Journal articles: 'Algerian War for Independence'

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Cooper, Austin R. "“A Ray of Sunshine on French Tables”." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2019.49.3.241.

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The French citrus industry in Algeria grew rapidly in terms of land area and fruit production from the 1930s until Algerian Independence in 1962. This article contends that technical expertise regarding citrus cultivation played a role in colonial control of Algeria’s territory, population, and economy. The French regime enrolled Algerian fruit in biopolitical interventions on rural ways of life in Algeria and urban standards of living in France. Technical manuals written by state-affiliated agronomists articulated racial distinctions between French settlers and Algerian peasants through attention to labor practices in the groves. A complex legal, technological, and administrative infrastructure facilitated the circulation of citrus fruit across the Mediterranean and into metropolitan France. This nexus of scientific research, economic profit, and racial hierarchy met criticism during the Algerian War for Independence. In the aftermath, expert discussions about citrus production reflected uncertainties and tensions regarding Algeria’s future. Citrus’ place in scientific, technological, and economic changes in twentieth-century Algeria illuminates the politics of technical expertise under colonialism and during decolonization.

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Kuznetsova, Valeria. "HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF MIGRATION RELATIONS BETWEEN ALGERIA AND FRANCE IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE OF ALGERIA." Russia and the moslem world, no. 3 (2021): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.03.09.

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From the end of the 19th century to 1962, Algerian presence in France became part of more than a centenary history. The early and significant migration flow of Algerian colonists to the metropolis began in the second half of the 19th century. Until 1962, Algerians were not called foreigners, but first “aborigines,” then “French subjects,” and then “French Muslims of Algeria.” Close relationship between Algeria and France, the metropolis and the colony, oppressors and oppressed, can be traced in the culture of both states and the peculiarities of social structures throughout large-scale historical strata. The peculiarities of this close unity, manifested in migration relations, among other things, encourage the colony to fight for its independence.

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Fois, Marisa. "Algerian Nationalism: From the Origins to Algerian War of Independence." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340140.

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Arab nationalism is not a monolithic construct. In the case of Algeria, the nationalist period undoubtedly played a significant role in determining the nature of its nationalist movement, its foundational principles and the nature of the future independent country. It was during the nationalist period that disputes regarding the colonial order, autonomy versus independence and the definition of Algerian identity emerged. The anti-colonial revolution occurred after a long period of gestation, the result of a combination of people’s spontaneous initiative, the action of forces fed by new or existing ideas and the influence of the international context. This article provides an overview of Algerian nationalism—including both Arab and Berber nationalisms—from the 1920s to the 1950s, identifying parties, leaders and currents of thought.

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Schreier, Joshua. "A Jewish Riot against Muslims: The Polemics of History in Late Colonial Algeria." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 3 (July 2016): 746–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000347.

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AbstractOn Rosh Hashanah, 1961, six months before the conclusion of the Evian accords promised independence for Algeria, riots broke out in the city of Oran. Surprisingly to many, the aggressors were overwhelmingly Jews, while those injured or killed were largely Muslims. The events—widely covered in the media but since forgotten—were a product of Oran's particular social chemistry, but were also shaped by far wider set of debates about a chasm that was growing between Jews and Arabs in France, Algeria, and the wider Arab world. This article focuses on responses to these riots, especially how they drew on polemical renderings of a shared Muslim-Jewish history. I make two interrelated arguments based on printed matter of the period, French government archives, and memoirs. First, Algerian Jewish observers and pro-FLN nationalist writers, groups that only rarely agreed on the question of Algerian independence, both recalled that the two groups' shared a largely harmonious history. They vehemently disagreed, however, on what this shared, harmonious history meant in terms of political obligations. The article's second argument is that the Israel-Palestine conflict helped sour relations between Jews and Muslims in Algeria, as well as historical renderings of these relations, during the Algerian War of Independence. Specifically, the question of Palestine frequently appeared as a reference when interpreting the riots. Together, the two arguments demonstrate how international issues helped occlude the particular, local stories and belongingness of Algerians, while they defined the future, religio-ethnic contours of the Algerian nation.

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Franklin, Elise. "A Bridge Across the Mediterranean." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360202.

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During the Algerian War, Nafissa Sid Cara came to public prominence in two roles. As a secretary of state, Sid Cara oversaw the reform of Muslim marriage and divorce laws pursued by Charles de Gaulle’s administration as part of its integration campaign to unite France and Algeria. As president of the Mouvement de solidarité féminine, she sought to “emancipate” Algerian women so they could enjoy the rights France offered. Though the politics of the Algerian War circumscribed both roles, Sid Cara’s work with Algerian women did not remain limited by colonial rule. As Algeria approached independence, Sid Cara rearticulated the language of women’s rights as an apolitical and universal good, regardless of the future of the French colonial state, though she—and the language of women’s rights— remained bound to the former metropole.

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Oberhollenzer, Moritz. "Winfried „Mustapha“ Müller und der algerische Unabhängigkeitsskrieg." historia.scribere, no. 12 (June 15, 2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.607.

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Winfried „Mustapha“ Müller and the Algerian War of IndependenceThis paper is about the involvement of Winfried “Mustapha” Müller in the Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962. It will focus on how his work for the FLN helped in the struggle for Algerian independence from the French motherland. In this context it incorporates a transnational perspective on how the war could be won not only by the fighters of the FLN, but also by people fuelling the international discussion talking about the war.

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Shepard, Todd. "ALGERIAN NATIONALISM, ZIONISM, AND FRENCH LAÏCITÉ: A HISTORY OF ETHNORELIGIOUS NATIONALISMS AND DECOLONIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 445–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000421.

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AbstractThe Algerian war resituated the meaning of “Muslims” and “Jews” in France in relation to religion and “origins” and this process reshaped French secular nationhood, with Algerian independence in mid-1962 crystallizing a complex and shifting debate that took shape in the interwar period and blossomed between 1945 and 1962. In its failed efforts to keep all Algerians French, the French government responded to both Algerian nationalism and, as is less known, Zionism, and did so with policies that took seriously, rather than rejected, the so-called ethnoreligious arguments that they embraced—and that, according to existing scholarship, have always been anathema to French laïcité. Most scholars on France continue to presume that its history is national or wholly “European.” Yet paying attention to this transnational confrontation, driven by claims from Algeria and Israel, emphasizes the crucial roles of North African and Mediterranean developments in the making of contemporary France.

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Hiddleston, Jane. "Lyotard's Algeria: Experiments in Theory." Paragraph 33, no. 1 (March 2010): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0264833409000741.

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This article explores the changing position of Lyotard's writing on Algeria within his corpus. The essays gathered together in La Guerre des Algériens: Ecrits 1956–63 (The Algerians’ War: Texts 1956–63), and published much later in 1989, are certainly among his most overtly politically engaged. These pieces track the progress of the War of Independence from the early signs of unrest in 1952 to what Lyotard perceives as the divisive effects of FLN ideology in the aftermath of independence, and the collection as a whole underlines not only the conflict between coloniser and colonised but also that between the rural masses and the bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, despite his commitment to Algerian independence at the time of writing, Lyotard later lamented the failings of these essays. He also alters his stance on his own use of Marxism, and condemns his attempts to offer a Marxist revolutionary critique. He then chose to republish the work in 1989, yet this volte-face testifies to the author's ongoing ambivalence towards his own writing on decolonization. At one moment, Lyotard mocks and undermines his own efforts to understand and systematize the mechanics of the liberation movement. Yet he then goes on to suggest that the Algerian conflict exemplifies his later concept of the ‘differend’. This unease both within and towards the volume La Guerre des Algériens will be the focus of this article. The essays’ eclecticism, and Lyotard's own altering response to them, can be understood as an early testimony to an increasing scepticism towards Marxism in French critical thought, and, at the same time, towards what Lyotard conceived as dogmatic ‘theory’, in the context of decolonization in Algeria.

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Mousli, Malek. "Algerian-Russian Cooperation: True Strategic Partnership?" Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 284–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-284-292.

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Formally, the Algerian-Russian partnership is labeled “strategic”. This research is providing the answer whether this relationship could be qualified as a “strategic partnership”. Firstly, through the “strategic partnership” concept analysis as a mechanism of modern international cooperation, and secondly, applying the defined elements of “strategic partnership” to the Algerian-Russian relations. The interstate strategic partnership is generally based on the following elements: long and distinguished historical relations, material factors such as strong economic and political relations in the long term, and non-material factors such as common values. By process-tracing some selected economic and political fields and issues of the Algerian-Russian relationship, this article reveals the signiﬁcance of 2001 as a crucial point that has urged both Algiers and Moscow to signiﬁcantly alter both their outlook on global politics and on each other. Moreover, distinguished historical lasting and steady ties are at the heart of Algeria's strategic partnership with Russia. The Algerian-Russian / Soviet relations have always been distinct and exemplary both during the War of Independence and during the Cold War or after. Algeria and Russia link a number of common values. These include commitment to democracy, pluralism, the rule of law, and respect for international law. Both countries also respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the partner states, promoting a more equitable and balanced system of international relations based on collective solution of global problems, the primacy of international law, and equal relations with the central coordinating role of the UN as the main organization governing international relations. This leads to the conclusion that cooperation between Algeria and Russia is both real and formally a “strategic partnership”.

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Brett, Michael. "Anglo-Saxon Attitudes: The Algerian War of Independence in Retrospect." Journal of African History 35, no. 2 (July 1994): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026402.

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The English-language literature on Algeria generated by the Algerian war of independence and continuing down to the present forms an intellectual as well as linguistic tradition apart from the much more voluminous literature in French. Despite the involvement of French and North African writers who have published in English, it is largely the creation of outsiders looking at the country from British and North American points of view, according to current fashions. The war of independence remains central to its concerns as the great transformer of a colonial into a national society, however that transformation is to be understood. The qualified approval of the nationalist cause by Alistair Horne contrasts sharply with Elie Kedourie's denunciation. Most judgements have been based on the outcome, the political, social and economic performance of the regime, considered as good or bad. Since the death of Boumedienne in 1978, they have tended to be unfavourable. Their largely secular analyses, however, have been called in question since 1988 by the rise of political Islam, which has called for a reappraisal of the whole subject of the war and its consequences. Such a reappraisal is still in the future. Meanwhile Ernest Gellner, in dispute with Edward Said over the question of Orientalism, has raised the matter of the role of Islam in the history of Algeria to a high level of generalization, at which the war itself may, paradoxically, return to the forefront of international scholarly concern.

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Fontaine, Darcie. "TREASON OR CHARITY? CHRISTIAN MISSIONS ON TRIAL AND THE DECOLONIZATION OF ALGERIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 733–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000840.

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AbstractThis article explores the role that Christianity played in the decolonization of Algeria and in particular how the complex relationship between Christianity and colonialism under French rule shaped the rhetoric and actions of Christians during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Using the case of a 1957 trial in the military tribunal of Algiers in which twelve Europeans were charged with crimes ranging from distributing propaganda for the National Liberation Front to sheltering suspected communist and nationalist militants, I demonstrate how “Christian” rhetoric became one of the major means through which the conduct of the war and the defense of French Algeria were debated. While conservative defenders of French Algeria claimed that actions such as those of the Christians on trial led to the erasure of Christianity in North Africa, I argue that such actions and moral positions allowed for the continued presence of Christianity in Algeria after independence.

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Loyal, Steven. "The French in Algeria, Algerians in France: Bourdieu, Colonialism, and Migration." Sociological Review 57, no. 3 (August 2009): 406–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2009.01847.x.

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Bourdieu's early fieldwork which included field observation, statistical analysis, and the use of photography to capture, represent, and analyse Algerian society in its complexity, took place within the unusual context of the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). A number of his photographs of Algerian life depict the physical dislocation of Algerian peasantry into shanty towns largely as the result of rapid socio-economic and cultural change introduced by French colonisation and war. Although this fieldwork was to fundamentally shape his subsequent oeuvre, substantive issues which arose out of this research including colonialism, racism, and migration, tended to disappear in his later writings. This paper will argue that Bourdieu's discussion of colonialism in his early work, together with arguments developed by his student and co-author, Abdelmalek Sayad, provide a basis for understanding contemporary processes of ethno-racial domination and migration.

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Gallagher, Nancy. "Learning Lessons from the Algerian War of Independence." Middle East Report, no. 225 (2002): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559351.

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Gendron, Robin S. "Tempered Sympathy: Canada’s Reaction to the Independence Movement in Algeria, 1954-1962." Ottawa 1998 9, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030499ar.

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Abstract This article examines the reaction of the Canadian government to the Algerian war for independence from France from 1954 to 1962. It reveals that, while sympathetic to the ambitions of colonial peoples to determine their own national destinies, the Canadian government often judged colonial issues after the Second World War by the impact they had on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Canadian security interests and the Cold War. Given that the Algerian war threatened France's ability and willingness to contribute to NATO during this period the Canadian government felt compelled to support France's efforts to retain its North African colony both politically and militarily. Canadian officials wanted France's participation in NATO and were unwilling to antagonise France by opposing its Algerian policies. In this instance national security interests were of a higher priority for the Canadian government than support for the principle of national self-determination for colonial peoples.

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Granara, William. "Mythologising the Algerian war of independence: Tahir Wattar and the contemporary Algerian novel." Journal of North African Studies 4, no. 3 (September 1999): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629389908718370.

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Branche, Raphaëlle. "Torture of terrorists? Use of torture in a “war against terrorism”: justifications, methods and effects: the case of France in Algeria, 1954–1962." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 867 (September 2007): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s181638310700121x.

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AbstractDuring its war against the armed nationalist movement fighting for Algerian independence (1954–62), France made extensive use of torture, for which the main justification given was the terrorism employed by the National Liberation Front, even though such terrorist violence was neither the nationalists' main form of action nor the French army's true target. Research into the methods used and the aims pursued challenges that justification, shedding light on the way in which torture really operates in a war of this kind, even though the Algerian War has been presented as a model for many subsequent conflict situations.

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Bonnot, Virginie, Silvia Krauth-Gruber, Ewa Drozda-Senkowska, and Diniz Lopes. "Emotional reactions to the French colonization in Algeria: The normative nature of collective guilt." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (September 21, 2016): 531–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416661653.

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Fifty years after the end of the Algerian war of independence, French colonization in Algeria (1830–1962) is still a very controversial topic when sporadically brought to the forefront of the public sphere. One way to better understand current intergroup relationships between French of French origin and French with Algerian origins is to investigate how the past influences the present. This study explores French students’ emotional reactions to this historical period, their ideological underpinnings and their relationship with the willingness to compensate for past misdeeds, and with prejudice. Results show that French students with French ascendants endorse a no-remorse norm when thinking about past colonization of Algeria and express very low levels of collective guilt and moral-outrage related emotions, especially those students with a right-wing political orientation and a national identification in the form of glorification of the country. These group-based emotions are significantly related to pro-social behavioral intentions (i.e. the willingness to compensate) and to prejudice toward the outgroup.

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Stanton, Andrea L. "The changing face ofEl Moudjahidduring the Algerian War of Independence." Journal of North African Studies 16, no. 1 (March 2011): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2010.515705.

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Barei, Geoffrey. "The End of the Algerian War of Independence: British Interest." Maghreb Review 41, no. 3 (2016): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2016.0015.

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Nesbitt, Nick. "Experimenting Freedom." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 1 (January 2016): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.1.125.

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Never having known Assia Djebar, i can only speak of the effect her writing has had on me, above all one of her first works, Les enfants du nouveau monde (Children of the New World), created as Algerian independence became a reality, inaugurating a postcolonial nation full of promise and contradiction. In this novel Djebar wrote of Algeria at a moment, 1961-62, when it was on the threshold of its becoming, the very moment of the invention of Algeria, when the coming laborious construction of Algeria, which continues today, was already visible. The moment when the unyielding violence of the struggle to invent this new country, nation, people, and culture might have ceased, in a site subject to a violence that had proceeded endlessly, terrifyingly, since 1954, since the massacre in Sétif in 1945, since the French invasion of 1830, since the fly-whisk incident and the blockade of Algiers in 1827. By 1961 Algeria had for centuries been defined and constructed by violence. In Les enfants du nouveau monde we encounter the trace of a moment when the participants in the Algerian revolution and war had been shaken to the core of their being by the terror of that struggle and risking of life, a moment when what Frantz Fanon called “le problème de l'homme” (374), the invention of a human being beyond the consuming circles of Eurocentric hegemony, was of the utmost urgency. A moment when Algerians were about to give form and reality to Algeria. Here Djebar wrote of this Algeria in a future perfect and perfect future of that moment, an Algeria that would no sooner be born than vanish, an Algeria that still, today, will have been.

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Barkaoui, Miloud. "Managing the colonialstatus quo: Eisenhower's Cold War and the Algerian war of independence." Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2012): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2011.586402.

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Krais, Jakob. "Girl Guides, Athletes, and Educators." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7490981.

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Abstract Algeria is often seen as a major instance of women’s emancipation in the Middle East of the mid-twentieth century. Whereas the scholarly focus has often been on colonial policies, French views, or the female participation in the war of independence, this article looks at the impact that new bodily practices, such as scouting and sports, had on gender relations within Muslim Algerian society during the last three decades of French rule. It contrasts the reformist discourse of the Islamic islah movement on women’s “emancipation” and education with the aspirations of young women themselves who started to challenge patriarchal authority.

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Vendetti, Maria. "Testimonial texts of torture during the Algerian War: Paratexts and the obscene." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 2 (May 2018): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818755605.

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The Algerian War of Independence (1954–62) was marked in metropolitan France by divisive debates over France’s presence in Algeria and over the issue of state-sponsored torture. Two testimonial texts written during the war, Henri Alleg’s La Question (1958) and Simone de Beauvoir and Gisèle Halimi’s Djamila Boupacha (1962), stand out as examples of writing about torture, due to the texts’ connections to the Parisian intellectual community, and their social, political and literary repercussions. Both texts underscore the obscenity of the act of torture and how that obscenity is recreated in torture testimonials that exist in and describe a liminal space that disturbs notions of what can be seen and heard. This article argues that the paratextual legitimisation that Alleg’s and Boupacha’s texts undergo brings the act of torture into public discourse, enabling them to become audible or readable despite the strong preference for denial and inattention.

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Connelly, Matthew. "RETHINKING THE COLD WAR AND DECOLONIZATION: THE GRAND STRATEGY OF THE ALGERIAN WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801002033.

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October and November 1960 were two of the coldest months of the Cold War. Continuing tensions over Berlin and the nuclear balance were exacerbated by crises in Laos, Congo, and—for the first time—France's rebellious départements in Algeria. During Nikita Khrushchev's table-pounding visit to the United Nations, he embraced Belkacem Krim, the foreign minister of the Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Algérienne (GPRA). After mugging for the cameras at the Soviet estate in Glen Cove, New York, Khrushchev confirmed that this constituted de facto recognition of the provisional government and pledged all possible aid. Meanwhile, in Beijing, President Ferhat Abbas delivered the GPRA's first formal request for Chinese “volunteers.” U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower asked his National Security Council “whether such intervention would not mean war.” The council agreed that if communist regulars infiltrated Algeria, the United States would be bound by the North Atlantic Treaty to come to the aid of French President Charles de Gaulle and his beleaguered government. After six years of insurgency, Algeria appeared to be on the brink of becoming a Cold War battleground.1

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Feldman, Leah. "Global Souths." boundary 2 47, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-8193326.

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This essay explores alternative forms of political solidarity through a poiesis of longing that connects the Soviet aligned “South” in Kyrgyzstan and nonaligned “South” in decolonizing Algeria through a reading of two love stories by the Kyrgyz author and diplomat Chingiz Aitmatov, writing in 1958 on the periphery of the Soviet Union, and Algerian poet and political leader Malek Haddad, writing a year later amid the Algerian War of Independence. Tracing the relationships between Global Souths, which included institutional and personal networks that persisted despite an often tense ideological divide between the Soviet aligned and nonaligned nations, I render visible the relationship between two genealogies of anti-imperial thinking born from the nonaligned Bandung and the lesser known Soviet affiliate, the Afro-Asian Writers’ Association. In this way, I argue that the Global South is more than a place; it is a set of relations that structure a political consciousness through a longing or desire for (non)alignment.

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Ighemat, Arezki. "The Call from Algeria." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 97–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2220.

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The main theme of the book is the study of how "Third Worldism"-as aschool of thought-was born and developed, how it reached its apogee in themid-1970s, and how it disappeared from the international scene in the 1980s,leaving in its place new trends such as liberalization, democratization, andlslamism. The author demonstrates his thesis through an examination ofAlgeria. Robert Malley explains his choice of Algeria for this case study by sayingthat Algeria is one of the "principal surrogates of Third Worldism," addingthat "understanding Algeria's contemporary history is a good way to understandwhat has happened to the formerly progressive Third World." This led theauthor to divide his book into three parts.Part 1, "Gestation," is itself subdivided into two chapters. Chapter 1, "WhenSouth Met North," shows how Third Worldism was born th.rough a process ofdialogue/conflict between the North and the South. Chapter 2, "The Origins ofAlgerian Third Worldism," demonstrates how Third World ideas were born anddeveloped in Algeria, starting from the Ottoman era, th.rough the colonial periodand the war for Algerian independence up to its apogee in the mid-1970s. Inparticular, he emphasizes the roles played by such Algerian personalities asMessali Hadj, the Emir Khaled, Ferhat Abbas, and Ibn Badis, in promoting theideas of freedom, equality, solidarity, and justice, which have been the foundingprinciples of Third Worldism. The author also shows the role that Islam hasalways played in Third Worldist Algeria, notably through what has been called"Socialist Islam."Part 2, "Apogee," includes two chapters. In chapter 1 (the third chapter), "TheMaking of a World," the author starts with the concept of Third World (TiersMonde) as used for the first time in 1952 by French economist Alfred Sauvy,in relation to the "Tiers-Etats" which played an important role in the FrenchRevolution in 1789. Then, the author recaJJs the authentic founding event ofThird Worldism-the Bandung Conference of 1955. At the conference, twentynineAfro-Asian "heads of states, including the Algerian FLN, representing1,300 million people," met to promote a collective self-reliance strategy withinThird World countries; curiously enough, at the end of it, a resolution wasadopted calling for the independence of Algeria. The apogee of Third Worldism,the author recalls, was reached in 1974 when the U.N. General Assemblylaunched its Sixth Special Session on Raw Materials and Development andcalled-under the initiative of Algeria-for a New International EconomicOrder (NIEO) based on the principles of equity, sovereignty, equality, interdependence,common interest, and cooperation among all states, irrespective ofthe economic and social systems ...

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Van Puyvelde, Damien. "French paramilitary actions during the Algerian War of Independence, 1956-1958." Intelligence and National Security 36, no. 6 (July 9, 2021): 898–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2021.1946950.

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Hartley, Daniel, and Beatrice Ivey. "Rupture, repression, repetition: The Algerian War of Independence in the present." International Journal of Francophone Studies 21, no. 3 (October 1, 2018): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs.21.3-4.185_7.

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Ersoy, Eyüp. "Turkish Foreign Policy Toward the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62)." Turkish Studies 13, no. 4 (December 2012): 683–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2012.746440.

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Onyedum, Jennifer Johnson. "“HUMANIZE THE CONFLICT”: ALGERIAN HEALTH CARE ORGANIZATIONS AND PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGNS, 1954–62." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 713–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000839.

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AbstractThis article explores the vitally important yet often neglected role of medicine and health care in the conduct of the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Using French, Swiss, and recently opened Algerian archival materials, it demonstrates how Algerian nationalists developed a health-service infrastructure that targeted the domestic and international arenas. It argues that they employed the powerful language of health and healing to legitimize their claims for national sovereignty and used medical organizations to win local support, obtain financial and material aid from abroad, and recast themselves as humanitarians to an increasingly sympathetic international audience. This research aims to situate Algerian efforts into a broader history of decolonization and humanitarianism and contributes to rethinking the process through which political claims were made at the end of empire.

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Hubbell, Amy L. "The Past is Present: Pied-Noir Returns to Algeria." Nottingham French Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2012): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2012.0007.

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While Algeria has long been a popular subject for travel writers, since its decolonization in 1962, the travelogues documenting journeys to Algeria have predominantly become returns and reunions with the homeland. Immediately after their exile from Algeria during and after the war for independence, the Pieds-Noirs, or former French citizens of Algeria, began returning to their homeland in their memories, literature, and recently, their films. Early return narratives were almost always filled with nostalgic descriptions of familiar places and sensations in an effort to bridge over the ruptures with the past. By transposing the colonial past onto the present, the travelogues effectively stop time in the homeland. However, more recent returns often demonstrate the instability of the past. Through a study of Marie Cardinal's Au pays de mes racines and Hélène Cixous's Si près, this article investigates how Algerian return narratives have begun to deconstruct themselves, and yet the past is ever present within them.

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Pack, Sasha D. "A general, a colonial crisis, and a nationalist schism: Primo de Rivera and the gaullist paradigm." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, no. 20 (November 24, 2021): 737–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2022.6475.

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This article develops hitherto unexplored comparisons between the Rif War and the Algerian War of Independence. The Rif War and the colonial policy of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship have been placed in various useful comparative frames, but these have tended to isolate specific elements of the overall history, eschewing the interrelationships between processes of domestic politics, international politics, and colonial warfare. Looking beneath the major differences between the Spanish experience in the Rif and the French in Algeria, three illuminating parallels emerge: (1) the emergence of a military “strongman” with the initial support of the colonial army despite his uncertain commitment to the army’s goals; (2) an international dynamic that circumscribed any real capacity for each “strongman” to dictate colonial policy; and (3) schism on the nationalist right of each country as a result of the conflict, pitting those who favored operating within the hegemonic international framework against those who organized against that framework. Although imperfect in many respects, this comparison emphasizes interrelated processes of politics, colonialism, and national identity.

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Rouche, Keren. "Projecting Algerian Judaism, Formulating a Political Identity: Zionism in Algeria during the War of Independence (1954–62)." Journal of North African Studies 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380601149461.

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Youcef, Ouarda Larbi. "Sartre and Camus." Sartre Studies International 28, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ssi.2022.280205.

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On July 5, 2021, Algeria celebrated the fifty-ninth anniversary of her independence. The eight-year war, which broke out on November 1, 1954, cost the country much blood and resulted in 1.5 million deaths. This article looks at this page of history. My objective is to show why the Algerians took up arms, and to reexamine the conflict between the French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre and the Algeria-born philosopher Albert Camus in light of the War of Independence. I argue that the friendship between the two philosophers can be seen as one casualty of this war, a friendship that had no chance of surviving given their different approaches to justice. Whereas for Sartre, justice was in no manner exclusive of freedom; for Camus, it was all that the Arabs needed, any demand for freedom being solely the work of a few militants “without any political culture.”

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McMahon, Laura. "Religion, Multiculturalism, and Phenomenology as a Critical Practice: Lessons from the Algerian War of Independence." Puncta 3, no. 1 (November 2, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/pjcp.v3i1.1.

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In the Algerian War of Independence, women famously used both traditional and modern clothing as part of their revolutionary efforts against French colonialism. This paper uncovers some of the principal lessons of this historical episode through a phenomenological exploration of agency, religion, and political transformation. Part I draws primarily on the philosophical insights of Martin Heidegger and Maurice Merleau-Ponty alongside the memoirs of Zohra Drif, a young woman member of the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale, in order to explore the worldly and habitual nature of human agency in contrast to the Enlightenment stress on individual rationality and autonomy. Part II turns to John Russon’s phenomenological interpretation of religion in order to argue for the ineluctable significance of religion on human existence, in contrast to the modern tendency to oppose religious tradition and secular modernity. Part III analyzes the dynamics of intercultural communication, and argues for the political power of phenomenology as a critical enterprise that enables more just and emancipatory visions of collective human life and political transformation to come to the fore.

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Drew, Allison. "Visions of liberation: the Algerian war of independence and its South African reverberations." Review of African Political Economy 42, no. 143 (January 2, 2015): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2014.1000288.

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Wilson, Siona. "Severed images: Women, the Algerian War of Independence and the mobile documentary idea." International Journal of Francophone Studies 21, no. 3 (October 1, 2018): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs.21.3-4.233_1.

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Edo, Anthony. "The Impact of Immigration on Wage Dynamics: Evidence from the Algerian Independence War." Journal of the European Economic Association 18, no. 6 (December 9, 2019): 3210–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jeea/jvz064.

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Abstract This paper investigates the dynamics of wage adjustment to an exogenous increase in labor supply exploiting the sudden and unexpected inflow of repatriates to France resulting from Algerian independence in 1962. I measure the impact of this particular supply shift on the average wage of pre-existing native workers across French regions between 1962 and 1976. I find that regional wages decreased between 1962 and 1968, before returning to their pre-shock level 15 years after. I also investigate the dynamics of skill-specific wages in response to the regional penetration of repatriates and find that the wages of high and low educated native workers declined initially but fully recovered by 1976.

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Connelly, Matthew. "Taking Off the Cold War Lens: Visions of North-South Conflict during the Algerian War for Independence." American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 739. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651808.

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Byrne, Jeffrey James. "The Middle Eastern Cold War: Unique Dynamics in a Questionable Regional Framework." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000109.

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One of the more prominent themes to emerge from this roundtable is the desire to integrate the history of the modern Middle East with broader trends in international history, particularly with regard to the recent emphasis on “decentralizing” and “globalizing” the Cold War narrative. My own research interests are consistent with this approach, as one of the central concerns of my current project is to show how Algeria's revolutionary nationalists defied the regional categories imposed on them from the outside by pursuing overlapping diplomatic initiatives under the rubrics of Maghribi unity, African unity, Arab unity, Afro-Asianism, and Third Worldism. After independence in 1962, the Algerian foreign ministry's main geographical divisions differed significantly from those used by the U.S. State Department—and most history departments’ hiring committees—by dividing the world into “the West,” “the Socialist Countries,” “the Arab World,” “Africa,” and “Latin America/Asia.” These categories were the product of both practical considerations and ideological/identity politics on the part of Algeria's new leaders, and to my mind suggest that the “Middle East” may itself be a particularly arbitrary and misleading geographical framework, even in comparison to other parts of the developing world where European imperialism exerted a heavy cartographical influence.

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Jenkins, Jennifer, Heike Liebau, and Larissa Schmid. "Transnationalism and insurrection: independence committees, anti-colonial networks, and Germany’s global war." Journal of Global History 15, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022819000330.

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AbstractThis article analyses the Indian, Persian, and Algerian–Tunisian independence committees and their place in Germany’s ‘programme for revolution’, Berlin’s attempt to instigate insurrection across the British, French, and Russian empires during the First World War. The agency of Asian and North African activists in this programme remains largely unknown, and their wartime collaboration in Germany is an under-researched topic in the histories of anti-colonial activism. This article explores the collaboration between the three committees, highlighting their strategic relationships with German officials and with each other. Criticizing the Eurocentric framings still present in studies of wartime strategy, it contributes to a growing historiography on the war as a global conflict. It argues that the independence committees were central actors in Germany’s programme, that the transnationalism of the pre-1914 anti-colonial movements both imprinted Germany’s programme and was furthered by it, and that only a comparative perspective exploring the interactions of its anti-colonial activists fully grasps the global scope of this topic.

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NAAB, Lahouaria. "Aproximación histórica sobre la cooperación médica: Cuba–Argelia 1963-1964." ALTRALANG Journal 3, no. 03 (December 31, 2021): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/altralang.v3i03.144.

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ABSTRACT: After a long and bloody war against France, Algeria gained its independence on July 5th 1962. The relations between the government of Fidel Castro and the Liberation Front of the FLN the main Algerian independence organization had been anti-colonial competitions since then. Since the 1959 revolution, Cuba has made solidarity with the peoples fighting for emancipation a pillar of its foreign policy. Since the 1960s, Cuba began to support not only the progressive forces of Latin America but also the national liberation movements of the African continent, which cemented its path towards decolonization and provided concert assistance with the transfer of resources, professional training, etc. From then on we asked ourselves: Haw was the Cuban contribution and what is it made? Through this research we want to answer this question and highlight the history a nature of this cooperation a collaboration with the Algerian country, its origins, peculiarities and its development over time. RESUMEN: Después de una larga y sangrienta guerra contra Francia, Argelia obtuvo la independencia el 5 de julio de 1962. Pero las relaciones entre el gobierno de Fidel Castro y el Frente de Liberación del FLN, la principal organización independentista argelina, habían sido una competencia anticolonial desde entonces. Desde la revolución de 1959, Cuba ha hecho de la solidaridad con los pueblos que luchan por la emancipación un pilar de su política exterior. Desde la década de 1960, Cuba comenzó a apoyar no solo a las fuerzas progresistas de América Latina sino también a los movimientos de liberación nacional del continente africano, que cimentaron su camino hacia la descolonización y brindaron asistencia concreta con la transferencia de recursos, formación profesional, etc. A partir de entonces nos preguntamos: ¿Cómo fue el aporte cubano y de qué está hecho? A través de esta investigación queremos dar respuesta a esta pregunta y poner de relieve la historia y naturaleza de esta cooperación y colaboración con el país argelino, sus orígenes, peculiaridades y su desarrollo en el tiempo.

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Kalman, Samuel. "Policing the French Empire." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460201.

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Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu’aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d’imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

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Belmessous, Saliha. "Emancipation within Empire: an Algerian Alternative during the Era of Decolonization." History Workshop Journal 88 (2019): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbz030.

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Abstract This article aims at shedding new light on the salience of empire as a political idea even at the height of decolonization. It discusses why and how colonial subjects – here Muslim Algerians – would continue, when faced with a choice, to look to empires rather than nation-states. The article focuses on six women and men who, during Algeria’s war of independence, rejected the nation-state as their political horizon and imagined a decolonized empire in which they could pursue their emancipation and that of their people. These individuals pursued various political projects that would reconcile their claims for equality and cultural distinctiveness. Though a great number of pro-French supporters fought with arms alongside the French army, others fought with ideas, producing laws that would establish civil and economic equality. While historians have conventionally focused on materialist reasons to explain the loyalty of colonized peoples to imperial polities, this article considers instead the ideas and ideals that inspired the claims expressed by Muslim Algerians. Only a focus on ideas allows us to understand why people could continue to support the French imperial state despite its being disastrous for their material circumstances.

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Peterson, Terrence G. "Think Global, Fight Local." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380204.

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For many within the French military, the war over Algeria’s independence that raged from 1954 to 1962 appeared global: not an isolated conflict, but one front in a broader subversive war waged by Communist revolutionaries. As historians have long noted, this perspective was inaccurate. For that reason, the social and cultural contexts that defined military practice during the early years of the conflict have not been fully explored. This article argues, however, that these global narratives mattered, and can help historians to trace both how global events shaped military thinking about Algeria and how the war helped forge more concrete transnational connections. As they honed their operational doctrines in Algeria, French military leaders looked abroad: not only to understand the war in Algeria, but to promote their own practices as a universal response to the social upheavals of the era.

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Ejobowah, John Boye. "Islam and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1838.

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In all of the Middle East and North Africa, Algeria was the first country to be infected by the wind of democratization that swept the developing world in the 1980s and 1990s. The country became a political laboratory for the rest of the Arab world, as liberalization opened spaces for moderate and radical Islamic groups to contest elections. Unfortunately, these elections quickly descended into a long drawn-out and brutal war with the secularist rulers. This bitter battle, fought most fiercely between 1992-99, turned Algeria into a hot spot, thereby raising the question of whether democracy is feasible in the Muslim world. Frederic Volpi's new book seeks to answer this question by analyzing the process of political liberalization and the severe problems it generated in Algeria. Volpi presents early and mid-twentieth-century North African scholars' reinterpretations of the Islamic creed that activated the emergence of anti-secularist movements in the Maghreb as a point of departure for his historical narrative of the Algerian conflict. Although Algeria's militant movement was coopted by the state party (the National Liberation Front [FLN]) and lost its dynamism during the post-independence years, it still sought to change the political system by operating from the community level, where it had built a network of associations. The author shows how this network's provision of services designed to meet the people's welfare needs helped thrust Islamic leaders into the political limelight as they utilized their organizational capacities and authority to transform the 1988 October food riots into a political protest ...

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Vince, N. "Transgressing Boundaries: Gender, Race, Religion, and "Francaises Musulmanes" during the Algerian War of Independence." French Historical Studies 33, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 445–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-2010-005.

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Choi, Sung Eun. "Colonial Violence, Republican Cunning, and Avant-Garde Resistance during the Algerian War of Independence." History: Reviews of New Books 43, no. 4 (September 4, 2015): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2015.1030814.

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DIAW, Alioune. "Guerre et témoignages d’enfants sans enfance dans L’Enfant de la haute plaine de Hamid Benchaar et Johnny Chien Méchant d’Emmanuel Dongala." Revue plurilingue : Études des Langues, Littératures et Cultures 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.46325/ellic.v1i1.9.

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Abstract Hamid Benchaar’s L’Enfant de la haute plaine and Emmanuel Dongala’s Johnny Chien Méchant set war in fiction with different scriptural choices. When Benchaar produces an autobiographic narration, Dongala has recourse to fiction. By stating the Algerian war of independence and the Congolese civil war to a child level, the narrative stories show the cruelty of a dehumanized world which has robbed children of their childhood. Résumé L’Enfant de la haute plaine de Hamid Benchaar et Johnny Chien Méchant d’Emmanuel Dongala mettent en fiction la guerre avec des choix scripturaires différents. Quand Benchaar produit un récit autobiographique, Dongala recourt à la fiction. Relatant la guerre d’indépendance de l’Algérie et la guerre civile congolaise à hauteur d’enfant, les récits témoignent de la cruauté d’un monde déshumanisé qui a volé aux enfants leur enfance.

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Brazzoduro, Andrea. ""If one day that hour returns". The New Left between anti-fascist memories and Third Worldism." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 299 (October 2022): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/icyearbook2021-oa008.

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This article offers a new genealogy of the New Left in Western Europe as it developed from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s. Differently from prevalent interpretations, it reassesses the historical influence of the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962), and "Third-Worldism" more generally, in the genealogy of the new political cultures that flourished during the global 1960s. A whole generation of activists appropriated the memory of the anti-fascist Resistance, giving it a function that was not simply defensive but also proactive and merging the myth of the "betrayed Resistance" with the idea of imperialism as the "new Fascism". The European civil war, which Enzo Traverso has defined the distinctive feature of the first half of the twentieth century, was thus reconfigured worldwide as a "global civil war".

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Journal articles on the topic 'Algerian War for Independence'

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