributions to the topography and archaeology of the Troad. J. M. Cook pioneered a comprehensive assessment of Calvert's work in his 1973 topographical study, The Troad. He had discovered an unpublished manuscript catalogue of the Calvert Collection which a Turkish schoolteacher had saved and later given to the Istanbul Archaeological Museum. Cook mined it in the 1950's for information on Calvert's many identifications and excavations at over fifty sites in the Troad and the Chersonese. In the 1980's Traill published several articles, centred on Schliemann, which shed some light on Calvert. His study of Schliemann's diaries and correspondence with Calvert in the Gennnadius Library betrayed Schliemann's repeated attempt to diminish the significance of Calvert's excavations at Troy and his outfoxing of Calvert concerning the Helios Metope, a remarkable work of early Hellenistic sculpture. Wood and Easton uncovered hitherto unpublished correspondence between Calvert and Charles Thomas Newton (1816–1894), Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum (1861–1886). Nevertheless, until the 1990's, no work solely featured Calvert and his legacy. Gamer (1992) and Allen (1994, 1995a and b, 1996 and forthcoming) have focused on Calvert's archaeological legacy and Robinson has unearthed critical diplomatic documents contextualizing his life (1994).

French interest in India and neighbouring regions dates back to the 17th century. Oriental studies developed as a distinct discipline through the 19th century, stimulated in France by French colonial activities in Indochina, and culminating at the end of the century in the emergence of Oriental art and archaeology as a subject in its own right. The Commission Archéologique de l’Indochine was established in 1898, and became the Ecole Francaise d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) in 1901 with responsibility for listing and protecting antiquities in the French colonies; its library in Paris constitutes a major resource. France’s relationship with Afghanistan facilitated French archaeological activities in that country until 1975; archaeological finds enabled the Musée Guimet to extend its scope and to become a museum of Asiatic art, and its library became and remains the major library in Paris so far as Asian art is concerned. The library of the Ecole du Louvre supports courses on Asian art, while the Bibliothèque Nationale and such libraries as the Bibliothèque Forney also contain valuable collections. Photographic collections in some of these institutions have not been so well looked after as books, and their condition is a matter of concern. Unpublished archival materials are also held in some of the same institutions. The resources of a number of smaller, specialised institutes are currently being brought together in a new building under the name ‘Institute d’Asie du Collège de France’, while some other collections are being linked with the library of the EFEO to create a ‘Bibliothèque d’Asie’. Meanwhile it remains to be seen whether the new Bibliothèque Nationale des Arts will include the arts of Asia within its scope. No library in France has responsibility for modern Indian art. (An English translation follows the text in French).

Thomas Christiansen: The Engineer and the Egyptian Mummies: A Scoop from the 1910s The article contains a wealth of new and valuable information on important ancient Egyptian objects that are today housed and on display in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen and the Museum of Ancient Art (Antikmuseet) in Aarhus. Using Mediestream – a service provided by the Royal Library that allows you to access and search more than 35 million digitised Danish newspaper pages – it tells the curious story of a Danish engineer, Jacob Kjeldsen (1873‑1914), and three ancient Egyptian mummiesand coffins from the 21st Dynasty (c. 1070‑950 BCE). From the study of these newspapers it emerges that, during a trip to Egypt in 1910, Kjeldsen had acquired three mummies and coffins in Luxor from Mohammed Abd er-Rasul – a son of the infamous antiquities dealer Mohammed Ahmed Abd er-Rasul – who had discovered them in a tomb in Deir el-Bahari. Shortly after Kjeldsen’s return to Copenhagen, descriptions of the objects began to circulate in the press, and ValdemarSchmidt (1836‑1925), the first Danish Egyptologist, acquired the coffin and mummy of a priest of Amun by the name of Khonshotep for the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (inv. ÆIN 1069). During the autumn of the same year, Kjeldsen tried to sell his two remaining mummies, both female priestesses of Amun, and their coffins to the Museum of Aarhus (Aarhus Museum), but without success. Instead, they were impounded and auctioned off by the town magistrate in 1912, because Kjeldsen owed money to a patent office inCopenhagen. This is the last reference to the two mummies in the newspapers, until one of them cropped up out of the blue in Aarhus. In 1950 the newspapers reported that an industrialist, Ivan Lystager (1904‑1985), had donated an Egyptian mummy and coffin to the newly founded Museum of Ancient Art in Aarhus. The name, Taubasti, and titles, ‘Lady of the House’ and ‘Chantress of Amun’, inscribed on the coffin (inv. O 303) leave no room for doubt that it and the accompanying mummy once belonged to Kjeldsen. A letter in the archives of the museum informs us that Lystager had bought them in an antiquities shop in Copenhagen in 1939. The fate of Kjeldsen’s last mummy and coffin and their current whereabouts are still unknown. From the newspapers it can be deduced that the coffin stems from the same period (the 21st Dynasty) and was made for a woman, who also bore the titles ‘Lady of the House’ and ‘Chantress of Amun’, and probably answered to the name of Tamit. Because of onomastics and the fact that the three coffins all derive from the same period and were made for members of clergy of Amun in Thebes, it is likely that Mohammed Abd er-Rasul found the three mummies interred together in an unknown family tomb in Deir el-Bahari in 1910. The article is therefore supplemented with an appendix, which provides a catalogue of the names and titles inscribed in hieroglyphs on the two coffins in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek and the Museum of Ancient Art. Hopefully, it can assist researchers in the search for the now lost coffin and mummy (and potentially other grave goods from the same tomb) in state and private ancient Egyptian collections around the world.

Статья посвящена истории создания Музея cтарой Москвы. Анализ протоколов заседаний Комиссии по изучению старой Москвы позволяет понять, как формировался музей, начиная от возникновения идеи о его создании до реализации на практике. Главным источником для получения необходимой информации по данной теме являются архивные документы, сохранившиеся в Отделе рукописей Российской государственной библиотеки. Введение в научный оборот делопроизводственных материалов Комиссии и поиск методов повышения их информативной отдачи составляет новизну и актуальность данного исследования. В статье показано, с какими сложностями пришлось столкнуться членам Комиссии для реализации плана открытия музея, начиная от выбора помещения, заканчивая формированием коллекции и отбором экспонатов музея. Преодолев все сложности, инициаторы его создания добились того, что Музей старой Москвы стал больше, чем просто место хранения, изучения и выставки экспонатов. Музей старой Москвы стал местом, объединившим историков, краеведов – знатоков Москвы, ученых и просто любителей, превратившись в центр по изучению отечественных древностей, продолжив, тем самым, начинания Московского археологического общества по сохранению памятников культурного наследия нашей страны. The article is devoted to the history of creation of the Museum of Old Moscow. The analysis of the minutes of the meetings of the Commission for the Study of Old Moscow allows to understand how the museum was formed, starting from the idea of its creation to its realization in practice. The main source for obtaining the necessary information on this topic are the archival documents preserved in the Manuscripts Department of the Russian State Library. The novelty and relevance of this study is the introduction of the Commission's records into scientific circulation and the search for methods to increase their informative value. The article shows what difficulties the members of the Commission had to face in order to realize the plan of opening the museum, starting from the choice of the premises and ending with the formation of the collection and selection of the museum exhibits. Having overcome all the difficulties, the initiators of its creation achieved that the Museum of Old Moscow became more than just a place of storage, study and exhibition of exhibits. The Museum of Old Moscow became a place that united historians, local historians – connoisseurs of Moscow, scientists and amateurs, turning into a center for the study of domestic antiquities, thus continuing the initiatives of the Moscow Archaeological Society for the preservation of monuments of cultural heritage of our country.

Collections of antiquities on Danish manorsBefore the establishment of the public museum system and during its first phase after 1807, important activity concerning the relics of antiquity was managed by the estates (fig. 3). This resulted in the creation of collections with varied contents, including Danish antiquities. These were either bought or found within the estate district as was the case with the pieces of ”danefæ”, which the peasants found and brought to the manor (according to a decree from 1737, all treasures found in the Danish soil must be handed over to the king or – later – the state. Such finds are called” danefæ”). It is notable that the collection of danefæ took place according to a decentralised structure, as described in King Frederik V’s public notice from 1752, which also stated that a reward is given in return. According to this, the king delegated his right to collect danefæ to counts and barons, who could then again pass it on and cash the reward. The danefæ became the nucleus in many collections (fig. 4). This category of landowners kept their central position to archaeological work for a long time. Their right to collect danefæ lasted until 1853, and the practice of delivering antiquities found on the estate at the manor went on until modern times.The early museum collections, the kunstkammers and collections of curios of the 17th and 18th centuries, are well described in the literature on museum history. However, only little attention has been paid to the collections of the 19th and early 20th centuries. For instance, the collections of Broholm on Fyn (fig. 9), of Nr. Vosbjerg in Western Jutland, of Brattingsborg on Samsø, and of Valbygaard (fig. 1) and Lerchenborg on Sjælland have all been thoroughly described, but only individually (note 5), not as a phenomenon. This article is based on information from a few selected archives supplemented by spot tests involving a number of manors and several museums in areas with many estates (note 14). ln spite of the limitations induced by the source material it is the aim of the article to throw light on as many collections as possible to reach a general view. The article focuses on the manor collections as a phenomenon and on the museum development and museum traditions to which these collections belong , with the emphasis on the 19th and early 20th centuries.The article is based on two archives,Victor Hermansen’s papers in the Royal Library, indicated in the lists I-V with the signature of ”gl. Bib. VH” and the part of the report archive in the National Museum / Danish Prehistory, listed as ”NM, Oldtiden”, which contains the private collections. The material has been described using five time references: Before 1807 (list I); 1807-1848 (list II); 1848-1892 (list III); and finally 1892-1919 and 1919- the present time (both in list IV) (fig. 2). The time divisions were the result of an overall evaluation of the material, the type of collections and the intellectual, mental and social motives behind the collecting activity. Although the types of collections from different periods overlap and late examples of early collection types do occur, it is still obvious that the ideal for collector’s activity changed in the course of time.The review begins with the period 1807-1848, at the start of which the ”Royal Commission to the Safe keeping of Antiquities” was to become the foundation stone of the public museum system.1807-1848: landowners and others put much work into the issue, which the ”Commission” had been appointed to safeguarding. Danish artefacts were collected as never before. A flow of artefacts arrived at the collection in the capital from several landowners on Fyn and elsewhere. As in the beginning of the previous period, the landowners were also taking part in excavations, in protecting relics of antiquity and in publishing archaeological treatises.1848-1892:The public museum services were established. The new keeper of the Danish antiquities, the archaeologist J.J.A. Worsaae travelled the country to collect information, and he specifically contacted the landowners, knowing that these were key figures within archaeological research (fig. 5 and 10). Consequently, the landowners changed the way they dealt with archaeology in line with the development of the profession as initiated by Worsaae, who went in the direction of a more scholarly method and a dissociation of philosophy and history, which had been closely connected to archaeology. King Frederik VII’s (1848-1863) personal interest in archaeology had a positive influence on the development of the profession and contributed to its growing popularity among the landowners and the public.1892-1919: This period began with the Old Nordic Museum changing its name into the National Museum, and Sophus Müller becoming its curator. The landowners continued their archaeological activity, especially on those estates, which had a tradition for this (fig. 6). However, in the correlation between these archaeologically interested and active landowners, the National Museum gained more authority due to its growing expertise. Not only did the museum engage itself in the landowners’ investigations, it also took over the work and continued it on its own terms. But at the same time the museum staff showed appropriate consideration to the landowners, who according to the constitution had the right of owners hip to extensive areas with artefacts and relics of the past. Cooperation was necessary for the growth of the profession. The landowners had unlimited rights to those finds of artefacts and structures that were not danefæ or listed relics. However, the registers of the National Museum from this time show that after the excavation, the landowner often gave the finds to the museum.This period also saw conflicts between the provincial museums and the National Museum, caused by Sophus Müller’s policy of a centralised museum structure, which gave the provincial museums little liberty of action (note 7). We lack a coherent description of the private artefact collectors’ part in this game. A closer examination of some of them, such as Beck on Valbygaard, the private collectors associated with the museum in Odense, and Collet on Lundbygaard suggests that they were sometimes on one, sometimes on the other front in this controversy (note 9 and 47).After 1919: In 1919, the privileges and special duties of the nobility were cancelled, a development parallelled in the rest of Central, East and Northern Europe. The advanced position in the government previously held by this social class had ended to be replaced by the public sector of the democratic society of which the modern museum system forms a part. However, some estates carried on the tradition of building up collections of artefacts even in this period, and a few landowners opened museums on their estates (fig. 7). These are late activities in the long tradition of archaeological activity on the manors. Both in this periods and the previous one, the interest in collecting artefacts spread down the hierarchy of the manors to the employees and to the farmers on the small holdings. Today almost every family holding owns a collection of artefacts found on the property.To throw light on the changing intellectual context of which the artefact collections on the manors formed part, from the collections of the late Renaissance until the present, the article includes the collections of curios and minerals from the 17th and 18th centuries (list I). Most royal and princely courts in Europe had a kunstkammer with a wideranging content. The archive information used for this article has shown that in Denmark in the 19th century, these collections were not exclusively connected to the nobility or the manors. It is a common trait that the collector was a learned person, an academic or a high official or a well- educated nobleman with or without property. To agree with this, both in Denmark and internationally, a well-equipped library was attached to the collection as a fixed element (fig. 8). Some kunstkammers were attached to grammar schools, orphanages and student hostels. Through purchase and sale parts of the collections changed owner and location from time to time, as for instance the collection of Jesper Friis, which can be followed in written so urces from the 17th century through the following centuries and for a couple of items even into the antique collection of the National Museum.Around 1800, the Romantic Movement and the national currents increased the interest in Danish arte facts and relics of the past. Via folk high school education, which was inspired by the Nordic mythology and attached importance to the prehistory and early history of the nation, this interest spread into the population. As opposed to the earlier collections, which formed part of a learned environment characterised by a classical, humanistic education, the many manor collections, which had their prime in the period of c. 1860-1919, formed part of a practical agronomy universe, where demanding farming techniques were pushed into effect and where hunting and outdoor life was an important part of life. At the same time the landowners put much strength into renovating buildings and erecting fine manor complexes, a natural consequence of the wealth that originated from the corn sales. In an era where natural sciences and practical trades were given pride of place, the turn of archaeology away from the old humanistic method and tradition within philology and history towards the exact sciences will have contributed to the populariry of the profession.The private collections of artefacts have a larger professional and intellectual value than what is usually attributed to them. They were made at a time when the creation of rype collections of artefacts, suites, were in fashion. Information on find conditions and contexts are therefore rare. In the 20th century, professional archaeologists valued these collections according to the presence of find information, and so many of them were split through exchange. The fact that many of these artefacts were from the time before the parish accounts (a registering of relics of the past initiated by the National Museum) and thus – when it comes to the local artefacts – told of the relics of the past that had been situated on the estate earlier, but had been demolished in the early, active farming years of the first half of the 19th century. Also, the ethnological value of these collections has been disregarded.The article ends with considerations as to the public / the private. Nowadays these two notions create two separate rooms. ICOM’s ethical rules for museums have a clear definition, stating that a professional museum activiry is in compatible with private collecting activity.The history of the private collections of arte facts throws light on the development from the time before the public sector, when landowners and other private persons were supporting archaeology and the public museum initiative economically, politically and professionally. The profession developed from here and in a continued interaction between the professionals and the private collectors. Even when today there is a clear distinction between public and private, there are some interesting reminiscences left. Without the contribution and support of the public, archaeology would have difficult conditions.Karen Løkkegaard PoulsenMariboTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

»My name is Boye, I dig carins and old mounds«The archaeologist Vilhelm Christian BoyeThe story of Vilhelm Boye is the history of one man’s passionate and insightful involvement in archaeology, which from the first was directed solely towards the Bronze Age. His involvement led to an academic disaster in his youth, but left behind it a developed skill in field archaeology. Despite his problems he persisted with what most obsessed him, namely the preservation of Denmark’s oak coffin graves. His multi-facetted personality and his more popular approach to archaeology may have challenged his contemporaries, and certainly contributed to his more or less deliberate exclusion from a permanent appointment at the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen. Even though he was opposed by powerful people within the Copenhagen museum establishment for nearly twenty years, he had the natural facility of easily winning the trust of others. This enabled him to cope with the situation and turn it to his advantage wherever he found himself. His marriage to Mimi Drachmann brought a welcome stability to his life, but his lack of professional recognition and his exclusion from a place at the top of archaeology continued. Time was running out for Boye, but he managed to leave an impressive body of published work behind him.Vilhelm Christian Boye was the son of the Norwegian-born priest and writer of hymns Caspar Johannes Boye. In 1848 his father was moved to the garrison church in Copenhagen, where the family lived at 29 Bredgade until his father’s death from cholera in 1853. This was a fashionable part of town, its residents including both the composer Niels W. Gade and Professor Adam Oehlenschläger, and even more notably J.J.A. Worsaae lived in the same property as the Boye family from 1850 to 1852. It was probably through his neighbour Worsaae that Boye later became a member of the circle around C.J. Thomsen. We may therefore assume that Boye visited and spent many after-school hours at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, and soon became an assistant during the public tours.Early in the 1840s tension arose between Worsaae and Thomsen, because Thomsen did not want to make Worsaae a junior museum inspector. Worsaae had not hitherto received any stipend or official position, and with some justice felt himself hard done by. Thomsen however did not respond to his request, so he left the Museum, later to be made Director for the Preservation of Ancient monuments. At the same time he taught at Copenhagen University, where Boye from time to time came to his lectures. There is no doubt that Boye wanted an academic career, and presumably hoped that his involvement with the Museum of Northern Antiquities would allow him to complete a study of Scandinavian archaeology. In the meantime Boye studied at the Museum under the direction of both Thomsen and Herbst.In early October 1857 Boye undertook one of his first excavations of a Bronze Age mound, the so-called Loholm barrow at Snørumnedre Mark (fig. 1). The dating of the grave however caused problems for him, but through a comparative study of Bronze Age burial rituals he concluded that the grave had close parallels within this period.The following year three funerary urns and some bronze objects were found in Hullehøj barrow, near Kjeldbymagle on the island of Møn. The barrow was going to be blown up, but the local judge had the work stopped and sent Boye to lead the excavation in May 1859. As the excavation progressed, Boye was able to ascertain that there were both cremations and inhumations in one and the same barrow. The inhumations were surrounded by fist-sized stones and placed at the bottom of the barrow, the cremations higher up within the mound. In comparison with his earlier barrow excavations it is worth noting Boye’s stratigraphic observations, which for the first time supported the division of the Bronze Age into an earlier and a later section. This hypothesis had been suggested earlier, but not hitherto adequately demonstrated. In 1859 Boye published the results of his excavations of 1857-8, as well as those of his recently completed excavation of Aasehøj barrow at Raklev, in the periodical Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie for 1858. This article is his first independent scientific publication, and should have attracted greater attention than it in fact did. In modern perspective the article is a perfectly competent archaeological publication, in which Boye solely through field observations reaches the conclusion that the Bronze Age could be divided into two periods, each with its own burial ritual. Even though Boye had been close to understanding why both cremations and inhumations occurred in the same barrow as early as 1857, he did not reach his final understanding this early. In November 1857 Worsaae had in fact given lectures at the university in which he suggested a division of the Bronze Age, but it is noteworthy that he had not earlier published any or all of his conclusions. His work on the subdivision of the Stone Age was probably more important to Worsaae, while the subdivision of the Bronze Age was more of a footnote, a natural outgrowth of the idea that there was continuous development from one stage to the next. Boye’s article in Annaler thus inevitably supported Worsaae’s hypothesis, although this was presumably not the intention. On the contrary, Boye merely intended to publish his own conclusions. Boye cannot therefore be said to be the sole originator of the subdivision of the Bronze Age, but apart his barrow investigations there was nobody else who reached the same conclusion at the time independently of Worsaae.In 1860 Boye took part in the first major bog excavations, at Vimose and then at Thorsbjerg with Engelhardt. Despite adverse circumstances and appalling weather, the Thorsbjerg excavations produced several important finds including Roman coins, a gilt breastplate, and also a very unusual face mask of silver with gilt (fig. 2). Although Engelhardt did not publish the full excavation report until 1863-69, Boye presented his observations in Annaler as early as 1860, where he discussed earlier interpretations of the many weapons found in bogs. Boye observed that the universal destruction of these weapons did not happen by chance, but was deliberate. Furthermore, the weapons lay in groups of one type, and the shields were pierced by spear points to pin them to the bottom of the bog. Boye’s interpretation of the finds was thus remarkably accurate, because he regarded them as votive offerings of the spoils of war.When Prussian and Austrian troops crossed the Ejder River on 1st February 1864, Boye volunteered within the month and was promoted to lance corporal (fig. 3). In May he was landed to take part in the defence of the island of Als along with the other Danish forces. On his return home in August Boye continued his work at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, but Thomsen’s health was failing, and after a long illness he died on 21st May 1865. The question of who was to succeed Thomsen had long been discussed, and it was indeed Worsaae who was appointed. Although Herbst had been groomed for the job by Thomsen, he found himself outmanouevred. Boye probably already knew by then that he would not be given a position at the Museum. Herbst, his confidant, could no longer help him, and Thomsen’s awareness of his archaeological skills was of no use either. Circumstances thus forced Boye to leave the Museum.Boye’s relationship with the family friend and poet H.C. Andersen resulted in the latter recommending Boye in December 1867 as a Danish tutor to the Brandt family in Amsterdam (fig. 4). On Wednesday 22nd January 1868 Boye departed for Amsterdam via Kiel. During his stay Boye wrote regularly to Andersen, who also travelled to Amsterdam to visit him. His stay in Amsterdam was evidently good for Boye, and contributed to the fact that he never lost his love for archaeology. As early as late August of the same year, Boye travelled to southern Halland in Sweden at the request of Ritmester Peter von Möller, to examine and excavate a large group of barrows known as the Ätterhögar on the Drömmestrup estate, the excavation of which was concluded in early July 1869. Boye thus returned home just in time to take part as a member of the Danish Committee in the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology that was held in Copenhagen from 25th August to 5th September. But his love of Schleswig and the old borderland called him, and soon Boye moved permanently to Haderslev to work as a freelance writer on the daily paper Dannevirke under the editorship of H.R. Hiort-Lorenzen.His coverage of the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology meeting in Copenhagen is the most extensive of Boye’s writings in Dannevirke. He also wrote a series of articles with a marked archaeological-ethnographic content, for example on the antiquities of Brazil, and the discovery of ­Australia.Although Boye supported himself as a writer for Dannevirke, his main occupation seems rather to have been the investigation of the burial mounds of Schleswig, which before 1864 had only been intermittently examined by amateurs. Boye began an extensive programme, and without his efforts and initiative, knowledge of many Schleswig barrows would have been lost. Although the information he recorded was not particularly satisfactory, in that it was mostly based on the memory of local people, his efforts should be seen as a precursor, because the work of protection went slowly at the time. In his search for lost information, in 1875 Boye considered the barrow at Dybvadgård north of Åbenrå, which had been partially excavated by Prince Carl of Prussia in 1864. During the excavations the Prince’s soldiers found an oak coffin, which was despatched to the Museum für Völkerkunde in Berlin. Boye therefore wrote direct to the Prince, who in reply sent a photograph and description of the coffin. During the next eight years Boye managed to accumulate a great deal of information about the barrows of Schleswig, but his work was not without risk, because several of his “missions” involved evading the Prussian authorities and their power to confiscate the antiquities which Boye from time to time illegally sent to the Museum in Copenhagen.In 1874 the Principal of Herlufsholm School, C. Hall, engaged Vilhelm Boye to organise the school’s collection of antiquities, which had been in store for nearly twenty years. In addition to this reorganisation, funds were also made available for the systematic excavation of a nearby barrow at Grimstrup (fig. 5). The barrow however contained very little, mainly urns full of cremated bone, but the excavation was thoroughly recorded and a series of drawings was produced by R. Bertelsen, the school’s teacher of drawing. After this Boye set to work to display the collection in the six cases that were made available. The greater part of the collection came from the Stone Age, filling no fewer than five cases, giving an impression both of coastal finds from shell middens, and grave finds. The Bronze Age display contained only a few bronzes, but rather more pots. Iron Age artifacts were hardly represented at all, and consisted mostly of whetstones, a bowl-shaped buckle, and a pot burnt black.In November of the same year Boye was working at Herlufsholm, he produced his remarkable work Vejledning til Udgravning af Oldsager og deres foreløbige Behandling [Guide to the Excavation of Antiquities and their Initial Study], published under the auspices of the Society for the Historical-Antiquarian Collection in Århus. Boye’s Guide is the first of its type, and one can clearly detect his close association with Herbst, who had contributed to the scientific content of the work.Boye’s link with the antiquarian collection in Århus had not come about by chance. During his time at the Museum of Northern Antiquities he had early on made contact with the person mainly responsible for the establishment of the Århus collection, Edvard Erslev. Boye joined the museum in 1871, re-arranged the collection, and produced a guide for visitors. For the first time the museum acquired a new and professional look. Boye thus functioned as part of the leadership until 1876, when he gave up his museum post in favour of the schoolteacher Emmerik Høegh-Guldberg. The continued problems facing Dannevirke and Hiort-Lorenzen’s mounting confrontation with the judicial authorities in Flensborg probably caused Boye to consider his position with the newspaper. This culminated with the expulsion of Hiort-Lorenzen, who then took up the post of chief editor of Nationaltidende in Copenhagen. Boye also travelled to Copenhagen in early 1878, and on 15th November the year after he married Mimi Drachmann, sister of the poet Holger Drachmann (fig. 6 ). Not suprisingly, Boye got a job at the Nationaltidende, where he edited the newspaper’s Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications until 1885. In the seven years Boye worked at the paper, no fewer than 150 numbers of the Communications appeared, Boye writing more than 400 pages of them himself. The articles include a multiplicity of archaeological and ethnographic topics such as “Egypt’s Ancient Cultures” and “A Copper Age in Scandinavia”.In 1882 Count Emil Frijs of Frijsenborg commissioned Boye to catalogue and organise his estate’s collection of prehistoric and medieval objects, which came from the area round the lake and castle ruin at Søborg in northern Zealand. Attempts had been made to drain the lake since 1793, and several antiquities had been found at various times during the work. The recording project culminated in the publication of a small book, Fund af Gjenstande fra Oldtiden og Middelalderen i og ved Søborg Sø [Finds of Objects from the Prehistoric and Medieval Periods in and around Søborg Lake], which among other things contains some of the first photographic illustrations of Danish antiquities (fig. 7).Worsaae’s death in 1885 inaugurated a new era, and Herbst was finally able to take over the post of head of the Museum (fig. 8). Boye’s long friendship with Herbst had in the previous years resulted in him becoming a regional inspector for the Museum. Herbst was probably even then considering Boye for a future post in the Museum, and was indicating that he himself could not be overlooked when it became time to nominate a successor to Worsaae. After his appointment to the Museum of Northern Antiquities in 1885, Boye continued his activities as inspector in northern Zealand, and was frequently called when new finds were recovered from Bronze Age barrows.In contrast to Herbst, Boye rapidly fell in with the group of younger workers, particularly Henry Petersen (fig. 9). Over the years they became close friends with a common interest in new finds, as during the excavation of Guldhøj in 1891. Boye had no draftsman at the excavation, but he did have a local photographer who recorded some aspects of the opening of the first oak coffin. These are the first photographs ever to be taken during an excavation, even though photography by then was nothing new (fig. 10).With the reorganising of the National Museum, Boye was made senior assistant of the historical section on 1st April 1892, under Henry Petersen. He was responsible for the Museum’s archive and library, but fieldwork and travels are what particularly characterise his work in these years. When the small Bronze Age barrow on which the Glavendrup rune stone had been erected in 1864 was nearly completely destroyed by ploughing, Boye undertook a restoration of the barrow itself and the associated ship-shaped arrangement of stones in 1892 (fig. 11). The restoration’s outcome was the construction of a new barrow on which was placed the rune stone, and the re-erection of the stones in the ship arrangement.At the same time, chamberlain A. Oxholm undertook a small excavation of the Bronze Age barrow at Tårnholm, and recovered an oak coffin containing the remains of a woman, a fine necklace, a belt plate, and a small bronze dagger. Boye was immediately informed, and in connection with his investigations at Tårnborg was able to go to Tårnholm and lead a new excavation of the barrow, in which A.P. Madsen was also involved, and recover two more oak coffins (fig. 12).If we now consider Boye’s last major work, the publication of the major volume Fund af Egekister fra Bronzealderen i Danmark [Finds of Oak Coffins from the Danish Bronze Age], there are several indications that suggest that Boye began the work with the early intention that its coverage should be wide, and contain his long-term investigations into and knowledge of the country’s oak coffin graves. It is particularly noteworthy that his work as an archaeological journalist and with the Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications seems to have been a kind of precursor to this, as the last chapters contain sections that are clearly derived from his contributions to the Communications. The manuscript was completed in April 1896, and A.P. Madsen prepared for it no fewer than 27 full-page folio sized copperplates. The work was dedicated to “the veterans of Danish archaeology”, C.F. Herbst the museum director, and Japetus Steenstrup, with whom Boye had first collaborated more recently.His many years of a wandering existence and work-related disruptions had however told on him, and soon after the book was published Boye became ill. From his private correspondence from 1896 it emerges that Boye often had insufficient time to be with his nearest and dearest. Despite his illness he travelled one last time to visit relatives at Viken, but his illness worsened and he had to travel rapidly to Lund and on to Copenhagen. Boye died on 22nd September apparently as the result of a stroke, and was buried in Søllerød churchyard north of Copenhagen.Boye’s potential as a researcher was noticed early on by Thomsen, but just as quickly suppressed by Worsaae, who may more or less deliberately have sought to out-manoeuvre his colleague. Boye’s character and energy may have seemed a threat, and although he never finished an academic education he nevertheless displayed a remarkable archaeological acuity, but was unable to bolster his own reputation. Some of the blame for this must rest with the Museum’s aged leaders, who never supported or developed Boye’s evident skills to any great extent. It must also be stressed that some of Boye’s earlier career problems are closely connected to the lack of vision and jealousy of these same leaders. When he departed for Amsterdam Boye had no expectation of a Museum post, but despite this he intelligently kept up his contacts with Copenhagen, particularly with Herbst, knowing full well that Worsaae’s leadership would one day end. This somewhat bold presumption turned out to be correct, and helped his archaeological career.There is no doubt that Boye in his later years tried hard to recover his lost reputation and save his career from the disaster it suffered when he was younger, but the price was high and it also affected his health. We must today recognise that his reputation was restored to the highest level, and we must thank him for the fact that, through him, a uniquely detailed knowledge of the Bronze Age people themselves was preserved for Danish archaeology, as well as of their most prominent contribution to the Danish landscape: the barrows.Anders Otte StensagerInstitut for forhistorisk arkæologiKøbenhavns UniversitetTranslated by Peter Rowley-Conwy

The article discusses a number of episodes from the biography of the outstanding Russian researcher of antiquity Mikhail Koutorga (1809—1886), which give an idea of his personal characteristics, scientific routes, contacts and sympathies. His development as a scientist is considered in the system of European scientific coordinates, among which there were many countries and cities, but so far there was no England and London. The European educational path of Mikhail Koutorga began at the Professorial Institute of the University of Dorpat and continued in Berlin, largely predetermining his formation as a scientist. Even in Dorpat, there was an acquaintance with the peculiarities of the educational space of Europe, because Koutorga got acquainted with the advanced works on the history of Greece and Rome at that time and the critical method of European historical science. The works of the French historian François Guizot had the greatest influence on Koutorga. Having adopted his ideas, Mikhail Koutorga further developed the concept of class struggle in relation to Athens. After graduating from the Professorial Institute, Koutorga was attached to the Berlin professor F. Kranichfeld, and a new stage in his development as a scientist began. Illness prevented Koutorga from visiting Italy, but probably allowed him to work in the libraries of Vienna, Berlin and Munich. The scarce information about this scientific trip suggests that Koutorga from his youth sought to expand the horizons of his educational travels, and over the years did not lose this desire. Despite the fact that Koutorga was critical of the teaching of German professors, he attended lectures by prominent researchers of that time (L. von Ranke, F. Raumer, and others). Taking into account his subsequent interest in archaeological and topographic research, the course of lectures on archeology of one of the founders of the archeology of Rome, E. Gerhard, should have seemed important to Koutorga. The knowledge gained at these lectures was probably useful to Mikhail Koutorga during his travels in Greece in 1860—1861. One of the main merits of M. Koutorga in the Western scientific community is still considered a detailed description of the ancient city of Halae in central Greece that meets high scientific standards, which he published in the French edition of the Revue Archéologique for 1860. Before traveling to Greece, he visited France and England in 1859. A visit to England is still one of the blank spots in his scientific and educational travels, where in addition to the obvious ones, there were also hidden routes. The materials stored in the Department of Manuscripts of the National Library of Russia allow us to state that Kutorga managed to enter into correspondence and establish contacts with English antiquities, especially with the outstanding topographer of Greece, Colonel William Martin Leake (1777—1860). The authors of the article transcribed, analyzed and for the first time offered for publication in the original language and translated into Russian five letters stored in the Manuscripts Department of the Russian National Library (F. 410. Items 45, 46, 211). A comparative analysis of the letters made it possible to broaden our understanding of not only the peculiarities of Koutorga's interaction with Western colleagues and to see how carefully he planned his scientific work in England. The letters make it possible to outline the circle of outstanding scientists of that time, to whom Leake addresses about Koutorga. That is, they make it possible to trace the scientific contacts of Colonel Leake in Cambridge, Oxford and the British Museum, as well as point out those of them that can be called personal connections rather than official appeals. The content of the correspondence, which lasts from August 8 to 12, 1859, as well as the information present on the two surviving envelopes, not only proves Koutorga's visit to England, but also allows us to establish the exact address of his residence and the purpose of his stay.

AbstractThe nucleus of the collection of paintings in the Mauritshuis around 130 pictures - came from the hereditary stadholder Prince William v. It is widely believed to have become, the property of the State at the beginning of the 19th century, but how this happened is still. unclear. A hand-written notebook on this subject, compiled in 1876 by - the director Jonkheer J. K. L. de Jonge is in the archives of the Mauritshuis Note 4). On this basis a clnsor systematic and chronological investigation has been carried out into the stadholder's. property rights in respect of his collectcons and the changes these underwent between 1795 and 1816. Royal decrees and other documents of the period 1814- 16 in particular giae a clearer picture of whal look place. 0n 18 January 1795 William V (Fig. 2) left the Netherlands and fled to England. On 22 January the Dutch Republic was occupied by French armies. Since France had declared war on the stadholder, the ownership of all his propergy in the Netherlands, passed to France, in accordance with the laws of war of the time. His famous art collections on the Builerth of in. The Hague were taken to Paris, but the remaining art objects, distributed over his various houses, remained in the Netherlands. On 16 May 1795 the French concluded a treaty with the Batavian Republic, recognizing it as an independent power. All the properties of William v in the Netehrlands but not those taken to France, were made over to the Republic (Note 14), which proceeded to sell objects from the collections, at least seven sales taking place until 1798 (Note 15). A plan was then evolved to bring the remaining treasures together in a museum in emulation of the French. On the initiative of J. A. Gogel, the Nationale Konst-Galerij', the first national museum in the .Netherlands, was estahlished in The Hague and opened to the public on ,31 May 1800. Nothing was ever sold from lhe former stadholder's library and in 1798 a Nationale Bibliotheek was founded as well. In 1796, quite soon after the French had carried off the Stadholder, possessions to Paris or made them over to the Batavian Republic, indemnification was already mentioned (Note 19). However, only in the Trealy of Amiens of 180 and a subaequent agreement, between France ararl Prussia of 1 802, in which the Prince of Orarage renounced his and his heirs' rights in the Netherlands, did Prussia provide a certain compensation in the form of l.artds in Weslphalia and Swabia (Note 24) - William v left the management of these areas to the hereditary prince , who had already been involved in the problems oncerning his father's former possessions. In 1804 the Balavian Republic offered a sum of five million guilders 10 plenipotentiaries of the prince as compensation for the sequestrated titles and goods, including furniture, paintings, books and rarities'. This was accepted (Notes 27, 28), but the agreement was never carried out as the Batavian Republic failed to ratify the payment. In the meantime the Nationale Bibliolkeek and the Nationale Konst-Galerij had begun to develop, albeit at first on a small scale. The advent of Louis Napoleon as King of Hollarad in 1806 brought great changes. He made a start on a structured art policy. In 1806 the library, now called `Royal', was moved to the Mauritshuis and in 1808 the collectiorts in The Hague were transferred to Amsterdam, where a Koninklijk Museum was founded, which was housed in the former town hall. This collection was subsequertly to remain in Amsterdam, forming the nucleus of the later Rijksmuseum. The library too was intended to be transferred to Amsterdam, but this never happened and it remained in the Mauritshuis until 1819. Both institutions underwent a great expansion in the period 1806-10, the library's holdings increasing from around 10,000 to over 45,000 books and objects, while the museum acquired a number of paintings, the most important being Rembrandt's Night Watch and Syndics, which were placed in the new museum by the City of Amsterdam in 1808 (Note 44). In 1810 the Netherlands was incorporated into France. In the art field there was now a complete standstill and in 1812 books and in particular prints (around 11,000 of them) were again taken from The Hague to Paris. In November 1813 the French dominion was ended and on 2 December the hereditary prince, William Frederick, was declared sovereign ruler. He was inaugurated as constitutional monarch on 30 March 1814. On January 3rd the provisional council of The Hague had already declared that the city was in (unlawful' possession of a library, a collection of paintings, prints and other objects of art and science and requested the king tot take them back. The war was over and what had been confiscated from William under the laws of war could now be given back, but this never happened. By Royal Decree of 14 January 1814 Mr. ( later Baron) A. J. C. Lampsins (Fig. I ) was commissioned to come to an understanding with the burgomaster of The Hague over this transfer, to bring out a report on the condition of the objects and to formulate a proposal on the measures to be taken (Note 48). On 17 January Lampsins submitted a memorandum on the taking over of the Library as the private property of His Royal Highness the Sovereign of the United Netherlartds'. Although Lampsins was granted the right to bear the title 'Interim Director of the Royal Library' by a Royal Decree of 9 February 1814, William I did not propose to pay The costs himself ; they were to be carried by the Home Office (Note 52). Thus he left the question of ownership undecided. On 18 April Lampsins brought out a detailed report on all the measures to be taken (Appendix IIa ) . His suggestion was that the objects, formerly belonging to the stadholder should be removed from the former royal museum, now the Rijksmuseum, in Amsterdam and to return the 'Library', as the collectiort of books, paintings and prints in The Hague was called, to the place where they had been in 1795. Once again the king's reaction was not very clear. Among other things, he said that he wanted to wait until it was known how extensive the restitution of objects from Paris would be and to consider in zvhich scholarly context the collections would best, fit (Note 54) . While the ownership of the former collections of Prince William I was thus left undecided, a ruling had already been enacted in respect of the immovable property. By the Constitution of 1814, which came into effect on 30 March, the king was granted a high income, partly to make up for the losses he had sulfered. A Royal Decree of 22 January 1815 does, however, imply that William had renounced the right to his, father's collections, for he let it be known that he had not only accepted the situation that had developed in the Netherlands since 1795, but also wished it to be continued (Note 62). The restitution of the collections carried off to France could only be considered in its entirety after the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815- This was no simple matter, but in the end most, though not all, of the former possessions of William V were returned to the Netherlands. What was not or could not be recovered then (inc.uding 66 paintings, for example) is still in France today (Note 71)- On 20 November 1815 127 paintings, including Paulus Potter's Young Bull (Fig. 15), made a ceremonial entry into The Hague. But on 6 October, before anything had actually been returned, it had already been stipulated by Royal Decree that the control of the objects would hence forlh be in the hands of the State (Note 72). Thus William I no longer regarded his father's collections as the private property of the House of Orange, but he did retain the right to decide on the fulure destiny of the... painting.s and objects of art and science'. For the time being the paintings were replaced in the Gallery on the Buitenhof, from which they had been removed in 1795 (Note 73). In November 1815 the natural history collection was made the property of Leiden University (Note 74), becoming the basis for the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie, The print collection, part of the Royal Library in The Hague, was exchanged in May 1816 for the national collectiort of coins and medals, part of the Rijksmuseum. As of 1 Jufy 1816 directors were appointed for four different institutions in The Hague, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (with the Koninklijk Penningkabinet ) , the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Yoninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 80) . From that time these institutions led independenl lives. The king continued to lake a keen interest in them and not merely in respect of collecting Their accommodation in The Hague was already too cramped in 1816. By a Royal Decree of 18 May 1819 the Hotel Huguetan, the former palace of the. crown prince on Lange Voorhout, was earmarked for the Koninklijke Bibliotheek and the Koninklijk Penningkabinet (Note 87) . while at the king's behest the Mauritshuis, which had been rented up to then, was bought by the State on 27 March 1820 and on IO July allotted to the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 88). Only the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen is still in the place assigned to it by William and the collection has meanwhile become so identified with its home that it is generally known as the Mauritshui.s'. William i's most important gift was made in July 1816,just after the foundation of the four royal institutions, when he had deposited most of the objects that his father had taken first to England and later to Oranienstein in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden. The rarities (Fig. 17), curios (Fig. 18) and paintings (Fig. 19), remained there (Note 84), while the other art objects were sorted and divided between the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (the manuscripts and books) and the koninklijk Penningkabinet (the cameos and gems) (Note 85). In 1819 and 182 the king also gave the Koninklijke Bibliotheek an important part of the Nassau Library from the castle at Dillenburg. Clearly he is one of the European monarchs who in the second half of the 18th and the 19th century made their collectiorts accessible to the public, and thus laid the foundatinns of many of today's museums. But William 1 also made purchases on behalf of the institutions he had created. For the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, for example, he had the 'Tweede Historiebijbel', made in Utrecht around 1430, bought in Louvain in 1829 for 1, 134 guilders (Pigs.30,3 I, Note 92). For the Koninkijk Penningkabinet he bought a collection of 62 gems and four cameos , for ,50,000 guilders in 1819. This had belonged to the philosopher Frans Hemsterhuis, the keeper of his father's cabinet of antiquities (Note 95) . The most spectacular acquisition. for the Penninukabinet., however, was a cameo carved in onyx, a late Roman work with the Triumph of Claudius, which the king bought in 1823 for 50,000 guilders, an enormous sum in those days. The Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamhedert also received princely gifts. In 1821- the so-called doll's house of Tzar Peter was bought out of the king's special funds for 2.800 guilders (Figs.33, 34, ,Note 97) , while even in 1838, when no more money was available for art, unnecessary expenditure on luxury' the Von Siebold ethnographical collection was bought at the king's behest for over 55,000 guilders (Note 98). The Koninklijk Kabinel van Schilderyen must have been close to the hearl of the king, who regarded it as an extension of the palace (Notes 99, 100) . The old master paintings he acquzred for it are among the most important in the collection (the modern pictures, not dealt with here, were transferred to the Paviljoen Welgelegen in Haarlem in 1838, Note 104). For instance, in 1820 he bought a portrait of Johan Maurice of Nassau (Fig.35)., while in 1822, against the advice of the then director, he bought Vermeer' s View of Delft for 2,900 guilders (Fig.36, Note 105) and in 1827 it was made known, from Brussels that His Majesty had recommended the purchase of Rogier van der Weyden's Lamentation (Fig.37) . The most spectacular example of the king's love for 'his' museum, however, is the purchase in 1828 of Rembrandt's Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp for 32,000 guilders. The director of the Rijksmuseum, C. Apostool, cortsidered this Rembrandt'sfinest painting and had already drawn attention to it in 1817, At the king'.s behest the picture, the purchase of which had been financed in part by the sale of a number of painlings from. the Rijksmuseum, was placed in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen in The Hague. On his accession King William I had left the art objects which had become state propery after being ceded by the French to the Batavian Republic in 1795 as they were. He reclaimed the collections carried off to France as his own property, but it can be deduced from the Royal Decrees of 1815 and 1816 that it Was his wish that they should be made over to the State, including those paintings that form the nucleus of the collection in the Mauritshuis. In addition, in 1816 he handed over many art objects which his father had taken with him into exile. His son, William II, later accepted this, after having the matter investigated (Note 107 and Appendix IV). Thus William I'S munificence proves to have been much more extensive than has ever been realized.

Abstract This article recounts the story of an outstanding and yet little-known eighteenth-century character, the collector of sacred art Alessandro Matterozzi (1713–1783). He displayed in his family palace in Urbania (Marche, Italy), among paintings and antiquities, a select collection of Early Christian gold-glass, a form of decorative glass made of two layers of glass with a design in gold leaf fused between them. The seventeen pieces acquired from his collection by the British Museum consist of the bases of glass vessels found mainly in Early Christian catacombs. The drawings filed in Gaetano Marini’s sylloge entitled ‘Inscriptiones christianae’ (1765–1801), now in the Vatican Library, together with other newly studied written sources, document how Matterozzi assembled one of the largest gold-glass collections of his time, which was later added to the collections of the British Museum.

The events of 1863–1864 were a turning point in the intellectual life of Vilnius (Rus. Vil’na) and of all Lithuanian and Belarussian gubernias of the then Russian Empire, which were already commonly known as the North-Western krai, i.e. province. The consequences of the defeated uprising – the reorganisation of the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities, the closure of the Vilnius Temporary Archaeological Commission, and the establishment of the Vilnius Public Library – became a recognised fact. Vilnius Central Archives, founded in 1852 and significantly enriched by the archives of the estates confiscated after the uprising and of the closed Catholic monasteries, also played a significant role in the imperial policy, as did the archive of the books of the early acts of the gubernias of Vilnius, Kaunas (Rus. Kovno), Gardinas (Rus. Grodno) and Minsk, and the Vilnius Commission for the studies and publication of the books of the early acts. Since all these institutions operated in the premises of the closed Vilnius University, nowadays their history is justifiably or maybe unjustifiably (as the content of this article would suggest) treated as an integral part of the history of the alma mater. The aim of the newly created Russian centre of science and culture was to annihilate the historical memory of the ‘Polish’ intellectual life that had once been bustling within these walls. All four institutions – or rather all three, since after the reorganisation of the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities it became a division of the Vilnius Public Library – attracted scholars’ attention. Key personalities who used to work in these institutions were also mentioned and sometimes introduced in greater detail.

The article analyses the works of Albert Żamett (Zameytt, 1821–1876), an artist from Vilnius, stored in the collections of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences and the Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences. Most of these works are from the Wroblewski collections. The diverse collection also includes such unique items as an album of studio drawings, a watercolour depicting the ruins of Trakai Castle, and a stage design project. These and other objects in the collection reflect different stages of Żamett’s creative activities and are very significant for the research on this artist’s legacy but have remained on the margins of scientific research up until now. In the article, the works of the Wroblewski collection are discussed in the broader context of Żamett’s work; some objects are published and introduced to scientific circulation for the first time. The publication discusses the artist’s relations with Jan Kazimierz Wilczyński, the publisher of Album de Vilna (The Album of Vilnius) and with patrons Benedict, Michał, and Eustachy Tyszkiewicz. The dates of some works are being revised (the painting Interior of the Palace in Gorodok – 1860, the drawing for the lithograph The Archaeology Hall of the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities – 1863). New data on various aspects of the artist’s creative activity in Vilnius are also presented. For example, it has not been noticed until now that Żamett used Sweykowski’s photography for the image of Eustachy Tyszkiewicz in the interior of the Archaeology Hall of the Vilnius Museum of Antiquities. It was also not known that Żamett led the reconstruction of the St Wladislaus Chapel in 1862–1863, during which the altar with the sculpture of the saint by Henryk Dmochowski, which has survived to this day, was installed. Unexpected information was also found in the press about the mural depicting Békés Hill, which Żamett painted in 1862 in Spohr’s confectionery on Vokiečių Street. With regard to the 1847 watercolour depicting the ruins of Trakai Castle, it was discovered that Żamett used the motif of Trakai several times and had painted several landscape versions of this theme using romantic lighting effects in some of them. The watercolour in the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences is probably the earliest and the only image of the ruins of Trakai Castle by Albert Żamett that has survived in Lithuania.

At first glance, it seems the history of the museums in Israel is just around 75 years old, if to count from the date of the state establishment in 1948, but in fact, it is a almost 150 years old, if we consider the date of the first museums appearance and the start the Zionist project, proclaimed by Theodor Herzl in 1897. After the First World War from 1918-1948 Palestine got under British rule. Together with the British Mandate, its colonial past and attitude, the modern British concepts and technologies were launched in urbanism and master-plans of new cities, approach in education and culture. Also they greatly influenced the legislation and institutional development of the heritage sector of the future state. The history of these 30 years has been described and analyzed in the works of many international and Israeli researchers, but the articles and books, written by Raz Kletter, Shimon Gibson and Galia Bar Or, are stand out. However, in the context of presenting extensive material on the history of museums, there is still room for adjustments and additions from the point of view of current cultural policies and international trends, including recent political and ethical issues. In the article, the author examines three key stages in the development of museums in Israel. Research and publications, documents from archives of the Israel Antiquities Authority, the archives of the Institute of Archeology of the Hebrew University, the archives of the National Library of Israel. Here we use the classic methods of historical and critical analysis, as well as content analysis of archival documents. A retrospective approach, from the point of view of Israel's current cultural policy and world museum trends, allows us to draw conclusions regarding several existing strategies.

Introduction The concept of ‘wellbeing’ is typically thought of in human-centric ways, referring to the affective feelings and bodily sensations that people may have which inform their sense of health, safety, and connection. However, as our everyday lives, identities, relationships, and embodiments become digitised and datafied, ‘wellbeing’ has taken on new practices and meanings. The use of digital technologies such as mobile and wearable devices, social media platforms, and networks of information mediate our interactions with others, as well as the ways we conceptualise what it means to be human, including where the body begins and ends. In turn, digital health technologies and ‘wellness’ cultures such as those promoted on social media sites such as Instagram, Pinterest, YouTube, TikTok, and Facebook have also shaped our understanding of ‘wellness’ and ‘wellbeing’, their parameters, and how they ought to be practiced and felt (Baker; Lupton Digital Health; Lupton et al.). For millennia, aspects of human bodies have been documented and materialised in a variety of ways to help people understand states of health and illness: including relationships to the environments in which they lived. Indigenous and other non-Western cosmologies have long emphasised the kinds of vibrancies and distributed agencies that are part of reciprocal more-than-human ‘manifestings’ of kinships, and have called for all people to adopt the role of stewards of the ecosystem (Bawaka Country et al.; Hernández et al.; Kimmerer; Rots; Todd; Tynan). In Western cultures, ideas of the human body that reach back to ancient times adopt a perspective that viewed the continuous flows of forces (the four humours) in conjunction with the elements of air, wind, earth, and fire inside and outside the body as contributing to states of health or ill health. It was believed that good health was maintained by ensuring a balance between these factors, including acknowledgement of the role played by climactic, ecological, and celestial conditions (Hartnell; Lagay). A more-than-human approach is beginning to be re-introduced into Western cultures through political activism and academic thinking about the harms to the planet caused by human actions, including global warming and climate crises, loss of habitats and ecological biodiversity, increased incidence of extreme weather events such as bushfires, floods, and cyclones, and emerging novel pathogens affecting the health not only of humans but of other living things (Lewis; Lupton Covid Societies; Lupton Internet of Animals; Neimanis et al.). Contemporary Western more-than-human philosophers argue for the importance of acknowledging our kinship with other living and non-living things as a way of repositioning ourselves within the cosmos and working towards better health and wellbeing for the planet (Abram; Braidotti; Plumwood). As these approaches emphasise, health, wellbeing, and kinship are always imbricated within material-social assemblages of humans and non-digital things which are constantly changing, and thereby generating emergent rather than fixed capacities (Lupton "Human-Centric"; Lupton et al.). In this article, we describe our More-than-Human Wellbeing exhibition. To date, new media, Internet, and communication studies have not devoted as much attention to more-than-human theory. It is this more-than-digital and more-than-human approach to health information and wellbeing that marks out our research program as particularly distinctive. Our research focusses on the many and varied digital and non-digital forms that information about health and bodies takes. We are interested in health data as they are made and form part of the objects and activities of people’s everyday lives and aim to expand the human-centric approach offered in digital health by positioning human health and embodiment as always imbricated within more-than-human ecosystems. We acknowledge that all environments (natural and human-built) are intertwined with humans, and that to a greater or lesser extent, all are configured with and through the often exploitative and extractive practices and ideologies of those living in late modern societies in which people are positioned as superior to and autonomous from other living things. Together with more-than-human scholarship, we take inspiration from work in which arts-based, multisensory, and museum curation methods are employed to draw attention to the intertwining of people and ecologies (Endt-Jones; Howes). Our exhibition was planned as a research translation and engagement project, communicating several of our studies’ findings in arts-based media (Lupton "Embodying"). In what follows, we outline the concepts leading to the creation of our exhibits and describe how these pieces materialise and extend more-than-human concepts of wellbeing and care. Five of the exhibits we created for this exhibition are discussed. They all draw on our research findings across a range of studies, together with more-than-human theory and medical history (Lupton "More-Than-Human"). We describe how we used these pieces to materialise more-than-human concepts of health, wellbeing, and kinship in ways that we hoped would provoke critical thought, affective responses, and open capacities for action for contributing to both human and nonhuman flourishing. The background, thinking, and modes of making leading to the creation of ‘Cabinet of Human/Digital/Data Curiosities’, ‘Smartphone Fungi’, ‘Hand of Signs’, ‘Silken Anatomies’, and ‘Talking/Flowers’ are explained below. Bodily Curios Vaughan Wozniak-O’Connor and Deborah Lupton. Cabinet of Human/Digital/Data Curiosities. Reclaimed timber, found objects, resin 3D prints. 2023. Fig. 1: Cabinet of Human/Digital/Data Curiosities. Fig. 2: Detail from Cabinet of Human/Digital/Data Curiosities. The objects we have placed in Cabinet of Human/Digital/Data Curiosities (figs. 1 and 2) mix together such things from the past as prosthetic human eyeballs and teeth used in medicine and dentistry in earlier eras. This collection of found and manufactured objects, both old and new, draws on the concept of the ‘cabinet of curiosities’, also known as cabinets of wonder, which first became popular in the sixteenth century. Artefacts were assembled together for viewing in a room or a display case. The items were chosen for being notable in some way by the curator, including objects from natural history, antiquities, and religious relics, as well as works of art. These collections, purchased, curated, and assembled by members of the nobility or the wealthy as a marker of refinement, knowledge, or social status, were the precursor of museums (Endt-Jones). We see digital devices such as mobile phones as one of a multitude of ways that operate to document and preserve elements of human embodiment – indeed, as contemporary ‘cabinets of curiosities’. Our cabinet also refers to the tradition of medical museums, which display preserved human organs, body parts, and tissue in glass bottles for pedagogical purposes. Under this model of health, specimens of both ‘ideal’ health and also ‘ill’ health – abnormalities in the flesh – were documented as a means of categorising wellbeing. Museums such as these would often treat diseased and disabled bodies as oddities and artefacts of ‘curiosity’. In this work, we reimagine and wind back this way of thinking, through displaying and drawing attention and curiosity towards signs of the body and the everyday. We are showing that wellbeing is more than a process of categorisation, comparison, or measurement of ‘ideal’ or ‘abnormal’; it is in the traces we leave behind us when we return to the earth. Our information data are human remains, moving as endless constellations of the interior and exterior of the body (Lupton Data Selves). In this artwork, both reclaimed wood and 3D-printed resin were used as a synergy between the natural and synthetic. Taking our cue from the manner of display of these items in medical museums, we have added our own curios, including 3D-printed body organs sprouting fungi (fig. 2), as a way of demonstrating the entanglements between humans and the fungal kingdom. Interspersed among these relics of human bodies is a discarded mobile phone with its screen badly shattered. It is displayed as a more recent antiquated object for making images and collecting, storing, and displaying information and images about human bodies, which itself is subject to disastrous events despite its original high-tech veneer of glossy impermeability. Technologies are more-than-flesh as human-made simulacra of body parts. Our wellbeing is sensed and made sense of through bodies’ entanglements of human and nonhuman. These curios both materialise traces of our bodies and wellbeing and extend our bodies into the physical spaces we inhabit and through which we move. Reading the Traces and Signs Vaughan Wozniak-O’Connor and Deborah Lupton. Smartphone Fungi. Recycled European oak, 3D printed resin, CNC carved plywood. 2023 Vaughan Wozniak-O’Connor and Deborah Lupton. Hand of Signs. Laser-etched walnut and plywood. 2023. Fig. 3: Smartphone Fungi. / Fig. 4: Detail from Smartphone Fungi. Wellbeing is also a process of mark-making, realised through the reciprocal impressions we leave on each other and the world around us. In Smart Phone Fungi (figs. 3 and 4) we capture the idea of ‘recording’ that takes place between people, technologies, and the natural world. It was inspired by a huge tree which members of our team noticed on a bush walk in the Blue Mountains, near Sydney, Australia. Growing from this tree were fungi of similar size and shape to the smartphone that was used to capture the image. In our interpretation, a piece of reclaimed timber was used to represent the tree, itself marked by its human use, and fungal shapes replicating those on the tree were produced using computer numerical controlled (CNC) carving. The central timber post is covered with human and more-than-human traces, such as old tool marks, weather damage, and wood borer holes. Alongside these traces, the CNC-carved fungi forms add a conspicuously digital layer of human intervention. Fig. 5: Hand of Signs. In Hand of Signs (fig. 5), we extend this idea of both organic and digital data traces as something that can be ‘read’ or interpreted. Inspired by the practice of palmistry, this work re-interprets line reading, the historical wooden anatomical model, and human body scanning as ways of reading for signs of wellbeing in past and future. Palm readers interpret people’s character, health, longevity, and other aspects of their lives through the creases and traces of development, wear, and deteriorations in the skin of our hands (Chinn). Life leaves its traces on our palms. The piece also refers to the newer tradition of digitising human bodies (Lupton Quantified Self; Lupton et al.), employing scanning and data visualising technologies, which uses spatial GPS data to deduce patterns of human activity. For both palmistry and in more contemporary monitoring technologies, one’s wellbeing can be deduced through the map: the lines of the palm and the errant traces collected by satellites and sensors. To reflect this relation between mapping and palmistry, our updated anatomical model references both the contours of 3D geospatial data and of the human palm. However, this piece looks to represent more layers of data beyond those captured by GPS data. By using reclaimed wood to construct this human hand model, we are again making an analogy between the marks of growth and life that timber displays and those that the human body bears and develops as people move through more-than-worlds throughout their lifespans. The piece also seeks to draw attention to the various ‘signs’ that have been used across centuries to interpret the current and future health and wellbeing of humans (once markings on or morphologies of the body, now often the digitised visualisations of the internal operations and physical movements of the body that are generated by digital health technologies), superimposing older and newer modes of corporeal knowledge. Layers of Mediation Megan Rose. Silken Anatomies. Digital print on satin and yoryu silk chiffon. 2023. Ash Watson. Talking/Flowers. Collage and digital inkjet on paper. 2023. Fig. 6: Detail from Silken Anatomies. The ways that we come to sense and understand wellbeing are also mediated through the reproductive interplay of natural and technological elements. Silken Anatomies (fig. 6) was inspired by anatomical prints from the Renaissance showing details of the interiors of human bodies and organs together with living things and objects from the natural world. These webs of interconnectivity were thought to be key to wellbeing and health. Produced at scale through metal engraving and woodblock printing, these natural history and compendia took on major importance as part of these educational resources (Kemp; Swan). In an effort to extend the reach of artefacts beyond their tangible presence, libraries globally have sought to create open access digital scans of historic medical and botanical illustrations. The images reconfigured in Silken Anatomies were downloaded from the Wellcome Trust’s online archive and have been reimagined through digital enhancement and sublimation dye techniques. Referencing shrouds, the yoryu silk panels enfold exhibition visitors, who were able to touch and pass through the silks, causing them to billow in response to human movement. We bring together an animal-made material (crafted by silkworms) with more-than-human images featuring both humans and other living creatures. The vibrancies of these beautifully engraved and coloured anatomical images are given a new life and a new feel, both affectively and sensuously, through this piece. We can both see and touch these more-than-human illustrations that speak to us of the early modern natural science visualisations that underpin contemporary digital images of the human body and the more-than-human world. The vibrancies of these beautifully engraved and coloured anatomical plates are given a new life and a new feel, both affectively and sensuously. The digital is returned to the tangible. Fig. 7: Detail from Talking/Flowers. Even in increasingly digitised healthcare environments, paper and other printed materials remain central documents in the landscape of health and wellbeing. Zines are small-scale, DIY, and typically handcrafted publications, which are often made to express creators’ thoughts and feelings about health and wellbeing (Lupton "Health Zines"; Watson and Bennett). Talking/Flowers (fig. 7), a zine of visual and textual work, explores the materialities of health information and healthcare encounters by creatively layering a diverse range of materials: clippings from MRI scans, digitally warped and recoloured images from medical infographics, and found poetry made from research publications. In this way, the zine remixes and reconstitutes key documents of authority in health institutions which continue to take primacy as evidence. While vital in the pipeline of diagnosis and treatment, such documents can become black boxes of meaning, and serve to distance health professionals from consumers and consumers from agentic understandings of their own health. These evidentiary materials are brought together here with other imagery, textures, and recollections of personal experience; the pages also feature leaves, flowers, fungi, and oceanic tones. Oceans, pools, rivers, lakes, and other coastal forms or waterways offer all-consuming sensory spaces in which people can find calm, balance, buoyancy, and connection with the wider world. Aqua tides, purple eddies, and misshapen pearls flow through the pages as the golden thread of the zine’s aesthetic theme. Also featured are three original poems. The first and third poems, ‘talking to a doctor’ and ‘talking to other people’, explore moments of relational vulnerability. The second poem, ‘untitled’, is a found poem made from the conclusions of sociologist Talcott Parsons’s 1975 article on the sick role reconsidered. In each of these poems, information and communication jar the encounters and more-than-human metaphors hold space for complex feelings. The cover similarly merges imagery from botanical and historical medical illustrations with a silver shell, evoking the morphological dimensions that connect the more-than-human. Exhibition visitors were able to turn the pages of the original copy of the zine, and were invited to take a printed copy away with them. Conclusion More-than-Human Wellbeing is an exhibition which aims to expand the horizons of how we understand wellbeing and our entanglements with the world. Our exhibition was designed to draw on our research into the more-than-human dimensions of health and wellbeing in the context of an increasingly digitised and datafied world. We wanted to attune visitors to the relational connections and multisensory ways of knowing that develop with and through people’s encounters and entanglements with creatures, things, and spaces. We sought to demonstrate that in this digital age, in which digital devices and software are often considered the most accurate and insightful ways to monitor and measure health and wellbeing, multisensory and affective engagements with elements of the natural environment remain crucial to understanding our bodies and health. Through engagements with our artworks, we hoped that new capacities for visitors’ learning and thinking about the relational and distributed dimensions of more-than-human wellbeing would be opened. While traditionally thought of as human-centered, we explore human health and wellbeing as interconnected with both the natural and technological. We used materials from the natural world – timber, paper materials, and silk fabric – in our artworks to capture both the multigenerational traces and entanglements between humans and plant matter. Recent works of natural and cultural history have drawn attention to the mysterious and important worlds of the fungi kingdom and its role in supporting and living symbiotically with other life on earth, including humans as well as plants (Sheldrake; Tsing). We also made sure to acknowledge this third kingdom of living things in our artworks. We combined these images and materials from nature with digitised modes of printing and fabrication to highlight the intersections of the digital with the non-digital in representations and sensory feelings of health and wellbeing. We disrupt and make strange signs of traditional human-centric medicine through reconfigurations, bricolage, and re-imaginations of more-than-human wellbeing. As humans we are interconnected with the natural world, and the signs of these meetings can be traced and read. Through our artistic creations, we hope to re-orient people towards this more open way of thinking about wellbeing. Working with arts practices and creative data visualisations, both digital and analogue, we bring to the fore the role that more-than-human agents play in mediating and making these convivial more-than-digital connections. Acknowledgments This research was funded by the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society (CE200100005) and a Faculty of Arts, Design & Architecture collaboration grant. UNSW Library provided financial and curatorial support for the mounting of the exhibition. References Abram, David. "Wild Ethics and Participatory Science: Thinking between the Body and the Breathing Earth." Planet. Volume 1. Kinship: Belonging in a World of Relations. Eds. Gavin van Horn et al. Center for Humans & Nature Press, 2021. 50-62. 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