Journal articles on the topic 'Algorithmes inspirés par la nature'

Les périodiques littéraires et politiques sont, à la fin du XIXe siècle, le lieu d’un débat portant sur la nature de l’art. Inspirés par les idéologies anarchistes et socialistes, les polémistes se questionnent sur le rôle de l’art dans l’avènement du socialisme et sur la valeur morale et sociale des pratiques artistiques contemporaines. En plus de restituer les moments forts de ce débat, le présent article étudie l’influence de la presse dans le développement de nouvelles conceptions de l’art et la conversion du périodique en support de l’oeuvre artistique et littéraire.

Evolutionary algorithms are inspired by the biological model of evolution and natural selection and are used to solve computationally hard problems, also known as NP-hard problems. The main motive to use these algorithms is their robust and adaptive nature to provide best search techniques for complex problems. This paper presents a comparative analysis of classification of algorithm's family instead of algorithms comparison using KEEL tool. This work compares SSMA-C, DROP3PSO-C, FURIA-C, GFS-MaxLogitBoost-Cand CPSO-C algorithms. Further, these selected evolutionary algorithms are compared against two statistical classifiers using the Wilcoxon signed rank test and Friedman test on following datasets—bupa, ecoli, glass, haberman, iris, monks, vehicle, and wine—to calculate classification efficiencies of these algorithms. Experimental results reveal some differences among these algorithms. Visualization module in the model has been used to give overall results as a summary while statistical test using Clas-Wilcoxin-ST compared the algorithms in a pair-wise fashion to conclude experimental findings.

Pour lutter contre la pollution des masses d’eaux, la réglementation française impose la mesure et la régulation des rejets d’eaux usées dans l’environnement. Cependant, malgré les progrès dans le domaine des systèmes d’acquisition de données, les capteurs, tout particulièrement les sondes de turbidité, installés dans des milieux agressifs tels que les réseaux d’assainissement sont sujets à des dysfonctionnements fréquents (dérive, saturation, données manquantes…), qui peuvent fausser l’évaluation du flux de pollution. Il est donc essentiel d’identifier les potentielles anomalies avant toute utilisation des données. Aujourd’hui, cette validation se fait au niveau de la supervision et/ou via des opérateurs. L’objectif de ce travail est d’évaluer le potentiel des outils d’intelligence artificielle à automatiser la validation et d’estimer la plus-value de cette approche par rapport à une validation « métier » effectuée par un expert. Pour cela, quatre algorithmes de détection d’anomalies de l’état de l’art sont comparés en utilisant des données de turbidité issues du réseau de collecte de Saint-Malo Agglomération. La plupart de ces algorithmes ne sont pas adaptés à la nature des données étudiées qui sont hétérogènes et bruitées. Seul l’algorithme Matrix Profile permet d’obtenir des résultats prometteurs avec une majorité d’anomalies détectées et un nombre de faux positifs relativement limités.

Les processus hydrologiques variant dans l'espace et dans le temps en fonction de la variabilité spatio-temporelle des entrées météorologiques et de l'occupation du sol ainsi que de la variabilité spatiale de la topographie et de la nature du terrain, un modèle conçu pour bénéficier des données provenant de la télédétection et des SIG a été développé. Les principaux objectifs poursuivis étaient: l'application au plus grand nombre de bassins possible, une sélection d'algorithmes permettant de tenir compte des données disponibles, un minimum d'étalonnage, la facilité de transfert d'un bassin à l'autre, la programmation des algorithmes sur micro-ordinateur avec une interface très conviviale. La structure d'écoulement à l'intérieur d'un bassin versant est obtenue de manière informatisée à partir d'une discrétisation des altitudes rencontrées dans la zone d'intérêt, en mailles carrées de dimensions données, d'où l'on tire les pentes et les orientations de chaque maille, puis le bassin versant en amont de la maille identifiée comme exutoire, le réseau hydrographique, les sous-bassins versants et, finalement, les unités hydrologiques relativement homogènes (UHRH), définies sur la base de ces sous-bassins, en les regroupant ou les divisant au besoin. Un logiciel spécifique pour ce faire a été développé: PHYSITEL. Selon la conception très modulaire adoptée pour HYDROTEL, chaque sous-modèle offre généralement plus d'une option de simulation, afin de tenir compte des données disponibles sur le bassin versant traité. Les simulations peuvent être réalisées en considérant comme unité de simulation du bilan hydrologique vertical les mailles originales constituant le bassin ou les UHRH. Des exemples de simulation des débits à l'aide du modèle HYDROTEL sur divers bassins versants situés au Canada (Québec, Ontario, Colombie-Britannique) et dans le sud de la France sont présentés. Ces simulations indiquent que les différents algorithmes du modèle réagissent bien et qu'il est possible de considérer son application sur des bassins très divers situés sous des conditions climatiques variées. Des tests plus poussés sont en cours afin de mieux cerner la sensibilité des divers algorithmes aux données d'entrée ainsi que leur interchangeabilité.

Energy is one of the valuable resources in this biosphere. However, with the rapid increase of the population and increasing dependency on the daily use of energy due to smart technologies and the Internet of Things (IoT), the existing resources are becoming scarce. Therefore, to have an optimum usage of the existing energy resources on the consumer side, new techniques and algorithms are being discovered and used in the energy optimization process in the smart grid (SG). In SG, because of the possibility of bi-directional power flow and communication between the utility and consumers, an active and optimized energy scheduling technique is essential, which minimizes the end-user electricity bill, reduces the peak-to-average power ratio (PAR) and reduces the frequency of interruptions. Because of the varying nature of the power consumption patterns of consumers, optimized scheduling of energy consumption is a challenging task. For the maximum benefit of both the utility and consumers, to decide whether to store, buy or sale extra energy, such active environmental features must also be taken into consideration. This paper presents two bio-inspired energy optimization techniques; the grasshopper optimization algorithm (GOA) and bacterial foraging algorithm (BFA), for power scheduling in a single office. It is clear from the simulation results that the consumer electricity bill can be reduced by more than 34.69% and 37.47%, while PAR has a reduction of 56.20% and 20.87% with GOA and BFA scheduling, respectively, as compared to unscheduled energy consumption with the day-ahead pricing (DAP) scheme.

Cet article traite des représentations, discours et pratiques liés à quelques plantes psychotropes initialement employées dans les contextes shamaniques à travers le monde et désormais réappropriées dans le cadre d’une quête de soi. Après un bref retour sur les circonstances socioculturelles et les raisons individuelles de ces investissements dans les sociétés postindustrielles (reconnexion avec la nature, travail sur soi, développement personnel, recherche d’expériences fortes, rapport valorisé à l’inconnu, etc.), il présente un courant particulier dans l’offre des spiritualités alternatives contemporaines : l’approche néo-shamanique, avec ses modèles d’action inspirés des shamanismes, mais reformulés pour un public qui n’en possède pas le sens commun. La description de situations concrètes de ces prises de plantes psychotropes, illégales dans la plupart des pays, est suivie par celle des expériences vécues par les personnes les ingurgitant sous forme de breuvage. Bien qu’elles puissent parfois être pénibles, voire effrayantes psychologiquement ou physiquement, les expériences en jeu, liminales, dans un entre-deux de la conscience, sont fortes et quasiment toujours rétrospectivement envisagées comme « enseignantes » et transformatrices par les personnes impliquées. La notion de « travail » introspectif, systématiquement mobilisée et l’impact que ces expériences peuvent avoir dans leur existence distinguent ainsi ces substances psychotropes de l’usage ludique de celles communément classées dans la catégorie des drogues.

This paper proposes two bio-inspired heuristic algorithms, the Moth-Flame Optimization (MFO) algorithm and Genetic Algorithm (GA), for an Energy Management System (EMS) in smart homes and buildings. Their performance in terms of energy cost reduction, minimization of the Peak to Average power Ratio (PAR) and end-user discomfort minimization are analysed and discussed. Then, a hybrid version of GA and MFO, named TG-MFO (Time-constrained Genetic-Moth Flame Optimization), is proposed for achieving the aforementioned objectives. TG-MFO not only hybridizes GA and MFO, but also incorporates time constraints for each appliance to achieve maximum end-user comfort. Different algorithms have been proposed in the literature for energy optimization. However, they have increased end-user frustration in terms of increased waiting time for home appliances to be switched ON. The proposed TG-MFO algorithm is specially designed for nearly-zero end-user discomfort due to scheduling of appliances, keeping in view the timespan of individual appliances. Renewable energy sources and battery storage units are also integrated for achieving maximum end-user benefits. For comparison, five bio-inspired heuristic algorithms, i.e., Genetic Algorithm (GA), Ant Colony Optimization (ACO), Cuckoo Search Algorithm (CSA), Firefly Algorithm (FA) and Moth-Flame Optimization (MFO), are used to achieve the aforementioned objectives in the residential sector in comparison with TG-MFO. The simulations through MATLAB show that our proposed algorithm has reduced the energy cost up to 32.25% for a single user and 49.96% for thirty users in a residential sector compared to unscheduled load.

Dans sa première partie, cet article reprend les méthodes propres à l'histoire littéraire afin d'établir, sur la base de données factuelles, que Samuel Beckett avait lu et appréciait L'Etranger d'Albert Camus. Mais, comme l'expose une seconde partie, cet intérêt qu'il porte au roman se traduit également dans l'écriture même de plusieurs scènes de Molloy, le premier roman de la trilogie que Samuel Beckett commence à rédiger en 1947, et qui l'occupera jusqu'en 1949. En menant en parallèle l'étude textuelle de certains passages de Molloy et de trois extraits de L'Etranger, l'incipit, la scène du meurtre, et le premier entretien avec le juge d'instruction, nous montrerons que l'oeuvre de Beckett comporte des choix lexicaux et syntaxiques ainsi que certains motifs qui lui ont été directement inspirés par le roman de Camus. Au fur et à mesure que se précisera la nature et la forme du dialogue entre les deux oeuvres, il apparaîtra que si celui s'est instauré, c'est parce que Beckett voyait dans L'Etranger un roman qui recoupait en partie ses propres choix esthétiques de l'immédiate après-guerre.

Résumé De Santis (Gustavo), Livi Bacci (Massimo). - La reproduction des populations : une méthode de décomposition et d'estimation Dans cet article, on montre comment, sous certaines hypothèses peu restrictives, on peut décomposer une mesure classique de la reproduction Ro en une série de composantes multiplicatives, chacune reflétant une dimension spécifique (intensité ou fréquence) de la nuptialité, de la mortalité, de la fécondité, et si l'on veut, de la migration. Cette idée peut être exploitée de deux façons : - soit on peut obtenir des données ou des estimations relativement complètes des processus démographiques, à partir, par exemple, d'un recensement ou d'un état des âmes où il est possible d'appliquer la méthode des enfants présents au ménage et de calculer la proportion des célibataires aux différents âges ; - soit, au contraire, on ne peut pas calculer ces éléments, comme, par exemple, quand on obtient les données par reconstitution nominative des familles. Dans ce cas, il est préférable de suivre une méthode légèrement différente. Elle consiste à estimer le nombre moyen de filles naissant d'une génération de femmes soumises à la mortalité, à la migration et au mariage. En multipliant cette valeur par la durée de mariage fécond, on obtient une estimation de l'effectif total de la génération des filles et donc de la valeur de Ro. Quelques algorithmes simples sont proposés pour le calcul de l'âge moyen à l'accouchement et pour l'estimation, à cet âge, de la proportion de femmes mariées. Une application aux cas de l'Angleterre, de la France et de l'Allemagne révèle l'existence et la nature des différents régimes démographiques des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles.

Résumé De Santis (Gustavo), Livi Bacci (Massimo). - La reproduction des populations: une méthode de décomposition et d'estimation Dans cet article, on montre comment, sous certaines hypothèses peu restrictives, on peut décomposer une mesure classique de la reproduction Ro en une série de composantes multiplicatives, chacune reflétant une dimension spécifique (intensité ou fréquence) de la nuptialité, de la mortalité, de la fécondité, et si l'on veut, de la migration. Cette idée peut être exploitée de deux façons : - soit on peut obtenir des données ou des estimations relativement complètes des processus démographiques, à partir, par exemple, d'un recensement ou d'un état des âmes où il est possible d'appliquer la méthode des enfants présents au ménage et de calculer la proportion des célibataires aux différents âges ; - soit, au contraire, on ne peut pas calculer ces éléments, comme, par exemple, quand on obtient les données par reconstitution nominative des familles. Dans ce cas, il est préférable de suivre une méthode légèrement différente. Elle consiste à estimer le nombre moyen de filles naissant d'une génération de femmes soumises à la mortalité, à la migration et au mariage. En multipliant cette valeur par la durée de mariage fécond, on obtient une estimation de l'effectif total de la génération des filles et donc de la valeur de Ro. Quelques algorithmes simples sont proposés pour le calcul de l'âge moyen à l'accouchement et pour l'estimation, à cet âge, de la proportion de femmes mariées. Une application aux cas de l'Angleterre, de la France et de l'Allemagne révèle l'existence et la nature des différents régimes démographiques des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles.

The availability of sustainable, efficient electricity access is critical for rural communities as it can facilitate economic development and improve the quality of life for residents. Isolated microgrids can provide a solution for rural electrification, as they can generate electricity from local renewable energy sources and can operate independently from the central grid. Residential load scheduling is also an important aspect of energy management in isolated microgrids. However, effective management of the microgrid’s energy resources and load scheduling is essential for ensuring the reliability and cost-effectiveness of the system. To cope with the stochastic nature of RERs, the idea of an optimal energy management system (EMS) with a local energy transactive market (LETM) in an isolated multi-microgrid system is proposed in this work. Nature-inspired algorithms such as JAYA (Sanskrit word meaning victory) and teaching–learning based optimization algorithm (TLBO) can get stuck in local optima, thus reducing the effectiveness of EMS. For this purpose, a modified hybrid version of the JAYA and TLBO algorithm, namely, the modified JAYA learning-based optimization (MJLBO), is proposed in this work. The prosumers can sell their surplus power or buy power to meet their load demand from LETM enabling a higher load serving as compared to a single isolated microgrid with multi-objectives, resulting in a reduced electricity bill, increased revenue, peak-average ratio, and user discomfort. The proposed system is evaluated against three other algorithms TLBO, JAYA, and JAYA learning-based optimization (JLBO). The result of this work shows that MJLBO outperforms other algorithms in achieving the best numerical value for all objectives. The simulation results validate that MJLBO achieves a peak-to-average ratio (PAR) reduction of 65.38% while there is a PAR reduction of 51.4%, 52.53%, and 51.2% for TLBO, JLBO, and JAYA as compared to the unscheduled load.

Cette recherche, de type exploratoire, avait pour but de développer une méthodologie pour analyser l’ensemble du processus créatif dans le travail d’interprétation d’une pièce musicale et ce, grâce à une étude pilote avec un seul cas. Nous avons utilisé les moyens de collecte des données relatives au travail instrumental qui ont déjà été validés par différents auteurs, dont Chaffin et Imreh (2002) et Chaffin et al. (2003), soit l’enregistrement des répétitions comportant des verbalisations, leur description par un observateur et les questionnaires réflexifs. De plus, nous avons employé une technique d’entretien inspirée de l’autoconfrontation (Theureau 2010 ; Vermersch 1994). Nous avons procédé à l’analyse de contenu de chacune des répétitions, puis nous avons utilisé l’analyse par théorisation ancrée (Paillé 1994) pour analyser l’ensemble des données (répétitions, verbalisations, observations et entretiens). Bien que nos résultats recoupent ceux déjà mentionnés dans la littérature scientifique existante en ce qui concerne les étapes de travail du musicien (Chaffin et al. 2003), ils mettent cependant à jour de nouveaux phénomènes, relatifs notamment au travail de l’expressivité de l’oeuvre et qui font l’objet d’une nouvelle étape de travail que nous avons appelée appropriation artistique. Lors de cette étape, le sujet rattachait le sens musical abstrait de l’oeuvre à des éléments inspirés de son vécu, grâce à l’utilisation d’analogies et d’une trame narrative, dans le but de donner un sens plus personnel au texte musical et favorisant, selon lui, une interprétation plus convaincante. La nature du travail effectué durant cette phase repose sur la recherche d’un sentiment de justesse de l’expressivité du jeu (caractère, nuances, sonorité, phrasé, etc.) que le sujet utilise pour valider la qualité et l’authenticité de son interprétation musicale. La méthodologie développée permettra d’étudier, dans le cadre de futures recherches comportant plusieurs sujets, l’ensemble du processus créatif au coeur du travail d’interprétation d’une pièce musicale.

In this paper, a binary variant of a novel nature-inspired metaheuristic algorithm called the nutcracker optimization algorithm (NOA) is presented for binary optimization problems. Because of the continuous nature of the classical NOA and the discrete nature of the binary problems, two different families of transfer functions, namely S-shaped and V-shaped, are extensively investigated for converting the classical NOA into a binary variant, namely BNOA, applicable for various binary problems. Additionally, BNOA is improved using a local search strategy based on effectively integrating some genetic operators into the BNOA’s exploitation and exploration; this additional variant is called BINOA. Both BNOA and BINOA are evaluated using three common binary optimization problems, including feature selection, 0-1 knapsack, and the Merkle–Hellman knapsack cryptosystem (MHKC), and are compared to several robust binary metaheuristic optimizers in terms of statistical information, statistical tests, and convergence speed. The experiential findings show that BINOA is better than the classical BNOA and the other rival optimizers for both the 0-1 knapsack problem and attacking MHKC and is on par with some algorithms, like the genetic algorithm for feature selection.

Yin-Yang-pair optimization (YYPO) is one of the latest metaheuristic algorithms (MA) proposed in 2015 that tries to inspire the philosophy of balance between conflicting concepts. Particle swarm optimizer (PSO) is one of the first population-based MA inspired by social behaviors of birds. In spite of PSO, the YYPO is not a nature inspired optimizer. It has a low complexity and starts with only two initial positions and can produce more points with regard to the dimension of target problem. Due to unique advantages of these methodologies and to mitigate the immature convergence and local optima (LO) stagnation problems in PSO, in this work, a continuous hybrid strategy based on the behaviors of PSO and YYPO is proposed to attain the suboptimal solutions of uncapacitated warehouse location (UWL) problems. This efficient hierarchical PSO-based optimizer (PSOYPO) can improve the effectiveness of PSO on spatial optimization tasks such as the family of UWL problems. The performance of the proposed PSOYPO is verified according to some UWL benchmark cases. These test cases have been used in several works to evaluate the efficacy of different MA. Then, the PSOYPO is compared to the standard PSO, genetic algorithm (GA), harmony search (HS), modified HS (OBCHS), and evolutionary simulated annealing (ESA). The experimental results demonstrate that the PSOYPO can reveal a better or competitive efficacy compared to the PSO and other MA.

This paper proposes a swarm intelligence algorithm, called firefly mating algorithm (FMA), for solving continuous optimization problems. FMA uses genetic algorithm as the core of the algorithm. The main feature of the algorithm is a novel mating pair selection method which is inspired by the following 2 mating behaviors of fireflies in nature: (i) the mutual attraction between males and females causes them to mate and (ii) fireflies of both sexes are of the multiple-mating type, mating with multiple opposite sex partners. A female continues mating until her spermatheca becomes full, and, in the same vein, a male can provide sperms for several females until his sperm reservoir is depleted. This new feature enhances the global convergence capability of the algorithm. The performance of FMA was tested with 20 benchmark functions (sixteen 30-dimensional functions and four 2-dimensional ones) against FA, ALC-PSO, COA, MCPSO, LWGSODE, MPSODDS, DFOA, SHPSOS, LSA, MPDPGA, DE, and GABC algorithms. The experimental results showed that the success rates of our proposed algorithm with these functions were higher than those of other algorithms and the proposed algorithm also required fewer numbers of iterations to reach the global optima.

The optimal scheduling of the loads based on dynamic tariffs and implementation of a direct load control (DLC) based demand response program for the domestic consumer is proposed in this work. The load scheduling is carried out using binary particle swarm optimization and a newly prefaced nature-inspired discrete elephant herd optimization technique, and their effectiveness in minimization of cost and the peak-to-average ratio is analyzed. The discrete elephant herd optimization algorithm has acceptable characteristics compared to the conventional algorithms and has determined better exploring properties for multi-objective problems. A prototype hardware model for a home energy management system is developed to demonstrate and analyze the optimal load scheduling and DLC-based demand response program. The controller effectively schedules and implements DLC on consumer devices. The load scheduling optimization helps to improve PAR by a value of 2.504 and results in energy cost savings of ₹ 12.05 on the scheduled day. Implementation of DLC by 15% results in monthly savings of ₹ 204.18. The novelty of the work is the implementation of discrete elephant herd optimization for load scheduling and the development of the prototype hardware model to show effects of both optimal load scheduling and the DLC-based demand response program implementation.

L'utilisation de la digestion anaérobie comme outil de dépollution présente de nombreux intérêts. la méconnaissance du processus a conduit à des incidents de fonctionnement qui ont induit une méfiance vis-à-vis du processus et une résistance à son implantation. Les connaissances acquises ces quinze dernières années sur la digestion anaérobie ont permis de définir la nature des paramètres à contrôler pour surveiller l'écosystème et leurs plages de valeurs à respecter pour que le processus fonctionne bien. Les paramètres sont de deux types : ceux qui vérifient que les conditions de fonctionnement imposées soient bien réalisées (comme les débits de liquide, la température, la concentration en DCO de l'alimentation) et ceux qui permettent de contrôler l'état biologique de l'écosystème (le pH, la teneur en H2 dans tes gaz, la concentration en acides gras volatils...). Les variations de certains de ces paramètres sont directement couplées à la modification du fonctionnement des microorganismes, d'autres ne sont que les résultats de la variation d'autres paramètres et n'ont donc pas la même importance pour exprimer les variations observées dans l'écosystème microbien. Ces paramètres peuvent dans la plupart des cas, être mesurés de manière simple par des capteurs, ce qui permet d'envisager des contrôles en ligne et une conduite optimale de ces procédés. Ceci doit permettre de meilleures performances, en fonctionnement plus stable du procédé, notamment lors des surcharges organiques. Le choix d'un (ou plusieurs) paramètres de contrôle doit répondre à certains critères, comme un temps de réponse court avec un maximum de variation. Après l'introduction d'une surcharge organique sur un filtre anaérobie de laboratoire, adapté sur vinasse de vin, nous avons comparé les variations de ces différents paramètres. La pression partielle en H2 et le débit de gaz sont détectés rapidement avec une variation d'amplitude de 50 pour H2 et de 4 à 5 pour le débit. Dans la phase Liquide, les variations de pH et la teneur en carbone organique total apparaissent plus tardivement. Lorsque les paramètres de contrôle atteignent des valeurs critiques, il est nécessaire d'engager des actions pour ramener l'écosystème microbien vers un fonctionnement normal. Celles-ci sont principalement, la diminution ou l'arrêt du débit d'alimentation ou l'addition d'une base. La nature et l'amplitude de ces actions sont définies à partir d'algorithmes de types boîte noire ou par des modèles plus structurés. Actuellement la commande adaptative fait l'objet de recherches importantes. C'est à travers ces algorithmes que se situe l'introduction des critères de conduite optimale.

Resume :Le nombre exceptionnel de spectacles inspirés des romans de Dostoïevski en Europe, depuis le début du xxe siècle jusqu’à nos jours, invite à s’interroger sur la nature de la relation qu’entretient le théâtre avec cet auteur. Si ses œuvres paraissent solliciter les metteurs en scène par leurs qualités dramatiques, l’approche poétique semble insuffisante pour expliquer la régularité de leur invocation à la scène. La notion de théâtralisable paraît dès lors particulièrement opérante pour saisir la variété des désirs de théâtre que suscite Dostoïevski, ainsi que le double mouvement qui les caractérise, du roman vers la scène et de la scène vers le roman.

This paper elaborates on optimized design of steel structures directed towards the sustainability of materials. The case in point is steel trusses that are extensively used structural components. Though copious research is available on use of conventional optimization methods, nature-inspired optimization algorithms have received scarce attention particularly in optimal design of planar trusses. In this paper, the development of Ant Lion algorithm for the optimal design models for steel trusses is elaborated. A comprehensive comparison with the optimized sectional weights obtained by other nature inspired optimization algorithms implemented in earlier research by the author. They include elitism based genetic algorithm (EBGA), ant colony optimization (ACO), artificial honeybee optimization (AHBO), and Particle swarm optimization (PSO) algorithm. Four steel trusses with different articulations have been considered for this purpose. It is found that the optimal weights obtained by Ant Lion algorithm are almost on par with those obtained by PSO. The other three algorithms vary marginally. However, the convergence to overall weight of trusses is different for different algorithms. ALO took 100-200 iterations for the convergence. In fact, the convergence to optimized weights are faster in case of ALO and PSO in relation to other algorithms.

« Se réveiller dans un autre temps, c’était naître une seconde fois, adulte », Chris Marker, La jetée. « Ainsi l’homme est passé d’un ordre de la nature à un autre, Jusqu’à ce qu’il devint sage et savant et fort, comme il l’est à présent, De ses premières âmes il n’a maintenant point de souvenance, Et il sera de nouveau changé à partir de son âme actuelle» (Rûmi, cité par Souleymane Bachir Diagne). Passé, présent et futur. Antériorité, intériorité et extériorité, avenir. Comme dans un brassage du temps, les sculptures de Dimitri Fagbohoun et d’Emmanuel Rivière renvoient à des archétypes fondateurs tout en mettant le futur en perspective. Ligne en boucle ou ligne qui se déploie avec ses parallèles, ses chronologies et ses perspectives. Ligne de l’infini, horizon du ciel. « Papa was a rolling stone », installation de Dimitri Fagbohoun, est une œuvre funéraire qui renvoie à un passé révolu et à la mort du père. Mais la mort appartient-elle au passé ou au futur ? Temps cyclique, temps chronologique du Kronos, temps du Kaïros ou temps de l’éternité, les différentes modalités du temps inscrivent dans les sculptures réalisées par Dimitri Fagbohoun et Emanuel Rivière le passé aussi bien que l’avenir. L’un et l’autre se sont inspirés des masques africains. Masques Bamoun du Cameroun, Fang, Baoulé ou Sénoufo ne nous offrent qu’à moitié leurs secrets parce qu’en eux gisent les traces de sociétés plus ou moins révolues, inaccessibles, qui nous échapperont toujours.

<div>Milling is a prevalent machining technique employed in various industries for the production of metallic and non-metallic components. This article focuses on the optimization of cutting parameters for polyamide (PA6) using carbide tools, utilizing a recently developed multi-objective, nature-inspired metaheuristic algorithm known as the Multi-Objective Grasshopper Optimization Algorithm (MOGOA). This optimization process’s primary objectives are minimizing surface roughness and maximizing the material removal rate. By employing the MOGOA algorithm, the study demonstrates its efficacy in successfully optimizing the cutting parameters. This research’s findings highlight the MOGOA algorithm’s capability to effectively fine-tune cutting parameters during PA6 machining, leading to improved outcomes in terms of surface roughness reduction and enhanced material removal rate.</div>

De nos jours, les ordinateurs personnels font partie de notre vie, à la maison, au travail ou bien à l'école. Même si la puissance des ordinateurs augmente, les logiciels sont de plus en plus compliqués, demandant de plus en plus de temps d'apprentissage ou bien pour obtenir un résultat. Il est devenu important d'avoir dans les laboratoires ou à l'école de petits logiciels rapides utilisant des équations empiriques. Nous rapportons ici l'utilisation mais surtout les algorithmes et les équations ainsi que les jeux de paramètres de trois logiciels appartenant à la suite logicielle Gabriel. Le premier, Gabriel Nathalie II, est un calculateur qui a de nombreuses fonctionnalités. Il est possible de calculer tant un pKa que de simuler le déplacement chimique en 31P RMN de molécules du type amino-phosphonate. Par ailleurs, il est également capable de déterminer des valeurs thermodynamiques de fixation de bisphosphonates sur les os humains. Le deuxième, Gabriel Calculatrice Savon, est utilisé pour calculer la quantité d'alcali nécessaire pour faire du savon en fonction de la quantité et de la nature de la matière grasse. Il peut aussi calculer la viscosité de quelques huiles à une température donnée. Enfin, Gabriel Data Analysis est un logiciel dédié à l'analyse de données. Aujourd'hui, un logiciel pour la recherche peut être utilisé à l'école et un logiciel éducatif peut être utile en recherche.

L’impact de l’intelligence artificielle (IA) sur le marché du travail est un sujet complexe et multifacette, qui touche à la fois à l’économie, à la sociologie et à la politique. L’IA a le potentiel de transformer de nombreux métiers, et cette transformation peut en effet entraîner ce que certains pourraient considérer comme une « prolétarisation » des métiers, ou, pour utiliser un terme peut-être plus précis, une « déqualification » professionnelle dans certains secteurs. Le terme « obsolescence » se réfère généralement au processus par lequel un produit, une technologie ou une compétence devient dépassée, inutile ou inefficace avec le temps. Les compétences humaines peuvent également devenir obsolètes si elles ne sont pas mises à jour pour répondre aux nouvelles exigences du marché du travail. Cela peut se produire en raison de l’automatisation, de l’évolution des technologies ou des changements dans les besoins de l’industrie. L’intelligence artificielle (IA) et l’automatisation ont le potentiel de transformer radicalement le monde du travail, un phénomène qui s’accompagne de plusieurs dynamiques clés. L’une des plus évidentes est l’automatisation des tâches répétitives et routinières, affectant une variété de métiers, qu’ils soient manuels ou hautement qualifiés, comme ceux dans les domaines juridiques, médicaux ou financiers. Cette tendance peut pousser les travailleurs vers des rôles plus fragmentés, des tâches moins spécialisées, ou les amener à superviser des machines au lieu de se livrer au travail spécialisé pour lequel ils ont été formés. Par ailleurs, l’intégration de l’IA dans le lieu de travail peut engendrer une certaine dépendance technologique, notamment l’autonomie des travailleurs face aux décisions dictées par les algorithmes. Cette nouvelle réalité peut affecter divers aspects du travail, des horaires aux tâches spécifiques, en passant par la façon dont les responsabilités sont exécutées. De plus, même si l’automatisation peut entraîner une pression à la baisse sur les salaires et exacerber la précarité de l’emploi, particulièrement pour les rôles les moins qualifiés, il existe un revers de la médaille. L’automatisation peut également stimuler la productivité et créer de la valeur, offrant ainsi des salaires plus élevés et de meilleures conditions pour ceux qui maîtrisent les compétences complémentaires aux nouvelles technologies. Dans cette ère de changement rapide, l’éducation et la formation continuent de devenir indispensables pour les travailleurs cherchant à rester pertinents. Cette nécessité souligne cependant une disparité croissante entre ceux capables d’acquérir de nouvelles compétences et ceux qui sont laissés pour compte. Il est aussi crucial de reconnaître que l’IA n’est pas uniquement synonyme de remplacement d’emplois ; elle est aussi un moteur puissant pour la création de nouveaux rôles, secteurs et opportunités, exigeants de nouvelles compétences et façonnant le marché du travail de manières inédites. En somme, l’IA possède certainement le pouvoir de remodeler la structure et la nature des emplois, occasionnant dans certains cas une déqualification ou une prolétarisation du travail. Toutefois, l’empreinte globale de l’IA sur le monde professionnel sera dictée par une combinaison de facteurs, dont les politiques gouvernementales, les stratégies corporatives, les mouvements du marché du travail, ainsi que les progrès en éducation et formation.

Probabilistic behavior is omnipresent in computer-controlled systems, in particular, so-called safety-critical hybrid systems, due to various reasons, like uncertain environments or fundamental properties of nature. In this paper, we extend the existing hybrid process algebra ACP[Formula: see text] with probability without sacrificing the nondeterministic choice operator. The existing approximate probabilistic bisimulation relation is fragile and not robust in the sense of being dependent on the deviation range of the transition probability. To overcome this defect, a novel approximate probabilistic bisimulation is proposed which is inspired by the idea of Probably Approximately Correct (PAC) by relaxing the constraints of transition probability deviation range. Traditional temporal logics, even probabilistic temporal logics, are expressive enough, but they are limited to producing only true or false responses, as they are still logics and not suitable for performance evaluation. To settle this problem, we present a new performance evaluation language that expands quantitative analysis from the value range of [Formula: see text] to real number to reason over probabilistic systems. After that, the corresponding algorithms for performance evaluation are given. Finally, an industrial example is given to demonstrate the effectiveness of our method.

« Tradition » et « modernité » sont longtemps apparues, pour les sciences sociales et le sens commun, non seulement comme des notions relatives, initialement définies l’une par rapport à l’autre dans un rapport d’exclusivité mutuelle, mais plus encore, comme des qualificatifs désignant de véritables régimes d’humanité – sociétés traditionnelles et modernes. Pourtant, de l’intérieur même du champ anthropologique, de nombreuses critiques se sont régulièrement élevées à l’encontre de ce découpage trop schématique, appelant à davantage de réflexivité quant à l’usage de ces catégories englobantes. En effet, durant une majeure partie de son existence, l’anthropologie a été associée à l’étude des sociétés « primitives », ou « traditionnelles », alors que la description des sociétés « civilisées », ou « modernes », était dévolue à la sociologie. Cette distinction épousait de fait l’auto-compréhension des sociétés occidentales, dont la reconstruction évolutionniste de l’histoire de l’humanité présentait celle-ci selon une succession linéaire et nécessaire de stades indiquant les progrès de l’esprit humain, manifestes tant au niveau de l’organisation sociale, de la connaissance des phénomènes, de la morale personnelle que des réalisations matérielles et techniques. Aussi, dès la rencontre effective avec des sociétés aux langues, mœurs, croyances ou activités dissemblables, l’intérêt pour l’altérité comme différence s’est trouvé en tension avec une volonté de classification abstraite, selon une philosophie de l’histoire élaborée à partir des catégories intellectuelles propres à la trajectoire occidentale. Cela passe notamment, à partir des 18éme-19èmes siècles, par une auto-identification à la Raison universelle, seule apte à circonscrire le savoir « vrai » sur la réalité physique ou sociale, à distance de tous les préjugés enfermant l’humain dans la coutume, l’ignorance et la superstition. De cette configuration culturelle particulière (dite « post-traditionnelle »), nouveau mode de représentation du monde et de l’Homme apparu à la Renaissance et aboutissant aux Lumières, découleront tant un ensemble de processus socio-politiques définissant la « modernité » (développement scientifique et technique, révolution industrielle, État de droit, capitalisme marchand, individualisation des comportements et des valeurs, etc.) qu’une opposition globale à la « tradition » (les « survivances », en termes évolutionnistes). Ce « désenchantement du monde » – pour reprendre l’expression célèbre de Max Weber –, sera perçu à travers une dichotomie généralisée et normativement orientée, déclinée sous de multiples aspects : religion / science, immobilisme / changement, hiérarchie / égalité, conformisme / liberté, archaïsme / progrès, communauté / société, etc. Si le « grand partage » entre Nous et les Autres, entre modernité et tradition, a pu constituer un soubassement fondamental à la prime ambition empirique et positiviste du savoir anthropologique, il n’en a pas moins dès l’origine de la discipline été contesté sur bien des points. En anthropologie, l’idée d’une tradition fixe et rigide s’avère critiquée dès Malinowski, l’un des premiers à souligner la rationalité contextuelle des « primitifs » en référence à leurs règles communes de coexistence, et à récuser l’assimilation indue de la tradition à une obéissance servile et spontanée, sorte d’inertie mentale ou d’instinct groupal. Chez les Trobriandais ou ailleurs, soulignait-il, « dans des conditions normales, l’obéissance aux lois est tout au plus partielle, conditionnelle et sujette à des défaillances et (…) ce qui impose cette obéissance, ce ne sont pas des motifs aussi grossiers que la perspective du châtiment ou le respect de la tradition en général, mais un ensemble fort complexe de facteurs psychologiques et sociaux » (Malinowski, 2001 : 20). L’anthropologie, par sa mise en valeur relativiste des multiples cultures du monde, insistera alors davantage sur l’importance de la tradition dans la constitution de toute société, comme ensemble de principes, de valeurs, de pratiques, de rituels transmis de génération en génération afin d’assurer la permanence d’un monde commun, fût-ce à travers d’essentielles dynamiques de réappropriation, d’altération et de transformation, trait fondamental de toute continuité historique. Selon Jean Pouillon, « la tradition se définit – traditionnellement – comme ce qui d’un passé persiste dans le présent où elle est transmise et demeure agissante et acceptée par ceux qui la reçoivent et qui, à leur tour, au fil des générations, la transmettent » (Pouillon, 1991 : 710). En ce sens, « toute culture est traditionnelle », même si elle se conçoit comme radicalement nouvelle et en rupture totale avec le passé : son inscription dans la durée vise implicitement un « devenir-tradition ». Dès les années 1950, le courant « dynamique » de l’anthropologie britannique (Gluckman, 1956 ; Leach, 1954 ; Turner, 1957), les analyses de l’acculturation aux États-Unis (Herskovits, 1955) ou les travaux pionniers de Balandier (1955) et Bastide (1960) en France avaient montré combien les « traditions », malgré les efforts conservateurs des pouvoirs religieux et politiques afin de légitimer leur position, recelaient de potentialités discordantes, voire contestataires. A partir des années 1980, certains courants postmodernes, post-coloniaux ou féministes en anthropologie (Clifford et Marcus, 1986 ; Appadurai, 1996 ; Bhabha, 1994 ; Abu-Lughod, 1993), souvent inspirés par la French Theory des Foucault, Deleuze ou Derrida (Cusset, 2003), se sont inscrits dans cette veine afin d’élaborer une critique radicale de la perspective moderne : partant du native point of view des populations subalternes, objectivées, dépréciées et opprimées, il s’agit de dénoncer le regard implicitement colonialiste et essentialiste, qui – au nom de la science objective – avait pu les rejeter unanimement du côté de l’archaïsme et de l’arriération.. Cette reconsidération féconde de la « tradition » rejaillit alors nécessairement sur son envers relatif, la « modernité ». A partir des années 1950, suite au cataclysme totalitaire et aux puissants mouvements de décolonisation, apparaît une critique anthropologique argumentée des principes de développement et de modernisation, encore approfondie dans les années 1990 avec la fin du communisme réel en Europe et l’avènement d’une crise écologique liée à l’hégémonie du capitalisme industriel. Sous l’effet d’une « mondialisation » aux dimensions hétérogènes voire contradictoires, l’Occident semble redécouvrir les vertus des approches dites « traditionnelles » en de nombreux domaines (spiritualité, médecine, artisanat, agriculture, patrimoine, etc.), à la faveur de réseaux d’information et de communication toujours plus denses. Sans trancher sur le fait de savoir si notre époque globalisée relève encore et toujours de la modernité (seconde, avancée ou tardive), ou alors de la postmodernité (Bonny, 2004) du fait des formes hybrides ainsi produites, la remise en cause de la rationalité progressiste entendue comme « métarécit » (Lyotard, 1979) semble favoriser une compréhension plus équilibrée des « traditions vivantes », notamment des mœurs des populations autochtones ou immigrées (pluralisme culturel, tolérance religieuse, éloge de la diversité et du cosmopolitisme), même si certaines contradictions n’en apparaissent pas moins toujours prégnantes entre les divers répertoires de sens disponibles. Dès lors, les deux termes du contraste classique tradition / modernité en ressortent désormais foncièrement relativisés, et surtout complexifiés. Les études historiques ont montré combien les sociétés apparemment les plus modernes contribuaient plus ou moins consciemment à une constante « invention de traditions » (Hobsbawm et Ranger, 1992), évidente dans la manifestation de certains nationalismes ou fondamentalismes religieux cherchant à légitimer leurs revendications politiques et culturelles les plus contemporaines par le recours à un passé idéalisé. D’une certaine manière, loin d’avoir strictement appliqué un programme rationaliste de séparation nature / culture, « nous n’avons jamais été modernes » (Latour, 1991), élaborant plutôt à notre insu un monde composite et hétéroclite, sous la domination d’un imaginaire social qui érige paradoxalement le progrès, la rationalité et la croissance en mythe de la maîtrise rationnelle. Et lorsqu’elle s’exporte, cette « ontologie naturaliste » (Descola, 2005) se voit réinterprétée, transformée, voire inversée, selon une « indigénisation de la modernité » (Sahlins, 2007 : 295) qui bouscule tant les univers locaux de signification que les principes globaux d’arraisonnement du monde. S’avère désormais entérinée l’existence de « modernités multiples », expression synonyme d’une évolution différenciée des trajectoires socio-culturelles à travers des cheminements à la fois interreliés, métissés, contingents et comparables. A l’inverse, nul ne semble pouvoir dorénavant se réclamer ingénument de la tradition sans être confronté à un paradoxe fondamental, déjà repéré par Hocart (1927) : puisqu’elle ne vit généralement qu’ignorée de ceux qui la suivent (selon un agir pratique incorporé dans les us et coutumes du quotidien), on fait appel à la tradition d’abord pour justifier ce qui justement ne va plus de soi, et se trouve en danger de disparaître. Ce passage de la tradition au « traditionalisme » peut prendre à la fois la forme légitime d’une sauvegarde de valeurs et coutumes ou de la résistance à la marchandisation globale, mais aussi le visage grimaçant d’une instrumentalisation idéologique, au service d’un ordre social chimérique, soi-disant pur et authentique, fût-il répandu par les moyens technologiques les plus modernes.

IntroductionWhen a baby girl born in Britain was endowed with the topical name ‘Hashtag’, a social media post decried the naming, and a media storm followed. Before she was even home from hospital, headlines were at the ready: “Did a mother really just name her child Hashtag?” (Nye) and “Baby Hashtag: has the search for original names gone too far?” (Barkham). Trollers were also poised to react, offering: “The first name is REALLY dumb. And you're even dumber,” prompting a rejection of the baby’s name as well as her ostensibly ill-equipped parents (Facebook). Dubbed a “Public Figure” on her Facebook page, Hashtag Jameson accrued a particularly premature type of celebrity, where, with a handful of baby selfies, she declared via Twitter, and only hours after birth, that she was “already trending”.In this article, I consider the relationship between the infant child and the visual-digital economies in which it – as in the Hashtag hoax, above – performs. The infant child is brought into view with the very first sentence that frames John Berger’s Ways of Seeing. “Seeing comes before words”, he writes. “The child looks and recognizes before it can speak” (1). Berger’s reference to the seeing child positions it as an active agent in cultures and practices of visuality, but also uses an idea of the child to position vision as the primary communicative means by which we “establish our place in the surrounding world” and in which we are enveloped “before” speech (7). Here, I explore the intensified relationship between the visual culture of infancy and the economised digital movement of vision that it produces in one highly specific image-genre: the baby selfie. In doing so I aim to characterise the depictive nature of this format in terms of how it compositionally documents – to further borrow the language of Berger, who was then discussing oil paintings – “a way of seeing the world, which was ultimately determined by new attitudes to property and exchange” (87).The new sociology of childhood has been concerned with the construction of the child figure as it has interfaced with new cultural and political realities since the early 1980s (Prout). These include “phenomena such as the flexibilization of production … expanding networks of knowledge … and shifts in labour market participation, work and the global economy” (Prout 5). I suggest here that the baby selfie can be seen as an unprecedented social marker of these transformations, signalling a heightened degree of priceless sentiment within which the child – as an animator of amateur affects, viral tendencies and algorithmic logics – is given to operate. I focus on the compositional propensities of the baby selfie in order to characterise how it visually construes a particular kind of self that is intrinsically entangled with the conception of the image as a form of capital exchange. That is, I suggest that in its intense and yet paradoxical self-performativity the baby selfie depicts a way of seeing that is predicated on, but also troubles, the conceit of a commodified social relation. What Does the Baby Selfie Say?“Should babies really be taking selfies?” yells a headline warning against the perceived dangers of youth digital cultures (Cox). The 2014 story references a phone app built by father Matthew Pegula that uses front-facing cameras to “unintentionally teac[h] your baby to take selfies of themselves” by generating “rattling sounds, pictures of cute animals, and more to get the baby’s attention.” The article explains that “[w]hen the baby reaches out to touch the screen, the camera snaps their selfie and saves it to the device”. While Pegula’s Baby Selfie App is available for purchase on Google Play’s app store for $1.09, a similar device named New Born Fame, featuring “Facebook and Twitter symbols that are activated when the youngster reaches for them” and inclusions such as “a pair of shoes with an internal pedometer that tracks kicks and posts the activity online, a squeezable GPS tracker and a ‘selfie-ball’ that photographs the baby and uploads the shot whenever the ball rotates” (Peppers), artistically interrogated this relatively new category of “insta-infa-fame”.In their article “What Does the Selfie Say?”, Theresa M. Senft and Nancy K. Baym argue that the selfie exists as the hallmark genre of a new kind of self-reflexive image-making, one that is formally characterised by the “self-generated” nature of the photographic portraiture it depicts, which is in turn conceived for its transmissibility, occurring “primarily via social media” (1589). Popularised in part by new technologies (the camera phone, the smart phone, and then the front-facing phone camera) and in part by new digital platforms (“Facebook, Instagram, SnapChat, Tumblr, WeChat, and Tinder”) (1589), Senft and Baym further explain that the selfie is simultaneously a photographic object which transmits human feeling, a practice of sending (as well as of depicting), and third, a monetized assemblage curated by nonhuman agents. It is this last factor which renders the objecthood of the selfie as it relates to the vernacular that it enacts as well as the practice of its making, political.Notions around the simultaneously constituting and yet virally distributed “self” of social media are not new. A now prominent literature around how the selfie graphically manifests and performs: intimate publics (Walsh and Baker), a normative or resistive image repertoire (Murray), and emotionalised, communicable affect (Bayer et al.), gives rise to a range of viewpoints that aim to characterise how the hyper self-reflexivity of the selfie depicts – visually as well as ontologically – the self as an agent of their own transmissibility (Holiday et al.). From these we understand that the selfie is distinct for its (i) self-representational image-format (it is an image made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identifiable for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition); ii) its methods of distribution (selfies are taken and distributed often instantaneously, and thereby are not only objects of, but active agents of, the reshaping of digitally communicative economies); iii) its idiomatic performance of a sociality and aesthetic of the amateur or vernacular (Abidin).The doubled glance both inwards and outwards that the selfie casts is further characterised for how it traces as well as points to a gestural self-awareness held within its compositional characteristics (Frosh). This moves us from a semiotic reading of the selfie to a reading of its “kineasthetic sociability” – that is, its embodied inception of new forms of autobiographical inscription which say “not only ‘see this, here, now,’ but also ‘see me showing you me’” (Frosh 1609-10). Here, the selfie is less a static object and more a gestural imprint of the communicative action in process: it is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of, among other things, the selfieness of the image)” (Frosh 1611). In this sense, its compositional logic offers a tracing of this very enactive, embodied tendency, which bears more than an indexical relationship to the field that it marks – it depicts itself as a constituting part of that field.While these characteristics are broadly accepted as being true of selfies, the “selfieness” of a baby selfie might be seen to offer a paradoxical reframing of these depictive qualities. That is, if a selfie is a self-depiction of a process of self-depiction, the baby selfie most usually performs this self-reflexivity with recourse to an external agent who is either present in the image frame or who is occluded from it but nonetheless implied by the very nature of the image (a parent or the image-facilitator, or indeed, a baby app). The baby selfie’s scene of self-depiction, then, might be thought of as a kind of self-depiction-by-proxy. At the same time, the baby selfie asks us to invest in the belief that the picture was knowingly self-taken, and in doing so, models a kind of aspirational autonomy for the child/baby figure who is depicted. In this sense, the baby selfie, by its very nature, disrupts the accepted distinguishing format of the selfie: that the picture is both self-depicting and is self-composed. Instead, the baby selfie can be seen to gesturally reincorporate into its visual scene the very question of this structural im/possibility.Depicting the Viral ChildThe figure of the child has been considered by a range of theorists as the organising principle of modernity. Philippe Aries’ foundational work has argued that the modern discovery of childhood is reflected in the rise of the nuclear family and consequential shifts from sociability to privacy. Viviana Zelizer similarly positions the emergence of the economically “useless” but sentimentally “priceless” child against comprehensive social and industrial transformations taking place across the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that excluded the child as a labourer and instead situated it with the disciplinary regime of education. The hetero-normatively white child has since been shown to emblematise concepts of social futurity (Edelman) and myths of morality, humanity and the “ordering of time” (Pelligrini 98).Following Zelizer, the more recently ‘digitally’ visual cultures of childhood can be seen to spin the figure of the child around new socio-economic and discursive imperatives. Lisa Cartwright writes about photographs of waiting adoptee children, in which “children of poor countries become commodities and their images become advertisements in a global market” (83). Deborah Lupton similarly considers the coding of infant bodies in popular media for their “represent[ation] as helpless, vulnerable, uncontrolled, dirty and leaky in opposition to the idealised adult body that is powerful, self-regulated, autonomous, clean, its bodily boundaries sealed from the outside world” (349). More recently, children have been considered for how they either accidentally or volitionally interact with mediated technologies (Nansen) as well as for how they are increasingly digitally surveilled as the objects of a necessary – and increasingly normalised – parental “culture of care” (Leaver 2). These studies make clear that while children are increasingly positioned as the ‘viral’ agents of new kinds of visual markets, they are also infantilised as victims in need of unprecedented cyber-protection.In 1994 Douglas Rushkoff coined the term “media virus” to account for the rapid and uncontrollable ways that popular media texts performed to either coerce or awaken viewing publics. While Rushkoff’s medium of reference was television, Henry Jenkins et al. later reframed virality to instead encompass ideas of user-led agency by linking it with a logic of “stickiness” – evoking what he termed a “peanut butter” analogy to describe the “spreadable” (3) movement of ideas in more recent social media practices. Indeed, Liam French finds a strong parallel between the “phenomenal rise in user generated content” and the turn towards newer visual cultures within social media practices more broadly, noting that it is “ordinary people” (French’s term) who actively generate the very forms of visual cultural production that become key to communicatory circulation. The selfie, in this regard, becomes both a format and an icon of the new ways of seeing brought into perspective by social media practices.Given the political, social and industrial ecologies that constitute such image cultures, it is only recently that the “viral” child, as the next delineation of the sentimentally “priceless” child, has arrived into view. Here, the baby Hashtag hoax can be seen to critically narrate a specific cultural moment: one that is concerned with stabilising the figure of the child even as it constitutes the ground through which that figure also becomes undone. I refer to the way that Hashtag, as a figural baby, presents a tautological identity, where the digital grammar of # names the mechanism by which she would also search for herself. If Hashtag is emblematic of the algorithmic and affective assemblage of contemporary image-cultures of childhood – whose image-work shapes the new temporal dimensions of our watching and viewing practices – she also illustrates how the child has been become not only an object, but a medium of the economic logics of communicative capitalism. That is, the image-work of the baby selfie can be seen to point to the very question of autonomous agency that frames the figure of the child and in doing so, provides a disruptive counterpoint to the “peanut butter” logic of spreadable visual cultures of so-called “ordinary people” more broadly.It is this light that I ask (drawing on Senft and Baym): what does the baby selfie say about how we understand or construe the figure of the child? More specifically, I ask (via Berger) what culture of vision is brought into view by the rise of such visual cultures of the viral child? The “Gestural Gaze” of Digital Infant Agency Ellentv.com recently advertised a call for viewers to send in their favourite baby selfies: “If you've got a baby and a camera, it's time to take some selfies! Take a photo of you and your baby making the same face, and send it to us!” The legal disclaimer accompanying the callout additionally advised that “[b]y submitting Materials, … you … do not violate the right of privacy or publicity of, or constitute a defamation against, any person or entity; that the Materials will not infringe upon or violate the copyright or common law rights or any other rights of any person or entity” (Ellentv.com). From the outset, there appears within baby selfie culture a curious calibration of the agency of the child, who is at once a selfie-self-taker but who is also excluded from a legal right to privacy that concerns “any person or entity”. In this respect we might further ask – following Jacqueline Bhabha’s question “what sort of human is a child?” (1526) – what sort of human is a viral child, and how does the baby selfie depict this paradoxical configuration of infantile agency?While the formality of the baby selfie still demonstrates a range of configurations which often incorporate the figure of a parent and hence contradict the discreet self-composing parameters of the selfie, here I focus in closing on one specific baby selfie that I suggest is emblematic of an increasing prevalence of apparently “true” baby selfies which operate on a range of image-sharing platforms and meme sites. These baby selfies are distinguished by seeming to be (i) an image that is made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identified for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition; ii) an image that is construed for methods of often instantaneous distribution; iii) an image that puts forward an idiomatic performance of an amateur vernacular – or what Abidin has called “calibrated amateurism”.One compilation, “12 of the Cutest Baby Selfies You Will Ever See”, foregrounds the autonomy of the figure of the viral child as depicted by baby selfie culture, explaining that “These babies might be small, but they can do a lot more than just laugh, crawl, and play. It turns out they can also work their way around a camera and snap some amazing selfies. Talk about impressive!” (Campbell). While all the images in the selection depict the embodied gestural sociality of the selfie that Frosh characterises – that which is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of … the selfieness of the image)” (1611) – one in particular is arresting for its striking interpellation of the “innocent” figure of the child with what I will extend via Frosh to call the inherent mediality of her gestural gaze. In this iconic baby selfie, the gestural gaze is witnessed in the way that the baby’s outstretched hand seems to be extending towards us, the viewer, but is rather (we think we know) extended towards the phone camera, in order to better see herself.The infant in the image is coded female, wearing a pink bonnet, dummy clip and dummy. The dummy is centred defiantly in the baby’s mouth and doubly defiantly in the centre of the image frame as an infantile ‘technology’ that seems to undercut the technology of the phone camera apparatus. The dummy imbues the image with an iconic sense of the baby’s innate “baby-ness” which seems to directly contradict the strength of her gaze, which also appears, in following the outwards arc of her selfie-taking arm, to reach beyond the image frame and address her viewer directly. It seems to say – to paraphrase Frosh – see me here, now, showing you me. The ambivalent origins of the image are also key to how it is read and distributed here. The image in question can be found on the media site Woman’s World, which offers an untraceable credit to Instagram for its original source. The image has also, since, spread itself, appearing across a range of other multilingual sites and feeds, depicting the child at the centre of its frame as somewhat entangled in a further labour of self-duplication. The baby selfie in circulation says not only “‘see this, here, now,’” and “‘see me showing you me’,” but ‘see all of this here, and again, here and again, here.’John Berger writes of two related image genres that connect histories of vernacular depiction to histories of the evolution of the publicity image as a medium and sign of capital exchange. Writing on oil painting, he notes how the materiality of the medium signified the “thingness” of its depiction: “if you buy a painting you also buy a look of the thing that it represents” (83). He finds, therein, an “analogy between possessing and a way of seeing which is incorporated in oil painting” (83) and which, as he later explains, becomes tied to “the tangibility, the texture, the lustre, the solidity of what it depicts” (88). The textural qualities of oil painting, which for Berger construe the “real” as that which can be materially conveyed or indexed as commodity, might be compared to the gestural residue that is contained within the selfie. While oil painting construed the materiality of things – and hence, the commodifiable nature of any particular relation – the selfie might be seen to depict the self in the process of its own self-labour: the material gesture of taking the image necessitates that the self becomes an agent who then becomes the immaterial self of transmission. The selfie is in this way a depiction of the self in a form of capital relation to itself.While the selfie – as a digital composition – is not materially “real” in the same way that oil painting is, the indexical nature of the arm that reaches out beyond the image frame to point to the inherent transmissibility – and hence capital value – of the image, might be. While the baby selfie imitates these capacities, I suggest here that it also traces a compositional logic that further complicates that which Frosh charts. This is because in the very moment that the spectator of the image is confronted with the baby selfie’s call to “see me showing you me” (1609-10), the spectator is also confronted with the figure of the infant as an autonomous agent capable of their own image-constitution. In essence, the baby selfie posits a question around the baby’s innate ability to knowingly generate its image-frame, even as that very image-frame is what casts the infant into the spreadable contexts within which it will then operate – or, indeed, become ‘knowable’.In its heightened self-referentiality but tenuously depicted sense of rhetorical agency, the baby selfie then faces us with what we think we know, or do not know, about the figure of the child. This central ambivalence inherent to the compositional makeup of the baby selfie in this way both depicts and disrupts the economics of circulation that are intrinsic to selfies more broadly, pointing to a decomposing of the parameters by which a selfie is interpreted and understood. Further, it enables us to question relationships between ways of seeing and ways of being – how does the baby selfie envision the figure of the chid? What sort of human does it become? While there are valid discussions to be had around the absence of “direct self-representational agency” (Leaver) and moral rights or wrongs of the parental management of children’s image-work in online spaces, the baby selfie also opens up questions around how we understand the very contours of infantile agency, how we perceive rhetorical knowingness, and what we mean to mean by the relentless circulation of this imagery of the viral child. Indeed, as Wendy S. Hesford writes, it can be helpful to shift an understanding of agency from being an “individual enterprise” to being understood as that which is “enabled and constrained by cultural discourses and material forces” that compel it into material circulation (156).Here, I am not aiming to foreclose debates about the role of infants (or children more broadly) living with and in digital cultures. Neither do I aim to cast judgement upon on those image practices which enfold child subjects within them. I rather aim to circumvent those important debates to find – following Berger – a trace of how the image cultures that co-constitute digital infancies operate to formulate as well as depict a new field of vision that is predicated upon a seemingly impossible but nonetheless compelling logic of the contradictory impulses of the viral child. That is, it challenges us to think more carefully about what we think we know about children as well as about how we come to know them.ReferencesAbidin, Crystal. “#familygoals: Family Influencers, Calibrated Amateurism, and Justifying Young Digital Labor.” Social Media + Society (Apr.-June 2017): 1–15.Aries, Philippe. Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life. Trans. Robert Baldick. 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What strikes me about the habits of the people who spend so much time on the Net—well, it’s so new that we don't know what will come next—is in fact precisely how niche in character it is. You ask people what nets they are on, and they’re all so specialised! The Argentines on the Argentine Net and so forth. And it’s particularly the Argentines who are not in Argentina. (Anderson, in Gower, par. 5) The preceding quotation, taken from his 1996 interview with Eric Gower, sees Benedict Anderson reflecting on the formation of imagined, transnational communities on the Internet. Anderson is, of course, famous for his work on how nationalism, as an “imagined community,” gets constructed through the shared consumption of print media (6-7, 26-27); although its readers will never all see each other face to face, people consuming a newspaper or novel in a shared language perceive themselves as members of a collective. In this more recent interview, Anderson recognised the specific groupings of people in online communities: Argentines who find themselves outside of Argentina link up online in an imagined diaspora community. Over the course of the last decade and a half since Anderson spoke about Argentinian migrants and diaspora communities, we have witnessed an exponential growth of new forms of digital communication, including social networking sites (e.g. Facebook), Weblogs, micro-blogging (e.g. Twitter), and video-sharing sites (e.g. YouTube). Alongside these new means of communication, our current epoch of globalisation is also characterised by migration flows across, and between, all continents. In his book Modernity at Large, Arjun Appadurai recognised that “the twin forces of mass migration and electronic mediation” have altered the ways the imagination operates. Furthermore, these two pillars, human motion and digital mediation, are in constant “flux” (44). The circulation of people and digitally mediatised content proceeds across and beyond boundaries of the nation-state and provides ground for alternative community and identity formations. Appadurai’s intervention has resulted in increasing awareness of local, transnational, and global networking flows of people, ideas, and culturally hybrid artefacts. In this article, we analyse the various innovative tactics taken up by migrant youth to imagine digital diasporas. Inspired by scholars such as Appadurai, Avtar Brah and Paul Gilroy, we tease out—from a postcolonial perspective—how digital diasporas have evolved over time from a more traditional understanding as constituted either by a vertical relationship to a distant homeland or a horizontal connection to the scattered transnational community (see Safran, Cohen) to move towards a notion of “hypertextual diaspora.” With hypertextual diaspora, these central axes which constitute the understanding of diaspora are reshuffled in favour of more rhizomatic formations where affiliations, locations, and spaces are constantly destabilised and renegotiated. Needless to say, diasporas are not homogeneous and resist generalisation, but in this article we highlight common ways in which young migrant Internet users renew the practices around diaspora connections. Drawing from research on various migrant populations around the globe, we distinguish three common strategies: (1) the forging of transnational public spheres, based on maintaining virtual social relations by people scattered across the globe; (2) new forms of digital diasporic youth branding; and (3) the cultural production of innovative hypertexts in the context of more rhizomatic digital diaspora formations. Before turning to discuss these three strategies, the potential of a postcolonial framework to recognise multiple intersections of diaspora and digital mediation is elaborated. Hypertext as a Postcolonial Figuration Postcolonial scholars, Appadurai, Gilroy, and Brah among others, have been attentive to diasporic experiences, but they have paid little attention to the specificity of digitally mediated diaspora experiences. As Maria Fernández observes, postcolonial studies have been “notoriously absent from electronic media practice, theory, and criticism” (59). Our exploration of what happens when diasporic youth go online is a first step towards addressing this gap. Conceptually, this is clearly an urgent need since diasporas and the digital inform each other in the most profound and dynamic of ways: “the Internet virtually recreates all those sites which have metaphorically been eroded by living in the diaspora” (Ponzanesi, “Diasporic Narratives” 396). Writings on the Internet tend to favour either the “gold-rush” mentality, seeing the Web as a great equaliser and bringer of neoliberal progress for all, or the more pessimistic/technophobic approach, claiming that technologically determined spaces are exclusionary, white by default, masculine-oriented, and heteronormative (Everett 30, Van Doorn and Van Zoonen 261). For example, the recent study by Ito et al. shows that young people are not interested in merely performing a fiction in a parallel online world; rather, the Internet gets embedded in their everyday reality (Ito et al. 19-24). Real-life commercial incentives, power hierarchies, and hegemonies also get extended to the digital realm (Schäfer 167-74). Online interaction remains pre-structured, based on programmers’ decisions and value-laden algorithms: “people do not need a passport to travel in cyberspace but they certainly do need to play by the rules in order to function electronically” (Ponzanesi, “Diasporic Narratives” 405). We began our article with a statement by Benedict Anderson, stressing how people in the Argentinian diaspora find their space on the Internet. Online avenues increasingly allow users to traverse and add hyperlinks to their personal websites in the forms of profile pages, the publishing of preferences, and possibilities of participating in and affiliating with interest-based communities. Online journals, social networking sites, streaming audio/video pages, and online forums are all dynamic hypertexts based on Hypertext Markup Language (HTML) coding. HTML is the protocol of documents that refer to each other, constituting the backbone of the Web; every text that you find on the Internet is connected to a web of other texts through hyperlinks. These links are in essence at equal distance from each other. As well as being a technological device, hypertext is also a metaphor to think with. Figuratively speaking, hypertext can be understood as a non-hierarchical and a-centred modality. Hypertext incorporates multiplicity; different pathways are possible simultaneously, as it has “multiple entryways and exits” and it “connects any point to any other point” (Landow 58-61). Feminist theorist Donna Haraway recognised the dynamic character of hypertext: “the metaphor of hypertext insists on making connections as practice.” However, she adds, “the trope does not suggest which connections make sense for which purposes and which patches we might want to follow or avoid.” We can begin to see the value of approaching the Internet from the perspective of hypertext to make an “inquiry into which connections matter, why, and for whom” (128-30). Postcolonial scholar Jaishree K. Odin theorised how hypertextual webs might benefit subjects “living at the borders.” She describes how subaltern subjects, by weaving their own hypertextual path, can express their multivocality and negotiate cultural differences. She connects the figure of hypertext with that of the postcolonial: The hypertextual and the postcolonial are thus part of the changing topology that maps the constantly shifting, interpenetrating, and folding relations that bodies and texts experience in information culture. Both discourses are characterised by multivocality, multilinearity, openendedness, active encounter, and traversal. (599) These conceptions of cyberspace and its hypertextual foundations coalesce with understandings of “in-between”, “third”, and “diaspora media space” as set out by postcolonial theorists such as Bhabha and Brah. Bhabha elaborates on diaspora as a space where different experiences can be articulated: “These ‘in-between’ spaces provide the terrain for elaborating strategies of selfhood—singular or communal—that initiate new signs of identity, and innovative sites of collaboration, and contestation (4). (Dis-)located between the local and the global, Brah adds: “diaspora space is the point at which boundaries of inclusion and exclusion, of belonging and otherness, of ‘us’ and ‘them,’ are contested” (205). As youths who were born in the diaspora have begun to manifest themselves online, digital diasporas have evolved from transnational public spheres to differential hypertexts. First, we describe how transnational public spheres form one dimension of the mediation of diasporic experiences. Subsequently, we focus on diasporic forms of youth branding and hypertext aesthetics to show how digitally mediated practices can go beyond and transgress traditional formations of diasporas as vertically connected to a homeland and horizontally distributed in the creation of transnational public spheres. Digital Diasporas as Diasporic Public Spheres Mass migration and digital mediation have led to a situation where relationships are maintained over large geographical distances, beyond national boundaries. The Internet is used to create transnational imagined audiences formed by dispersed people, which Appadurai describes as “diasporic public spheres”. He observes that, as digital media “increasingly link producers and audiences across national boundaries, and as these audiences themselves start new conversations between those who move and those who stay, we find a growing number of diasporic public spheres” (22). Media and communication researchers have paid a lot of attention to this transnational dimension of the networking of dispersed people (see Brinkerhoff, Alonso and Oiarzabal). We focus here on three examples from three different continents. Most famously, media ethnographers Daniel Miller and Don Slater focused on the Trinidadian diaspora. They describe how “de Rumshop Lime”, a collective online chat room, is used by young people at home and abroad to “lime”, meaning to chat and hang out. Describing the users of the chat, “the webmaster [a Trini living away] proudly proclaimed them to have come from 40 different countries” (though massively dominated by North America) (88). Writing about people in the Greek diaspora, communication researcher Myria Georgiou traced how its mediation evolved from letters, word of mouth, and bulletins to satellite television, telephone, and the Internet (147). From the introduction of the Web, globally dispersed people went online to get in contact with each other. Meanwhile, feminist film scholar Anna Everett draws on the case of Naijanet, the virtual community of “Nigerians Living Abroad”. She shows how Nigerians living in the diaspora from the 1990s onwards connected in global transnational communities, forging “new black public spheres” (35). These studies point at how diasporic people have turned to the Internet to establish and maintain social relations, give and receive support, and share general concerns. Establishing transnational communicative networks allows users to imagine shared audiences of fellow diasporians. Diasporic imagination, however, goes beyond singular notions of this more traditional idea of the transnational public sphere, as it “has nowadays acquired a great figurative flexibility which mostly refers to practices of transgression and hybridisation” (Ponzanesi, “Diasporic Subjects” 208). Below we recognise another dimension of digital diasporas: the articulation of diasporic attachment for branding oneself. Mocro and Nikkei: Diasporic Attachments as a Way to Brand Oneself In this section, we consider how hybrid cultural practices are carried out over geographical distances. Across spaces on the Web, young migrants express new forms of belonging in their dealing with the oppositional motivations of continuity and change. The generational specificity of this experience can be drawn out on the basis of the distinction between “roots” and “routes” made by Paul Gilroy. In his seminal book The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness, Gilroy writes about black populations on both sides of the Atlantic. The double consciousness of migrant subjects is reflected by affiliating roots and routes as part of a complex cultural identification (19 and 190). As two sides of the same coin, roots refer to the stable and continuing elements of identities, while routes refer to disruption and change. Gilroy criticises those who are “more interested in the relationship of identity to roots and rootedness than in seeing identity as a process of movement and mediation which is more appropriately approached via the homonym routes” (19). He stresses the importance of not just focusing on one of either roots or routes but argues for an examination of their interplay. Forming a response to discrimination and exclusion, young migrants in online networks turn to more positive experiences such as identification with one’s heritage inspired by generational specific cultural affiliations. Here, we focus on two examples that cross two continents, showing routed online attachments to “be(com)ing Mocro”, and “be(coming) Nikkei”. Figure 1. “Leipe Mocro Flavour” music video (Ali B) The first example, being and becoming “Mocro”, refers to a local, bi-national consciousness. The term Mocro originated on the streets of the Netherlands during the late 1990s and is now commonly understood as a Dutch honorary nickname for youths with Moroccan roots living in the Netherlands and Belgium. A 2003 song, Leipe mocro flavour (“Crazy Mocro Flavour”) by Moroccan-Dutch rapper Ali B, familiarised a larger group of people with the label (see Figure 1). Ali B’s song is exemplary for a wider community of youngsters who have come to identify themselves as Mocros. One example is the Marokkanen met Brainz – Hyves (Mo), a community page within the Dutch social networking site Hyves. On this page, 2,200 youths who identify as Mocro get together to push against common stereotypes of Moroccan-Dutch boys as troublemakers and thieves and Islamic Moroccan-Dutch girls as veiled carriers of backward traditions (Leurs, forthcoming). Its description reads, “I assume that this Hyves will be the largest [Mocro community]. Because logically Moroccans have brains” (our translation): What can you find here? Discussions about politics, religion, current affairs, history, love and relationships. News about Moroccan/Arabic Parties. And whatever you want to tell others. Use your brains. Second, “Nikkei” directs our attention to Japanese migrants and their descendants. The Discover Nikkei website, set up by the Japanese American National Museum, provides a revealing description of being and becoming Nikkei: As Nikkei communities form in Japan and throughout the world, the process of community formation reveals the ongoing fluidity of Nikkei populations, the evasive nature of Nikkei identity, and the transnational dimensions of their community formations and what it means to be Nikkei. (Japanese American National Museum) This site was set up by the Japanese American National Museum for Nikkei in the global diaspora to connect and share stories. Nikkei youths of course also connect elsewhere. In her ethnographic online study, Shana Aoyama found that the social networking site Hi5 is taken up in Peru by young people of Japanese heritage as an avenue for identity exploration. She found group confirmation based on the performance of Nikkei-ness, as well as expressions of individuality. She writes, “instead of heading in one specific direction, the Internet use of Nikkei creates a starburst shape of identity construction and negotiation” (119). Mocro-ness and Nikkei-ness are common collective identification markers that are not just straightforward nationalisms. They refer back to different homelands, while simultaneously they also clearly mark one’s situation of being routed outside of this homeland. Mocro stems from postcolonial migratory flows from the Global South to the West. Nikkei-ness relates to the interesting case of the Japanese diaspora, which is little accounted for, although there are many Japanese communities present in North and South America from before the Second World War. The context of Peru is revealing, as it was the first South American country to accept Japanese migrants. It now hosts the second largest South American Japanese diaspora after Brazil (Lama), and Peru’s former president, Alberto Fujimoro, is also of Japanese origin. We can see how the importance of the nation-state gets blurred as diasporic youth, through cultural hybridisation of youth culture and ethnic ties, initiates subcultures and offers resistance to mainstream western cultural forms. Digital spaces are used to exert youthful diaspora branding. Networked branding includes expressing cultural identities that are communal and individual but also both local and global, illustrative of how “by virtue of being global the Internet can gift people back their sense of themselves as special and particular” (Miller and Slater 115). In the next section, we set out how youthful diaspora branding is part of a larger, more rhizomatic formation of multivocal hypertext aesthetics. Hypertext Aesthetics In this section, we set out how an in-between, or “liminal”, position, in postcolonial theory terms, can be a source of differential and multivocal cultural production. Appadurai, Bhabha, and Gilroy recognise that liminal positions increasingly leave their mark on the global and local flows of cultural objects, such as food, cinema, music, and fashion. Here, our focus is on how migrant youths turn to hypertextual forms of cultural production for a differential expression of digital diasporas. Hypertexts are textual fields made up of hyperlinks. Odin states that travelling through cyberspace by clicking and forging hypertext links is a form of multivocal digital diaspora aesthetics: The perpetual negotiation of difference that the border subject engages in creates a new space that demands its own aesthetic. This new aesthetic, which I term “hypertext” or “postcolonial,” represents the need to switch from the linear, univocal, closed, authoritative aesthetic involving passive encounters characterising the performance of the same to that of non-linear, multivocal, open, non-hierarchical aesthetic involving active encounters that are marked by repetition of the same with and in difference. (Cited in Landow 356-7) On their profile pages, migrant youth digitally author themselves in distinct ways by linking up to various sites. They craft their personal hypertext. These hypertexts display multivocal diaspora aesthetics which are personal and specific; they display personal intersections of affiliations that are not easily generalisable. In several Dutch-language online spaces, subjects from Dutch-Moroccan backgrounds have taken up the label Mocro as an identity marker. Across social networking sites such as Hyves and Facebook, the term gets included in nicknames and community pages. Think of nicknames such as “My own Mocro styly”, “Mocro-licious”, “Mocro-chick”. The term Mocro itself is often already multilayered, as it is often combined with age, gender, sexual preference, religion, sport, music, and generationally specific cultural affiliations. Furthermore, youths connect to a variety of groups ranging from feminist interests (“Women in Charge”), Dutch nationalism (“I Love Holland”), ethnic affiliations (“The Moroccan Kitchen”) to clothing (the brand H&M), and global junk food (McDonalds). These diverse affiliations—that are advertised online simultaneously—add nuance to the typical, one-dimensional stereotype about migrant youth, integration, and Islam in the context of Europe and Netherlands (Leurs, forthcoming). On the online social networking site Hi5, Nikkei youths in Peru, just like any other teenagers, express their individuality by decorating their personal profile page with texts, audio, photos, and videos. Besides personal information such as age, gender, and school information, Aoyama found that “a starburst” of diverse affiliations is published, including those that signal Japanese-ness such as the Hello Kitty brand, anime videos, Kanji writing, kimonos, and celebrities. Also Nikkei hyperlink to elements that can be identified as “Latino” and “Chino” (Chinese) (104-10). Furthermore, users can show their multiple affiliations by joining different “groups” (after which a hyperlink to the group community appears on the profile page). Aoyama writes “these groups stretch across a large and varied scope of topics, including that of national, racial/ethnic, and cultural identities” (2). These examples illustrate how digital diasporas encompass personalised multivocal hypertexts. With the widely accepted adagio “you are what you link” (Adamic and Adar), hypertextual webs can be understood as productions that reveal how diasporic youths choose to express themselves as individuals through complex sets of non-homogeneous identifications. Migrant youth connects to ethnic origin and global networks in eclectic and creative ways. The concept of “digital diaspora” therefore encapsulates both material and virtual (dis)connections that are identifiable through common traits, strategies, and aesthetics. Yet these hypertextual connections are also highly personalised and unique, offering a testimony to the fluid negotiations and intersections between the local and the global, the rooted and the diasporic. Conclusions In this article, we have argued that migrant youths render digital diasporas more complex by including branding and hypertextual aesthetics in transnational public spheres. Digital diasporas may no longer be understood simply in terms of their vertical relations to a homeland or place of origin or as horizontally connected to a clearly marked transnational community; rather, they must also be seen as engaging in rhizomatic digital practices, which reshuffle traditional understandings of origin and belonging. Contemporary youthful digital diasporas are therefore far more complex in their engagement with digital media than most existing theory allows: connections are hybridised, and affiliations are turned into practices of diasporic branding and becoming. There is a generational specificity to multivocal diaspora aesthetics; this specificity lies in the ways migrant youths show communal recognition and express their individuality through hypertext which combines affiliation to their national/ethnic “roots” with an embrace of other youth subcultures, many of them transnational. 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