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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Aleksej Navalnyj

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Academic literature on the topic 'Aleksej Navalnyj'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 24 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Aleksej Navalnyj"

1

Lassila, Jussi. "Aleksei Naval’nyi and Populist Re-ordering of Putin’s Stability." Europe-Asia Studies 68, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2015.1120276.

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2

Ivan Davydov. "ALEKSEI NAVALNY: WE'RE NOT USING THE WORD "BOYCOTT" YET." Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, The 68, no. 024-025 (June 13, 2016): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.46886456.

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3

Nadskakuła-Kaczmarczyk, Olga. "Protests and the political capital of anti-systemic opposition in Russia, using the example of Aleksey Navalny’s 2017 anti-regime protests." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 6, no. 1 (July 20, 2020): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2020.6.1.91-111.

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<p>Celem artykułu jest określenie, w jakim stopniu protesty antyreżimowe w Rosji pomagają opozycji antysystemowej budować swój kapitał polityczny. Autorytarny system rosyjski ogranicza udział w życiu politycznym rzeczywistym oponentom Kremla, dlatego jednym ze sposobów przedstawienia swoich zarzutów wobec rządzących jest organizacja protestów i próba zmobilizowania wokół haseł opozycyjnych jak największej liczby obywateli. Analiza koncentruje się na protestach zorganizowanych przez Aleksieja Nawalnego i jego współpracowników w marcu, czerwcu i październiku 2017 r., przy czym dwa pierwsze to protesty przeciw korupcji, natomiast protest październikowy dotyczy poparcia dla Aleksieja Nawalnego jako kandydata na prezydenta. To zróżnicowanie tematyki protestów pozwala określić to, na ile hasła przewodnie protestów zainicjowane przez tego samego organizatora determinują społeczne poparcie dla akcji ulicznej i wpływają na kapitał polityczny lidera protestów. Należy pamiętać, że ze względu na trudności w precyzyjnym określeniu stopnia politycznego kapitału określonego polityka istotne wydaje się uchwycenie samej tendencji jego zmiany, tzn. czy dana decyzja, działanie polityka wpłynęło na zwiększenie czy zmniejszenie jego politycznego kapitału. Ewaluacja kapitału politycznego Aleksieja Nawalnego została dokonana na podstawie takich parametrów, jak wiedza, umiejętności, postawa, bliskość władzy i zasoby.</p>

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4

Willerton, John P. "Russian Public Assessments of the Putin Policy Program: Achievements and Challenges." Russian Politics 1, no. 2 (June 20, 2016): 131–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24518921-00102002.

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Attention is given to Russian public assessments of President Vladimir Putin, important political actors of the Putin period, and major policy areas that are at the heart of the governing Putin team’s programmatic agenda (as of the second Putin presidency, 2012–18). The intention is (1) to assess the level of support for President Putin, key political actors comprising the Putin team, other governmental institutions and a leading rival, (2) to determine the level of congruence between the preferences of the Putin team and the Russian public regarding major policies intended to strengthen the Russian state and to modernize the Russian society, and (3) to evaluate Russian public assessments of the work of the Putin team in actually addressing these overriding goals. It is found that Russians’ positive assessment of Vladimir Putin, Russia’s paramount leader, is juxtaposed with more middling assessments of all other actors, excepting opposition figure Aleksei Navalny, who is poorly viewed. A strong congruence is found between the Putin team’s policy priorities and those of the Russian public, but public assessments of the Putin team’s performance across specific policies are mixed and reveal areas where that team has been both successful and come up short. Results of the October 2014 romir public opinion survey indicate that Putin and his team are well-positioned and that their overall policy performance is acceptable, but policy soft spots and points of concern are revealed: this suggests continuing challenges for the Putin team in delivering a program accommodating the preferences of an aware domestic public. It is argued that Putin’s position as a paramount leader redounds to his governing team’s advantage, but this position also represents a profound dilemma for the Russian political system.

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5

Aleksandr Filimonov. "WILL THE PERSECUTION OF ALEKSEI NAVALNY LEAD TO HIS LIONIZATION? WILL THE SAME THING HAPPEN TO HIM IN PRISON AS HAPPENED TO SERGEI MAGNITSKY IN PRETRIAL DETENTION? DMITRY PESKOV ANSWERS." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 73, no. 013 (March 28, 2021): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.67620488.

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6

"Confusion Over Comatose Aleksei Navalny." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 72, no. 034-035 (August 30, 2020): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.61745775.

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7

Miazhevich, Galina, Mariëlle Wijermars, Elena Gapova, and Vera Zvereva. "POLITICS, ACTIVISM AND TROLLING ON THE RUSSIAN INTERNET." AoIR Selected Papers of Internet Research, February 2, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5210/spir.v2018i0.10466.

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In the years that have passed since the social media powered protest movement of 2011-2012, the Russian government has dramatically expanded its restrictions on the Internet, while simultaneously consolidating its grip on traditional media. The Internet, which long provided a space for alternative media and free speech to blossom, is becoming increasingly restricted by a growing corpus of legislation and expanding state surveillance. With legally ill-defined prohibitions on, e.g., offending the feelings of religious believers, propagating 'non-traditional family values' and disseminating 'extremism' in place, online freedom of speech in Russia is at threat. Meanwhile, the Russian state continues to refine its skills in covertly manipulating online discourses, as it has quite successfully practiced it since the 2000s. Yet, because of its transnational configuration, the Internet continues to evade comprehensive state control and offers ever new opportunities for disseminating and consuming dissenting opinions. Developments over the past year, including the series of anti-corruption mass protests organised by opposition leader Aleksei Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation, have demonstrated how online challenges to the status-quo are still able to gather momentum and create 'real world' political turbulence. The panel presents a multifaceted investigation of how the Russian-language segment of the Internet, often dubbed Runet, is shaped by and gives shape to online politics and activism. How should we understand the particular complexities of these contestations between an increasingly authoritarian state and its citizens? How are these processes facilitated or hampered by the infrastructural conditions created by national and global media industries and internet companies?

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Aleksej Navalnyj"

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Persson, Albin, and Manfred Nyberg. "Aleksej Navalnyj - liberal frihetskämpe eller nationalistisk populist?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185100.

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For about a decade, the Russian opposition politician Aleksej Navalnyj has been a topic in the Swedish news media. Particularly since the end of august 2020, when suspected of having been poisoned with the neurotoxin novitjok. Often described as a freedom fighter in the Swedish press, Navalnyj, however, has a quite varied background in both liberal and nationalist groups. Since the poisoning, however, questions have been raised about Navalnyjs past, who he actually is, and what he wants to achieve. Yet, he tends to be described as a freedom fighter in most texts. In this essay we aim to examine not the narrative of Navalnyjs fight against Vladimir Putin's Russia, but how he is framed in the Swedish news press. To do so, we combine a quantitative digital text analysis with a qualitative frame analysis. By applying a theoretical framework based on acknowledged media theories such as framing and priming theory combined with earlier studies on the topic, we find that Navalnyj tends to be framed as a kind of antithesis to the Russian regime and Putin. Also, it seems the conflict is not limited to the borders of Russia, nor to the Russian people. The European Union is reported to take interest in the conflict, for example, taking Navalnyjs side. A logical explanation may be found in the view on Russia in the Swedish society, which is employed as a frame in the media and hence gets reproduced into society.

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Hellsing, Rydergård Erika. "Nationalism as opposition in Russia –a historical comparison." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Slaviska språk, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-151673.

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During the 19th century, nationalism was generally connected to ideas of democratisation and the contestation of power and status quo. In Russia, there was an ongoing struggle between Official Nationalism, aimed at preserving the empire, and cultural nationalism. This essay is an inquiry into the differences and similarities between how the 19th century Slavophiles and contemporary Russian national democrats, exemplified by Aleksei Naval’nyi, view the Russian nation. The focus is on how the Russian nation is defined, how the two nationalist visions relate to competing views of the Russian nation, and how the idea of a Russian nation is used as part of a vision for social and political change. The essay finds that although “the Other” against which the Russian nation is defined differs in the two historical cases, the use of nationalism to frame an opposition against the regime and to advocate social and political change is persistent across time. However, because of its excluding tendencies, in the cases studied here cultural nationalism is found to be wanting as a basis on which to build a democratic form of government.

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Books on the topic "Aleksej Navalnyj"

1

Alekseĭ Navalʹnyĭ: Groza zhulikov i vorov. Moskva: ĖKSMO, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Aleksej Navalnyj"

1

Laruelle, Marlene. "Aleksei Navalny and the Natsdem." In Russian Nationalism, 174–94. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429426773-12.

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2

Lassila, Jussi. "Aleksei Naval’nyi and Populist Re-ordering of Putin’s Stability." In Russian Modernisation, 118–37. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315098364-7.

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