Academic literature on the topic 'Ali Soilihi'

This article gives an overview of the Comoro Islands and the struggle and obstacles in building a unified nation-state. This often-overlooked member of the Arab League has been rocked by no fewer than 19 coup- and coup attempts characterized by mercenary intervention, especially that of Robert Denard, and French post-colonial involvement. The article covers historical and major inter-island politics and issues of national concern; involvement with the Arab League and the African Union; as well as succession crises and important Comorian leaders including Ahmed Abdullah, Mohammed Bacar and Maoist Ali Soilih.

Artikulu honetan, mende honen hasieran Azkuek egokitutako Erizkizundi Irukoitza galdetegiaren emaitzak aztertu dira goitik behera, eta Sakana erdialdeko herrietakoak izan dira kontuan bereziki (Etxarri-Aranatz, Arbizu eta Uhartekoak gehien bat, ezen iritsi zaizkigun Arruazu eta Lakuntzakoak oso urriak baitira), egun herri hauetan erabiltzen den hizkerarekin bat datozen ala ez egiaztatuz, modu honetan aipatu galdetegiaren beraren eta haren emaitzen balio dialektologikoa zehazten ahalegindu naizelarik, Mitxelenak (1991,183) zioena, galdetutako burutzapenen balio urria zenbait kasutan eta argitaratutako datuen era desegokia, egiaztatzen delarik. Sakana erdialdetik ekialdera dagoen Irañetako emaitzak ere aztertu ditut, ondorio bitxia atera ahal izan dudalarik, erantzun guztietan ez bada ere, askotan behintzat, badirudi era egokiagoan atxekitzen direla ez soilik bertako hizkerara, baizik eta beste hiru herrietakora ere bai.

Hedabideek zabaltzen duten informazio okerrak bi jokabideri erantzun diezaieke: misinformation, informazio faltsua oharkabean zabaltzeari, eta disinformation, informazio faltsua sortu eta zabaltzeari. Feminismoari dagokiola, hedabideek mugimendu politikoaren une fundatzaileak diren gertakariak oker zabaldu dituzten ala ez aztertzea du helburu lan honek: «feminismo» berbaren sorrera, Martxoaren 8aren jatorria eta AEBko olatuen kontaketa. Horretarako, iturri zuzenetara eta dokumentazio-zentroetara joz, gertakarien kontaketa egiaztatu eta Euskal Herriko hedabideek (euskaraz, frantsesez eta gaztelaniaz) eman dituzten albisteekin alderatuko ditut. Ikerketa-lan honen ondorio nagusia da euskal hedabideek zailtasun nabaria daukatela AEBn sortutako informazioak egiaztatzeko. Aldi berean, hedabideek ez diete euskal feminismoaren ezaugarriei heldu, kasu bakarrean soilik: Martxoaren 8aren jatorria 1889ko Bilboko emakume puru-egileen grebarekin lotzeko. Oinarririk gabeko datu horrek, baina, argi utzi du gaztelaniazko hedabideen intentzionalitatea ez dela izan informazioa egiaztatzea, albiste deigarria nabarmen zabaltzea baizik.

Este comentario se centra en el análisis del voto particular a una sentencia del Tribunal Supremo que anuló un nombramiento discrecional del Consejo General del Poder Judicial. Se examinan críticamente los argumentos del voto desde un punto de vista teórico-general y no en lo que atañen a las particularidades del caso (si bien inicialmente se ofrece una semblanza de éste para hacer comprensibles los términos de la discusión). Las consideraciones críticas giran en torno a los siguientes temas: la necesidad de la motivación sustancial (no sólo formal) en los nombramientos discrecionales, el incorrecto planteamiento de la dicotomía «nombramiento discrecional» ¿ «concurso de méritos», la motivación contextualizada, la discrecionalidad no es simple libertad, errónea importación de dos elementos procesales (valoración conjunta e inmediación), distinta metodología de valoración según el planteamiento sea de «todo o nada» o de «más o menos». Botere Judizialaren Kontseilu Nagusiaren izendapen diskrezional bat indargabetu zuen Auzitegi Gorenaren epai bati emandako boto partikularra da iruzkin honen ardatza. Kritikoki aztertzen dira botoaren argudioak, ikuspuntu teoriko-orokorretik, eta ez kasuaren berezitasunei dagokienez (dena dela, hasieran kasuaren azalpena ematen da, eztabaidaren nondik norakoak ulergarriak izan daitezen). Gogoeta kritikoen ardatzak honako gai hauek dira: izendapen diskrezionaletan funtsezko arrazoiak (eta ez soilik formazko arrazoiak) emateko beharrizana, «izendapen diskrezionala»- «meritu-lehiaketa» dikotomiaren planteamendu okerra, testuinguru eta guztiz arrazoitzea, diskrezionalitatea ez da askatasun hutsa, prozesu- elementu biren (baterako balorazioa eta hurrekotasuna) inportazio okerra, planteamendua «dena ala ezer ez» edo «gehiago ala gutxiago» den kontuan hartuta baloraziorako metodologia diferentea erabiltzea. This article focuses on analyzing an individual opinion to a Supreme Court¿s ruling that annulled a discretional appointment to the General Council of the Judiciary. The arguments in that opinion are critically observed from a general-theoretical point of view and not from the standpoint of the particularities of the case (even though at the beginning a profile of it is given in order to make the terms of the issue comprehensible). The critical considerations turn on the following subjects: the necessity of a substantive motivation (not only a formal one) in discretional appointments, the faulty approach within the dichotomy between «discretional appointment» ¿ «merit competition», the contextual motivation, discretion is not mere freedom, the inaccurate importation of two procedural elements (joint assessment and immediacy), the different methodology used in the assessment depending on the «all or nothing» or «more or less» approach.

Cet entretien avec Aboudou Mohamed Youssouf (né en 1937), ancien marin militaire et compagnon de route du président comorien Ali Soilihi (1937-1978), invite à étudier sous de nouveaux angles le moment des indépendances dans le Sud-Ouest de l’océan Indien et plus particulièrement aux Comores. Il y présente notamment ses traversées d’espaces maritimes impériaux, objet de luttes et d’appartenances multiples. Aboudou Mohamed Youssouf est également l’auteur, en 2017, d’une autobiographie : De la Marine française à la Révolution comorienne (Paris, 4 Étoiles éditions). Cet entretien a été réalisé le 30 avril 2019 en région parisienne.

In many dairy industries, but particularly those that are pasture-based and have seasonal calving, “surplus calves,” which are mostly male, are killed at a young age because they are of low value and it is not economically viable to raise them. Such calves are either killed on farm soon after birth or sent for slaughter at an abattoir. In countries where calves are sent for slaughter the age ranges from 3-4 days (New Zealand and Australia; “bobby calves”) to 3-4 weeks (e.g., Ireland); they are not weaned. All calves are at the greatest risk of death in the 1st month of life but when combined with their low value, this makes surplus calves destined for early slaughter (i.e., <1 month of age) particularly vulnerable to poor welfare while on-farm. The welfare of these calves may also be compromised during transport and transit through markets and at the abattoir. There is growing recognition that feedback to farmers of results from animal-based indicators (ABI) of welfare (including health) collected prior to and after slaughter can protect animal welfare. Hence, the risk factors for poor on-farm, in-transit and at-abattoir calf welfare combined with an ante and post mortem (AM/PM) welfare assessment scheme specific to calves <1 month of age are outlined. This scheme would also provide an evidence base with which to identify farms on which such animals are more at risk of poor welfare. The following ABIs, at individual or batch level, are proposed: AM indicators include assessment of age (umbilical maturity), nutritional status (body condition, dehydration), behavioral status (general demeanor, posture, able to and stability while standing and moving, shivering, vocalizations, oral behaviors/cross-sucking, fearfulness, playing), and evidence of disease processes (locomotory ability [lameness], cleanliness/fecal soiling [scour], injuries hairless patches, swellings, wounds], dyspnoea/coughing, nasal/ocular discharge, navel swelling/discharge); PM measures include assessment of feeding adequacy (abomasal contents, milk in rumen, visceral fat reserves) and evidence of disease processes (omphalitis, GIT disorders, peritonitis, abscesses [internal and external], arthritis, septicaemia, and pneumonia). Based on similar models in other species, this information can be used in a positive feedback loop not only to protect and improve calf welfare but also to inform on-farm calf welfare management plans, support industry claims regarding animal welfare and benchmark welfare performance nationally and internationally.

Depuis la proclamation de l'indépendance unilatérale des Comores le 6 juillet 1975, par Ahmed Abdallah, l'État comorien n'a cessé de traverser de multiples crises politiques et institutionnelles qui conduisent spécialistes et non-spécialistes à revenir sur ce moment fondateur. Dans l'historiographie comme dans les mémoires collectives, deux figures ont particulièrement incarné deux voies opposées. Celle d'Ahmed Abdallah (1919-1989), « le père de l'indépendance » (mbaba wahindépendasi) apparaît comme le garant de valeurs conservatrices. A l'inverse, Ali Soilihi (1937-1978), issu d'une autre génération, incarne un modèle de changement radical associé aux idéaux révolutionnaires et anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970. Au-delà de cette opposition classique entre conceptions politiques et rapports au monde peu conciliables, la thèse entend revenir de manière inédite sur les conditions d'arrivée au pouvoir Ali Soilihi et d'autres représentants d'une génération marquée par le contexte global de la décolonisation et de la circulation de modèles politiques socialistes venus du Bloc de l'Est comme d'Afrique. A partir de sources nouvelles ou peu connues, elle vise à retracer avec précision l'histoire politique et sociale du régime instauré par Ali Soilihi à la suite d'un coup d'État. Elle montre que la révolution comorienne a d'abord suscité l'enthousiasme parmi les plus jeunes notamment. Néanmoins, les dérives autoritaires du régime et ses difficultés profondes à affronter de multiples défis ont fragilisé ses assises et alimenté une opposition de plus en plus massive
Ever since Ahmed Abdallah made the unilateral declaration of independence of on 6 July 1975, the state of Comoros has experienced multiple political and institutional crises which have led specialists and non-specialists to revisit this foundational moment. In historiography as well as in popular memory, two figures in particular have come to represent two opposed trajectories. On the one hand, the figure of Ahmed Abdallah (1919-1989), the 'father of independence' (mbaba wahindépendasi), serves as the guarantor of conservative values. On the other hand, Ali Soilihi (1937-1978), a man from a different generation, represents a radical model of change associated with the revolutionary and anti-imperialist ideology of the 1960s and 1970s. Moving beyond this classic opposition between irreconcilable political ideas and external relationships, this thesis takes a fresh approach to the circumstances which brought to power Ali Soilihi and other members of a generation who were influenced by both the global context of decolonisation and the circulation of socialist ideas from the Eastern Bloc as well as Africa. Using new or little known sources, it seeks to retrace carefully the political and social history of the regime introduced by Ali Soilihi following a coup d'état. It shows that the Comorian revolution initially aroused enthusiasm, especially among the youth. However, the authoritarian drift of the regime and its profound inability to confront multiple challenges weakened its foundations and fuelled an increasingly strong opposition

Chapter six begins with a survey of the local economy and the problems facing the new state. A coup d’état that occurred a month after independence led to a revolutionary government under Ali Soilihi, which took power and attempted to restructure the economy, as well as society more widely. Increasingly radical, faced with empty coffers and the return of 16,000 Comorians fleeing riots in Madagascar, the government was finally overthrown in a coup d’état in 1978, which ushered in a decade of despotic rule by Ahmed Abdallah, supported by Bob Denard and his mercenaries. Political repression and economic and political dependence on France and South Africa saw the country increasingly marginalized until Abdallah was finally assassinated in 1989. Meanwhile Mayotte moved closer to France, which had pledged a substantial investment program and showed no signs of abandoning the island.