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1
Gemi, Eda. "Albanian Migration in Greece: Understanding Irregularity in a Time of Crisis." European Journal of Migration and Law 19, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 12–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342113.
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The third decade of Albanian migration to Greece signalled a historical change in the human geography of Greece’s largest migrant group. The impact of the economic recession and the visa-free regime for Albanians entering the European Union shaped a new fluid reality for Albanian irregular migration. This paper explores the impact of the socio-economic transformation processes on the migrants’ legal status vis-à-vis irregular status and integration dynamics. The emerging mobility strategies are conceptualized as a migrants’ agency that overcome socio-economic barriers or policy restrictions and navigate them. This paper goes beyond the legality-irregularity dichotomy, suggesting it is the multidimensional ‘in-between’ space of semi-irregular status where apparently ‘irregular’ Albanians interact with various forms of agency. Our aim is to explore how the irregular/legal nexus developed within the Balkan in the specific context of Greece. The empirical analysis draws on in-depth interviews with 94 Albanians and 13 stakeholders in Greece and Albania.
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Shehu, Fatmir. "The Influence of Islam on Albanian Culture." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 8 (February 2, 2012): 389–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v8i0.243.
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This paper examines the influence of Islam on Albanian culture. The Islamization process of the Albanian culture was very crucial for the Albanians themselves as it gave them a new identity, which they lacked since their settlement on the Adriatic shores. According to history, Albanians, the biggest Muslim nation dwelling in the Balkans, South-East of Europe, are believed to be the descendents of the ancient Illyrians, who settled in Europe around 2500 years ago. They lived a social life based on tribalism, where every tribe had established its own cultural system and way of life. Thus, their cultural differences disallowed them to unite. Such situation did not change, even when Christianity was introduced to them. Because, Christianity came to Albania through two great dominations: Christian Catholics of Vatican (the Northern part of Albanian) and Christian Orthodox of Greece (the Southern part of Albania). The continuous religious and political suppression faced by the Albanians from their Byzantine and Latin masters enabled them to be the first people of the Balkans, who welcomed openheartedly the Ottoman Muslims and embraced Islam as their new way of life in the 15th century. The study focuses on the following issues: (1) Historical background of Albania and Albanians; (2) The genesis of Albanian culture; and (3) The process of integration between Islamic culture and Albanian culture. This research attempts to provide important findings, which will be very helpful to the Muslims and others.
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Demalija, Rifat. "Migration and Social Transformation. the Case of Albania and Greece." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p113-121.
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Migration has become a very sensitive issue for the society not in Albania, but in Europe and beyond it last twenty years. The development through migration seems to be a political issue, therefore it’s still regarded a social problem which needs to be controlled. Migration has played a big role within the social order, bounding societies with high cultural differences and beliefs. The case of Albania and Greece, after 1991, helps me to claim that migration has not only influenced the development of both countries, but it has also transformed the social life. This paper aims to take into account two important issue; social transformation and human mobility and its relationship with migration and development, observing the case of Albania and Greece 1991 -2013. The paper will answer the question about the social integration and benefits of both social groups involved; migrants and hosting communities. Globalization (especially after the collapse of the communistregime in Albania), represents an important development in social, economical and political life in both countries, Albania and Greece. The migration of Albanians denied for more than forty years by the communist regime, was reflected with the wave of migration after 1991 initially in Italy and Greece. Within two years, more than 300,000 Albanians emigrated, seeking for a better life, while after 20 years more than 1 million Albanians are living abroad. Albanians are by far the largest groups of foreign workers in Greece, estimated at 650,000 to 800,000. With the economical crises in Greece the situation has changed and many of migrants have decided to return home. What they bring home is not only their money and experience, but they bring most the social transformation. Focusing on the social transformation and human mobility, this research brings into the attention not only benefits of economical developments, but also the social transformation, through exchanging skills and attitude, brain circulation from which benefits both countries.
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AVDYLİ, Merxhan, and Veli KRYEZİU. "Folk Songs about Canakkale in Albanian History and Literature." Rast Müzikoloji Dergisi 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.12975/rastmd.20221028.
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Albanian culture coexisted for a period of over 500 years with Ottoman culture, at the turn of the new century, along with the Balkan troubles that led to the continued embrace of the transition from an old culture to the ideology of the Young Turk movement, and the continuation of joint Albanian-Turkish actions, in order to protect the Albanian Vilayets from the Serbo-Montenegrin occupiers. Early nineteenth-century Turkey emerged from bloody wars on all sides of its borders and from a weak government led by Abdul Hamid II faced a new war in 1915 now in defense of the Dardanelles in the bloodiest battle "The Battle of Canakkale". The First World War found Albanians divided and occupied in some of its territories, however, from 1912 Albania had declared Independence, but Kosovo, Skopje and Bitola, Ulcinj and Bar had remained outside the borders, while Chameria - the South of Albania had been invaded by Greece. During the First World War a large number of Albanians remained in the Turkish military service, many others joined the Turkish army, mainly Albanians who had migrated to Turkey from the violence of the Serbo-Montenegrin invaders, as well as some more from Kosovo, Skopje, Tetovo, Presevo, Shkodra, Ulcinj, etc who volunteered to help the Turkish army. According to history, oral literature and written documents, many Albanians died heroically, it is said that about 25,000 martyrs had died in this battle. In their honor, the Albanian people composed songs, it is worth mentioning the "song dedicated to the Battle of Canakkale" by the most prominent folklorists of the Albanian nation. Our research was done through a semi-structured interview with: 5 teachers of Albanian literature (at the same time master’s students at the University "Kadri Zeka" in Gjilan, Kosovo); 5 history teachers (at the same time master’s students at the University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, Prishtina, Kosovo); 2 independent researchers from the Institute of History "Ali Hadri" Prishtina, Kosovo.
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Berxholli, Arqile, Sejfi Protopapa, and Kristaq Prifti. "The Greek Minority in the Albanian Republic: a Demographic Study." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 427–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408337.
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Albania, founded at the Congress of Vlora on November 12, 1912, has a far more homogeneous national population than its neighboring states in the Balkans. The Sixth London Conference of the great powers in 1912–1913 ruthlessly divided the territories inhabited by Albanians. The conference fragmented more than half the territories inhabited by ethnic Albanian regions as follows: in the east and the northeast—Kosova, Dibra, Ohri, Struga and Pollugu up to Shkup (Scoplje); in the north—Tivari, Ulqini, Tuzi, Plava and Gucija; and in the south—Camerija. These lands, with an autochthonous Albanian population, were annexed by Serbia, Montenegro (in 1918 by the new Yugoslav State) and by Greece in 1913. Thus, the borders of Albania were confined to an area of 28,748 square kilometers and a population of a little more than 800,000.
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Kadzadej, Mustafa, and Kleviona Hoxha. "Albanian Diaspora in Greece in the years 1990-2000." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i2.p396-398.
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The reasons that prompted the Albanian exodus were numerous and varied. While if we take a look on its consequences will see that they have a dual nature. Among the positive aspects of exodus we can mention the fact that it helped Albania economically meeting the needs of a considerable part of the population in the moment of political and social crisis transition enabling the survival of many families. On the other hand it had a negative impact not only becouse of spending vital energies of the nation abroad, but also because it led to the formation of a bad opinion about Albanians, opinion spread almost all over Europe, especially where their presence was bigger. For this reason we got to study precisely the image of immigrant in two countries ( Italy and Greece ), where they have the largest flow of migration in 1990-2000. We should note that in recent years in both countryes in Italy and in Greece prevails the same closed mentality against foreigners. Also it is accompanied ( especially in Italy with the malfunctioning of the structure that handles issues of migratory movements, not like in the other states like Germany, England or France where, besides the small number of immigrants, there were laws and better functioning of the state that associated with emigration’s problems. On the other hand we can say that in this period, whether in Greece the fortunes of the Albanian immigrants depended from the relations of the Greek-Albanian state, in Italy they depend mainly on the behavior of immigrants.
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Verropoulou, Georgia, and Cleon Tsimbos. "Estimating Mortality Levels and Patterns among Natives, Immigrants, and Selected Ethnic Groups in Greece: 2010–2012." International Migration Review 51, no. 3 (September 2017): 600–631. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12242.
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This study addresses for the first time in Greece the issue of levels and patterns of mortality among natives and immigrants, using vital statistics and census data by citizenship. Life tables are constructed for the two most numerous communities, Albanians and Bulgarians as well as for all immigrant populations combined; standardized mortality ratios are estimated for smaller migrant groups. Albanian males have a slight mortality advantage compared to natives; all other groups experience higher mortality. Some support for the “selectivity of migrants” hypothesis is provided as immigrants in several cases have significantly lower mortality compared to their countries of origin. Implications for public health policy in Greece are discussed.
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Ndoci, Rexhina. "Albanians in Greece and the social meaning of ethnolectal features in L2 Greek." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 6, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 906. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v6i1.5034.
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Albanian migrants in Greece constitute the largest ethnic minority in the country, amounting to roughly 5% of the total population. The reception of these Albanian migrants has not been smooth and rather has been marked by “extreme xenophobic and racist discourse” (Archakis 2020:5) towards the members of the ethnic community. This discourse is also evident online where it often takes the form of internet memes which target Albanians and their L2 Greek (Ndoci 2021, forthcoming a). In this paper I investigate the social perception of the features of this Albanian L2 Greek through a matched guise experiment. My findings show that individuals who produce Albanian L2 features in their Greek are negatively stigmatized, either overtly or covertly, similarly to the way in which Albanian migrants have been stigmatized in the Greek context. This stigmatization seems to be exhibited both by members of the ethnic group itself and by members of the host community (i.e. Greeks). Moreover, the two groups appear to have differential awareness of the systems of ethnic, regional, and accented Greek that is the product of their experience with the varieties.
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Radovanovic, Svetlana. "Albanians of the Sirinic district." Stanovnistvo 36, no. 1-2 (1998): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9802049r.
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The Sirinic district is located in one of the four mountain valleys (Sirinic, Sredska, Opolje and Gora) in the Sara mountain region. Its geographic boundaries almost match the administrative borders of the commune of Strpce. It is first mentioned in Serb manuscripts of the first half of the XIV century. The census taken in 1455 by the Turks shows a relatively high density of Serb population. The Albanians immigrated to the Sirinic district from northern Albania after the second mass migration of Serb population in 1737. They came from north and east, from southern parts of Kosovo, Kacanicka gorge and the Valley of Skoplje. A larger-scale settlement of Albanians into the Sara mountain region was prevented by massive Islamization of native Serb population in the districts of Gora, Opolje and Sredska. Thus, a multi-ethnic buffer zone was formed during Turkish reign which has been basically preserved until today. For this particular reason the region has attracted interest of many domestic and foreign researchers ever since early XIX century. Elaboration of two multi-disciplinary scientific research projects by the Institute of Geography "Jovan Cvijic" of the Serb Academy of Science and Arts in the period from 1989 to 1994 was based on the same considerations. One of the projects is fully concerned with the Sirinic district and the author of this paper was asked to study migrations and the origins of Albanian population as well as to organize and conduct a population census in the commune of Strpce. Immigration of Albanians to the Sirinic district took place in several phases which ultimately led to the formation of five mixed Serb-Albanian settlements located between a group of four homogenous Albanian and seven such Serb settlements. Thus, a relatively stable ethnic and geographic structure was formed as early as in the XIX century. Its territorial and demographic proportions did not substantially change regardless of all tumultuous historical and political events that had since taken place. A more detailed analysis shows that the share of Albanians in total population of the district rose from about 29% in 1931 to only 33% in 1989 in spite of the natural increase in population in excess of 30 per thousand ever since the early 1980s. However, demographic growth of Albanian population remained much below the level of the biological reproduction rate due to intensive emigration i.e., a negative migratory balance ranging from 21.8 per thousand in 1961 to 26.5 per thousand in 1989. The causes for emigration were economic and, for decades, bound toward Kosovo, Western Macedonia and the Valley of Skoplje. Emigration to Turkey began in late XIX century, resumed during the Balkan Wars and was recorded again in the early 1980s (encouraged by the Balkan Treaty signed by the FPRY, Greece and Turkey) but did not much affect total demographic movement of Albanians in the Sirinic district. Economic emigration of population to Switzerland and Germany has been growing from the 1960s onward. This paper also reviews parallel existence and functioning of two crucially different homeostatic demographic systems - the Albanian and the Serb - in the same compact geographic environment. The paper also points to the preserved awareness of a fixed (tribal) affiliation and finally displays a detailed review of migratory dynamics and origins of Albanian population, number of houses (families) and the number of members of each clan in 1989.
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Ndoci, Rexhina. "An Albanian Ethnolect of Modern Greek? Testing the Waters Perceptually." Languages 8, no. 1 (January 9, 2023): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8010020.
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Ethnolects have been defined as varieties linked to particular ethnic minorities by the minorities themselves or by other ethnic communities. The present paper investigates this association between ethnic groups and language varieties in the Greek context. I seek to answer whether there is an association made (by Albanians or Greeks) between Albanian migrants in Greece and a particular variety that is not their L1, i.e., Albanian, and if so, whether this is an Albanian ethnolect of Greek. I show experimentally that, in fact, there is a variety of Greek that is linked with listeners’ perceptions of Albanian migrants. However, that criterion is not enough in itself to designate the variety as an ethnolect as the acquisition of this variety by the second or subsequent generations of migrants is not evidenced. Rather, those generations are undergoing language shift from Albanian to Greek. Therefore, the classification of Albanian Greek as an Albanian ethnolect of Greek is not possible despite the association between the variety and the particular minority in Greece. Classification as an L2 Greek variety or a Mock Albanian Greek (MAG) variety is instead argued.
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Sallata, Ilir. ""BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 5 (October 4, 2019): 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.
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This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Manta, Eleftheria. "The Cham Albanians of Greece: a documentary history." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 474–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2013.821309.
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Motti-Stefanidi, Frosso, and Jens B. Asendorpf. "Perceived Discrimination of Immigrant Adolescents in Greece." European Psychologist 17, no. 2 (January 2012): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040/a000116.
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The purpose of this study was to examine whether and how individual differences contribute to the translation of perceived group discrimination into perceived personal discrimination. One hundred forty-five Pontic Greek and 269 Albanian students (mean age 12.9 years) enrolled in Greek urban public schools were assessed in Grade 1 of high school. Albanians reported higher discrimination against their ethnic group, but not higher discrimination against themselves, personally, than Pontic Greeks. Personal discrimination could be predicted by perceived group discrimination as well as from individual characteristics of immigrant students, independently of their ethnicity. Furthermore, when students reported high, but not low, group discrimination, many of their individual characteristics were shown to buffer against translating perceived group discrimination into experiences of personal discrimination. These results highlight the importance of individual differences, in addition to perceptions of group discrimination, for feelings of being discriminated against as an individual and suggest that high group discrimination of immigrants, independently of ethnic background, does not necessarily result in high personal discrimination, if individual protective factors are present.
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Stawowy-Kawka, Irena. "Macedonia – nowe wyzwania i trudne kompromisy (2016−2019)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.015.13808.
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Macedonia – New Challenges and Difficult Compromises (2016−2019) After the SDSM (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija – Social Democratic Union of Macedonia) took over the government in 2017, the party proposed reforms which, although fundamental for the future of the country, were difficult to accept by the majority of Macedonian society. Nevertheless, SDSM’s policy, approved and monitored by the European Union and the US, was to lead to Macedonia joining NATO and EU structures in the near future. It should also be noted that both the US and the EU are strategic partners of the Republic, which actively support the processes taking place there. Having signed the agreement with Greece, on 17 June 2018 the Republic of Macedonia changed its official name. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Constitution and ratification of the Greek-Macedonian bilateral agreement by both parties, the country adopted the name of the Republic of North Macedonia (mac. Република Серверна Македонија). In February 2019, just after the parliaments of North Macedonia and Greece ratified the Prespa Agreement, the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO began. The condition for accession was the consent of the parliaments of all members of the Alliance for enlargement. Immediately after such approval, on 27 March 2020, the decision on membership was announced in Brussels by its chairman, Jens Stoltenberg. Macedonia’s relations with Bulgaria and Serbia have also changed, and the Albanians have been granted further privileges and rights in this country – in the opinion of the Macedonians it is very difficult to accept and implement. The escalation of nationalist sentiment in the country’s internal relations is important, caused not only by foreign policy but also by concessions to the Albanians. The Law on the Use of Languages, also known as the ‘language law’, criticized not only by the Macedonian scientific elite, but also by the Venice Commission, which sees certain threats to Macedonia in granting such extensive rights to the Albanian population, strengthens the opposition. On 26 March 2020, the EU gave its consent to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Negotiations with Bulgaria are ongoing and it will be difficult to find a compromise. The biggest challenge for the government will be to convince the public that it is in the interest of its citizens to make compromises with both Greeks and Albanians and in the future with Bulgarians. In this case, the EU position will be very important, both in relation to the Albanian and Bulgarian demands.
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Gjoshi, Ragip. "Chronicle of Designing of Textbooks – ABC Books, Reading Comprehension and Grammar Books in Albanian Language in Kosovo 1886 – 2019." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 6, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i3.p44-52.
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According to the pedagogue and scholar of the school textbooks, the textbook is a basic and mandatory school book, which serves as a basic tool and source of knowledge in the given field of study. Created in support of the education curriculum and didactically shaped, taking into account the psychophysical skills of the students, the subject matter of the course, the type of school, the degree and the profile of education. Students use it in all stages of the learning process and in everyday self-education. It is known that the existence of the scripture is mentioned by the old Babylonia when tile plates were used to write the textual content, as early as four thousand years ago. In addition to that, in ancient Egypt, the texts were written in papyrus, which was used even in old Greece and later in Rome. The parchment was used in the middle Ages, whereby it is believed that the texts were written two thousand years ago. The story of the proper text begins with the discovery of Jan Gutenberg's printing press in 1438. This is where the textbook as a massive book of education derives from. It was an epochal discovery. Meanwhile, while it is known that although Albanian is one of the oldest languages in Europe, it is however documented late. The first documents of the Albanian language are considered from the 15th century (Formula e Pagëzimit, Fjalorthi i A.Von Harfit dhe Perikopeja e Shen Matineut). Meanwhile, Buzuku (Meshari 1555), for us Albanians, is the starting point for text design. It was the time when the didactic reformer Czech pedagogue Jan Amos Komenski (1592-1670), with the first text in Latin, illustrated Orbis sensualium pictus (The Sensual World in Photography), arrived as the founder of the textbook theory. However, it can be concluded that the ABC book, the literature and grammar texts in particular, and the textbook in general, in Kosovo were of multiple importance to Albanians who were deprived of the right to education in Albanian language. The history of textbook design in Albanian language in Kosovo is very new. After the Renaissance, which was marked as a bright epoch in the effort to draft textbooks for Albanian schools, "The Literary Commission" (Komisia Letrare), established in Shkodra in 1916 would join to serve in the name of this cause. The aim of this body was to gather and publish the visions of Albanian folk literature such as: poetry and songs, tales, traditions, lessons, etc. Recently, efforts have been made to compile literary bibliographies in Albanian language. Nevertheless, it would be useful to continue with a bibliography of Albanian Language reading comprehension books in the school tradition in Albania, Kosovo and other areas where Albanians live and are educated in Albanian language. In Kosovo, Mati Logoreci is a pedagogue, is considered to be among the first textbook writers. This patriot and intellectual is a treasure of Albanian tradition in many fields, especially of education and school, as didactic, text analyst, organizer, controversial to highlight scientific, educational, social values. Mati Logoreci has an indisputable value in the history of the Albanian didactic thinking, in particular, the current educational values, adding to these values also some features of contemporary personality traits, traditional learning, within the learning methods. Logoreci was among the first Albanian educators in Kosovo. The path to development of the book in Albanian language in Kosovo was difficult, which at the same time is the best indicator of the situation of this group of the Albanians.
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Gialis, Stelios. "Integration a few kilometres away from the motherland: Albanians' internal migration, settlement and voluntary return in Epirus and the Ionian Islands in Greece." Migration Letters 9, no. 2 (October 4, 2012): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v9i2.103.
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This paper focuses on the interconnection between internal migration in Greece, integration and voluntary return prospects of Albanians currently living in Epirus and the Ionian Islands. It is based on field research conducted during 2008 among immigrants who live in Ioannina, Preveza, Arta and Kerkyra. The study highlights the different types of internal trajectories that migrants had follow before settling in the neighbouring areas of Greece, just a few kilometres away from their homeland. Migrant's current economic integration and some of the socio-economic barriers they face are discussed and linked to their will to return permanently to Albania. Internal mobility is found to be a preceding step in search for integration; integration, in turn, acts as a counterbalance to both further internal movement and voluntary return prospects, at least for the next foreseeable years.
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Bucaj, Alkida, Panagiota Sourtzi, Petros Galanis, Athena Kalokerinou, and Emmanuil Velonakis. "Dietary habits of Albanian immigrants living in Greece in comparison to Albanians living in their country." Mediterranean Journal of Nutrition and Metabolism 6, no. 1 (November 30, 2012): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/s12349-012-0114-y.
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Bucaj, Alkida, Panagiota Sourtzi, Petros Galanis, Athena Kalokerinou, and Emmanuil Velonakis. "Dietary habits of Albanian immigrants living in Greece in comparison to Albanians living in their country." Mediterranean Journal of Nutrition and Metabolism 6, no. 1 (November 30, 2012): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12349-012-0114-y.
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VERROPOULOU, GEORGIA, and CLEON TSIMBOS. "DIFFERENTIALS IN SEX RATIO AT BIRTH AMONG NATIVES AND IMMIGRANTS IN GREECE: AN ANALYSIS EMPLOYING NATIONWIDE MICRO-DATA." Journal of Biosocial Science 42, no. 3 (January 28, 2010): 425–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932009990599.
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SummaryThis study uses micro-level information on the live births registered in Greece for 2006 to assess differentials in the propensity to have a male offspring between natives and immigrants. The sex ratio at birth for the whole population is 106.3 but it is considerably higher among immigrants (110.9) than among natives (105.4). Relatively high sex ratios at birth are observed for several migrant groups; differentials between natives, on the one hand, and Albanians (109.5) and Asians (129.0), on the other, are significant. The high sex ratio at birth for Albanians seems typical of that population. For Asians, the result is consistent with international findings though it may also be partly related to the small number of observations.
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Kaleshi, Entela. "Effects of Migration and Human Capital Formation in Albania." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 8, no. 1 (April 15, 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/864jjj42q.
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Albania has one of the world’s highest emigration rates, relative to its population, at -3.3 migrants per 1,000 people, and a total migrant population of more than 1.25 million in 2014, according to UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs data. In 2010 Albania was granted with visa-free travel to the Schengen area and this also affected the crossing of the borders and the circular migration across the land border between Greece and Albania was for many years, one of the most significant irregular migratory flows across the EU’s external borders. Although during the last years it is observed an increase number of return migrants, Albanian citizens continued to migrate and it is observed an increase of the number during 2014, and the new trend now is requesting asylum in EU member states increased during 2014. According to EUROSTAT data show that 65,000 Albanians applied for asylum in 2015, 55,000 of them sought asylum in Germany and 99 percent of Albanian asylum requests have been refused from European countries, half of them belong to the age group 18 – 34 years old. Due to the poor economic and living conditions in Albania, the labor market in Albania is still vulnerable and it affects the on-going migrant flows from Albania to the most developed labor markets of other countries. These migrant flows are directly linked with labor market development especially level of unemployment and poverty. Migration in Albania has major development impact and poverty implications in several levels. It has effects for individuals and their families, for origin and destination countries, and the national economy. At the individual level it shows that migrants benefit economically from their movements, their migration leads to better employment opportunities and income; at the household level in the home country migration reduces poverty at the family level and positively contributes to human capital formation, and improving education and healthcare conditions. Migration also has effects at the national level, bringing positive changes to the national economy.
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Demiri, Naile. "Relations Between Albanians and Croats Across the Centuries." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i2.p399-407.
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The Balkan Peninsula is part of South Eastern Europe, with a surface area of 550 square kilometers and a population of nearly 55 million inhabitants. This is a corner of the Earth with a very attractive geography. It is shaped like a triangle and goes deep into the Mediterranean Sea. This peninsula is bordered with the Adriatic Sea, Ionian Sea, Marmaris Sea, Aegean Sea, and the Black Sea, whereas on the other part with Central Europe. The Balkan Peninsula is, or serves, as a connecting bridge between Europe and Asia. The countries of the Balkan Peninsula are: a part of Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Macedonia, Kosovo, Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and part of Croatia (up to Sava River).
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Ahmetaj, Prof AS Dr Lavdosh. "DURRES CONGRESS EXPRESSION OF ALBANIA'S POLITICAL MATURITY." EPH - International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 4, no. 1 (February 10, 2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/eijhss.v4i1.73.
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The paper reflects the political sense of the Albanians who realized that in the conditions of the end of World War I needed political alliances that could not be realized without the formation of a government and the Albanian state on legal and legal grounds, so that to be represented with the proper sovereignty not only in the face of the Great Powers, which would gather at the Peace Conference in Paris in the beginning of 19119, but it was the best opportunity to avoid any representation which did not have the sovereignty of Albanians.
Whereas, the preparatory stages internally for the organization of the Durrës Congress were accompanied by the initiative for the gathering of a congress in the city of Shkodra. This meeting was held in Lezha on December 9, 1918, organized by Catholic clerics and the mayor of Mirdita Bayribs, Preng Bib Doda as a movement, which included only North Albania, had not found extensive support. Another attempt was that of the city of Tirana, which took place on December 19-20, in which only representatives from some parts of Central Albania participated. These political movements gradually fused to the Durrës Congress, the organizers of the who had previously received Italy's political approval.
The Durrës Congress opened on 25 December 1918 with the participation of 53 delegates, who were accompanied by the mandate of the province they represented, although these provinces were under the control of the Italian army. But delegates from the city of Vlora did not attend the congress because the Italian authorities had received instructions from Rome not to be allowed to be delegates from this city. The representatives of the provinces under the Serbian occupation, Peshkopia and Luma, and even those who were under French occupation, such as the city of Korca, were also missing. The delegates initially expressed political trust in the winners of the war, associating this with a special greeting against President Wilson, who had declared the principles of the selfdetermination of peoples.
The Congress also discussed about the policy that should be followed in relations with Italy and the possibility of supporting it, which, from a strategic point of view, could have an interest in supporting Albania's territorial requirements. Through archival sources, it emerges that the most prominent politician of the Albanians, Mehmet Konica, at the Durrës Congress, had presented the Italian proposal for the formation of an "Enforcement Committee", which would try to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference and acted to ensure the national and political life of the Albanian people. But, in turn, the sources reflect the political will of another part of the decalogue, which they expressed, for the creation of a provisional government, which should politically accept Roma as well. Seeking that, before this was announced, a response from Rome was taken, in the hope that it would accept its formation. While some other delegates stated that the government was a wish of the Albanian people and it did not matter whether it would be accepted by Italy. The Government, based on the minutes of the Senate parliamentary work, had two tasks: First, to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference, and second, to ensure the national political life of the Albanian people. While the formation of a council or a committee would no longer be a helpless institution, leaving at the same time a free path to foreign intrigues and create free ground for antagonistic opponent Esad Toptani.
The analysis also reflects the other side of the discussions, which concerned the view that the Albanian people did not have that degree of maturity to act independently, which would lead Albania to the collapse of relations with the only friend Albania had, which was considered Italy.
So the development of discussions in Congress had naturally reflected the formation of two pillar groups, which were different: first, a group of congressmen was of prominent Orienteering who declared that for the decision of the formation of the government the interim was notified and Rome through the Italian command and expected its response; second, while the other group stated that they had not come to the congress to be presented as "puppets" to judge and act upon the orders of others, but to think about the will and political will of the people, who was looking for one sounds self-restraint.
In fact, the critical spirit of the delegates to the London Underground Treaty of 1915 is considerable in material through three fundamental issues related to Albania. First, on the political plane, through the creation of the government, they were opposed to the Italian protectorate of the Albanian state through the representation of this state from Italy in relations with the world, as envisaged in paragraph VII of the Secret Treaty of London on 26 April 1915. This treaty was also struck from a principled point of view. Congress through the majority managed to consider the decisions of 1913 untouched, coupled with the full independence of the Albanian state already formed. Secondly, Congress could not bypass those decisions of the Treaty of London that heavily affected the territory of Albania. The delegates expressed their sternness about the VIth paragraph of the Treaty through which Italy was recognized sovereignty over Vlora, as well as for Point VII, according to which Italy would not object to the passage of southern Albania to Greece and to the north of Serbia and Montenegro Black, under the conditions that this would require other Treaty firms, such as France and England. Thirdly, Congress reiterated its critical stance on Vth of the Treaty of London, which expressed the existence of a "Muslim" Albanian state in Middle East.
While reflecting on the criticism of Italy's attitude to the obstacles it had created for the representation of Vlora in Congress, which made it possible to sensitize even the question of the city of Vlora, which according to the Secret Treaty of London was in the protectorate of Italy.
By the time the material was refreshed on the morning of December 26th, the main representatives of Congress presented a reminder to Italy's political representative, bringing arguments on the formation of the government to devalue the possible efforts of France and the Balkan states to call delegates of Esad Toptani at the Peace Conference.
The analysis also raises the issue of the Albanian state's legal status and political affiliation to one or the other winning power, for which there were disagreements, they acted silently and in a compromise with each other. While the essence of the subject we are presenting is the political program that underpinned: First, the rights of the Peace Conference by the Government of Durres; Second, the search for Albania's ethnic boundaries; thirdly, maintaining public order and peace in the Albanian political territory.
The material also includes the political support that Albanian Diaspora organizations provided to the congressional work as "Vatra", which saw political compromise with Italy over the formation of the Government of Durres an essential point because it envisioned the anatonomic diversity of the Albanian political streams that would to be presented at the Peace Conference in Paris. But by making a careful study of the period in which this agreement was reached, this attitude seems to be fair. This agreement came about as a result of the change of Albania's historical circumstances at the end of the war, such as: the collapse of political balances in the Balkans as a result of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the loss of war from it.
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Gözübenli, Abdullah Sencer, and Halim Çavuşoğlu. "TREATY OF LAUSANNE: THE TOOL OF MINORITY PROTECTION FOR THE CHAM ALBANIANS OF GREECE." PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (November 23, 2018): 474–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2018.43.474481.
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Verropoulou, Georgia. "Discerning adaptation and disruption in the childbearing behaviour of immigrants in Greece: an analysis using micro-census data." MIGRATION LETTERS 6, no. 2 (October 28, 2009): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v6i2.78.
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This paper uses micro-data from the 2001 census of Greece to detect changes in the reproductive behaviour of recent immigrants. The analysis is based on descriptive methods and ordinal logistic regression models. Possible disruption and adaptation effects are investigated for different citizenships. The findings indicate that Albanians, who represent over half of the immigrants and originate from a high fertility country, show signs of reducing levels with increasing duration of residence consistent with the adaptation hypothesis. By contrast, for migrants from other Balkan and Eastern European countries there is some indication of a disruption in childbearing among recent arrivals.
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Clark, James D. "The Conflicts of Identity: Nationalism in Post-Yugoslavian Macedonia." Central Eastern European Review 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/caeer-2014-0003.
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Abstract This article looks at the challenges faced by Macedonia in creating a national identity since independence. After briefly reviewing the region’s history since the 7th century, the revolt for independence at the end of the 19th century, the interwar period when it was part of Serbia, and the Yugoslav era when Macedonia first attained a separate political existence, the article addresses the challenges the Slav Macedonians faced in creating an identity for the new state. Some of those challenges came from Serbia and Bulgaria, which claimed that the Macedonian Slavs were actually part of their respective nations, and from Greece, which objected to the symbols and the name they had adopted. The greatest resistance inside Macedonia to an exclusively Slavic national identity, however, came from the Albanian community, located mainly in the eastern reaches of the country and in Skopje. An unwillingness to share power or to make concessions by the Slav nationalists eventually resulted in armed insurrection by the Albanians in 2001. Though the Ohrid Accords signed the same year ended the fighting, tension between the two communities has continued on and off until the present, despite some examples of peaceful coexistence.
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Titili, Denisa. "The Impact of Financial and Social Remittances in Perpetuating Migration (Albanian Migration Context)." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (April 30, 2016): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i3.p82-86.
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Since 1990 Albania has experienced massive external and international migration due to political, economical and social changes occurred in Albanian society. Albanian migration represents a variety of migratory experiences and a combination of different forms of migration (internal, external, temporary, permanent, etc) and destinations. Albania’s contemporaneous mass emigration and internal migration over the short span of time since 1990 provides an excellent laboratory to study the inter links of these types of migration (King R, Skeldon R, - Vullnetari J, 2008: 33). Migration and remittances have changed the social face of Albanian society. Based on the theoretical framework of De Haas (2010) that social remittances can further strengthen migration aspiration, the aim of this paper is to highlight the impact of financial and social remittances from emigrants to Greece in encouraging internal (rural to urban) and external ongoing migration. Data collection will be provided by in-depth interviews. This paper will base on case-histories of Albanian families with different migratory experience to show off how emigration to Greece has lead to a subsequent internal migration within Albania.
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Todoroska, Katerina. "Macedonian Domestic and International Problems (1990−2019)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.014.13807.
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The article addresses the complex relations between the Republic of Macedonia and the neighboring countries formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Several reasons behind said difficulties are discussed, namely: the dispute between Serbia and Macedonia concerning Belgrade’s lack of recognition of the Autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox church, the conflict with Albanians, who point out to human rights violations by the government in Skopje, and the contestations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria addressing Bulgaria’s suppression of Macedonian national identity and language in the province of Pirin Macedonia (Blagoevgrad Province). Finally, we discuss the conflict with Greece concerning the name of the Macedonian state and the rights of Macedonian immigrants.
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Kreka, Alba. "REFLECTING ABOUT THE CIVIL WAR IN ALBANIA." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 54, no. 5 (September 30, 2022): 867–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij5405867k.
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Albania was considered "a wild province" by the British missions that served in the "land of the eagles"during the Second World War. First, the Italian occupation and then the German occupation created the ground forthe anti-fascist national liberation war, carried out by various political forces operating in the country at that time.This paper aims to analyze the approaches and controversies of the civil war in Albania through the lens of Britishmilitary missions’ (SOE) official documents, Albanian archival documentation as well as from the literature ofvarious authors. Referring to this documentation, the beginning of the civil war in Albania is related to thecapitulation of Italy in September 1943 and the arrival of the German army, which occupied Albania, Yugoslaviaand Greece in three weeks. Domestic political situation in Albania was strained because off encountered difficultiesin creating a common front by the nationalist forces. The main rivalry was between a part of National Front calledBalli Kombetar (BK) and Albanian Communist Party (ACP). BK was a republican, liberal and nationalist wingorganization with an anti-communist program. Meanwhile, ACP identified itself with the National Liberation Front.In the vortex of these events, in August 1943 it was organized a meeting called “Mukje Meeting” due to the name ofthe village where it was held. The two rival political forces concluded an agreement, which lasted only one month;the communists cancelled it under the directives of the Yugoslavs because it meant equal power for both politicalforces and territorial unification with Kosovo after the war. These and other decisions were officially announced atthe next conference organized by APC, called Labinot Conference II (September 1943). At the Central Archives ofAlbania it is found a circular - letter of October 1, year 1943 addressed to the APC Committees. Through it EnverHoxha, as the secretary of APC opposed the union of BK forces with National Front, describing them as enemies.From this moment and on began the civil war. The confrontations are confirmed by the reports of SOE addressed tothe British Foreign Ministry; it was reported that only 10% of the British weapons given to the communists wereused in the war against the Germans, while the rest, 90% of them were used to fight the opponents (BK). Communisthistoriography denied the existence of civil war by censoring the history learned by Albanians for 45 years. After thefall of the communist regime, it was a necessary reviewing and rewriting the history of Albania. Even today,historians share different opinions regarding the period of World War II and especially the (in)existence of the civilwar. The fact that Albania has had a civil war reflected in the struggle for power, just like the countries of the region,does not at all diminish the organization of a liberation war and its commitment to the Allies. To reflect about thisperiod of Albania's history, we will refer to historical facts, arguments and various sources, which prove theexistence of the civil war even after the liberation of the country. In January 1945, when the Germans had leftAlbania, it happen another confrontation, known as the Battle of Tamara. In the time when the victory of thecommunists was a fact and they were full of glory, this event is interpreted as the last step towards the power. Withthe coming of the communists in power, the civil war was replaced by the class war, which marked countlessvictims during the entire communist dictatorship.
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Coletes Blanco, Agustín. "A young lord passes judgment: National characters in the letters, poems and other writings of Byron’s Mediterranean tour (1809-11)." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 27 (November 15, 2014): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2014.27.02.
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On July 2nd, 1809, Lord Byron and his Cambridge friend John C. Hobhouse embarked on their peculiar Grand Tour. With most of Continental Europe in the hands of Napoleon, Byron and Hobhouse’s destination was Constantinople, the capital of a powerful Ottoman Empire which still controlled much of Eastern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East. The travellers took a year to reach the Porte. Previous stages in their journey included Portugal, Spain, Gibraltar, Malta, Albania and Greece. Unlike Hobhouse, Byron was never to publish a travelogue based on his Mediterranean and Levantine experience. However, throughout his tour he did write many letters and occasional poems, not meant for publication, in which he repeatedly passes judgment on the Portuguese, the Spaniards, the Greeks, the Albanians and the Turks as national characters –and also on fellow countrymen abroad. In this paper, young Byron’s judgments on said national characters, as manifested in his letters and poems home, are located, grouped together and analysed, for the first time in the literature, in a comprehensive way –thus bringing into question a number of commonly-held misconceptions on the issue. Byron’s own Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (the poem and its notes which, published soon after his Mediterranean experience, famously won him instant recognition in Britain) and Hobhouse’s Journey to Albania and unpublished diary are, in the light of this essay, used as paratexts that enrich the analysis with added, sometimes diverging perspectives. In the light of such corpus, the essay closes with a classification, an explanation and a summary of the consequences of young Byron’s Mediterranean judgments.
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Asimakoulas, Dimitris. "How Balkan Am I? Translation and Cultural Intimacy Through an Albanian-Greek Lens." Meta 61, no. 2 (October 26, 2016): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037767ar.
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Historiographers, anthropologists and cultural studies experts have shown that discussions of identity in or about the Balkans have been traditionally linked to a sense of ‘deficiency.’ Given the history of conflict, the drive towards greater European integration and the effects of the current economic crisis in the region, there is an urgency to deconstruct such ideologies. This article shows how Herzfeld’s (2002; 2005) approach to Balkan marginality may be productively extended to cover cultural and translation critique. Thus his concept ofcultural intimacyis applied to stories of migration. Two Greek works are examined: Gazmend Kapllani’s semi-autobiographic novelA Short Border Diary(2006), translated into English by Marie Stanton-Ife, and Filippos Tsitos’ filmPlato’s Academy(2009), subtitled into English. Both works have set a precedent in terms of audience reception and as documents of a historical cycle, the migration of thousands of Albanians to Greece after the collapse of communism. Translation and subtitling into English respectively show that the written and the audiovisual medium present different opportunities for conveying Balkan otherness.
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HALKIAS, DAPHNE, NICHOLAS HARKIOLAKIS, PAUL THURMAN, MEENAKSHI RISHI, LAMBROS EKONOMOU, SYLVA M. CARACATSANIS, and PATRICK DIMITRIS AKRIVOS. "ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ALBANIAN IMMIGRANT ENTREPRENEURS IN GREECE." Journal of Developmental Entrepreneurship 14, no. 02 (June 2009): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s108494670900120x.
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Greece has experienced rapid growth in immigrant and refugee populations since 1990. Although most are immigrants from Albania and throughout the Balkan region, some immigrant and refugee groups arriving in Greece also come from the former Soviet Union, Southeast Asia and Africa. Some of these newcomers have started small businesses in their quest to become economically self-sufficient, serve the consumer needs of fellow newcomers, and integrate into community life. The purpose of this research is two-fold: to review the extant literature on social and economic factors influencing immigrant entrepreneurship in Greece, and to determine characteristics and business profiles of Albanian immigrant-owned small businesses within the municipality of Attiki — the location of Athens, Greece's capital city and largest urban center.
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Haydar, Sara, Thomas Paillot, Christophe Fagot, Yannick Cogne, Athanasios Fountas, Yildiz Tutuncu, Madalina Vintila, et al. "Branched-Chain Amino Acid Database Integrated in MEDIPAD Software as a Tool for Nutritional Investigation of Mediterranean Populations." Nutrients 10, no. 10 (October 1, 2018): 1392. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu10101392.
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Branched-chained amino acids (BCAA) are essential dietary components for humans and can act as potential biomarkers for diabetes development. To efficiently estimate dietary intake, we developed a BCAA database for 1331 food items found in the French Centre d’Information sur la Qualité des Aliments (CIQUAL) food table by compiling BCAA content from international tables, published measurements, or by food similarity as well as by calculating 267 items from Greek, Turkish, Romanian, and Moroccan mixed dishes. The database embedded in MEDIPAD software capable of registering 24 h of dietary recalls (24HDR) with clinical and genetic data was evaluated based on archived 24HDR of the Saint Pierre Institute (France) from 2957 subjects, which indicated a BCAA content up to 4.2 g/100 g of food and differences among normal weight and obese subjects across BCAA quartiles. We also evaluated the database of 119 interviews of Romanians, Turkish and Albanians in Greece (27–65 years) during the MEDIGENE program, which indicated mean BCAA intake of 13.84 and 12.91 g/day in males and females, respectively, comparable to other studies. The MEDIPAD is user-friendly, multilingual, and secure software and with the BCAA database is suitable for conducting nutritional assessment in the Mediterranean area with particular facilities for food administration.
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Cobo, Marenglen. "The Juridical Position of Greek Minorities in Albania." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 3 (May 19, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i3.p113-118.
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Greek minority played an important role in the life and formation of the Albanian State. This minority has been concentrated mainly in the south of the country, more specifically in the border areas between Albania and Greece. The role of this minority has been important not only in the cultural development but also in the affirmation of the Albanian State. The Greek minority has been known legally as a national minority in 1921 when Albania was accepted in the League of Nations as a sovereign state with full rights. The admission to this international organisation was conditional upon the signing of a document in which Albania committed to recognise and guarantee full rights to minorities living in its territory. This document entitled "declaration on the protection of minorities in Albania" would force the Albanian State to submit detailed reports to the League of Nations about the situation of the minorities in the country. All minorities within the country lost their status after the end of the Second World War, during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. After the collapse of communism and the advent of democracy, minority rights were affirmed not only in the Albanian jurisdiction but also by several international agreements, such as the Convention of the Council of Europe for Protection of National Minorities. The actual judicial system in Albania guarantees national minorities equal rights with the Albanian population and, simultaneously, allows the preservation of their national identity.
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Cobo, Marenglen. "The Juridical Position of Greek Minorities in Albania." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v8i1.p113-118.
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Greek minority played an important role in the life and formation of the Albanian State. This minority has been concentrated mainly in the south of the country, more specifically in the border areas between Albania and Greece. The role of this minority has been important not only in the cultural development but also in the affirmation of the Albanian State. The Greek minority has been known legally as a national minority in 1921 when Albania was accepted in the League of Nations as a sovereign state with full rights. The admission to this international organisation was conditional upon the signing of a document in which Albania committed to recognise and guarantee full rights to minorities living in its territory. This document entitled "declaration on the protection of minorities in Albania" would force the Albanian State to submit detailed reports to the League of Nations about the situation of the minorities in the country. All minorities within the country lost their status after the end of the Second World War, during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. After the collapse of communism and the advent of democracy, minority rights were affirmed not only in the Albanian jurisdiction but also by several international agreements, such as the Convention of the Council of Europe for Protection of National Minorities. The actual judicial system in Albania guarantees national minorities equal rights with the Albanian population and, simultaneously, allows the preservation of their national identity.
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Villari, Giovanni. "A Failed Experiment: The Exportation of Fascism to Albania." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362698.
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Using Italian and Albanian archive sources, this essay analyses the effectiveness of Italian policy in Albania, during the years of its union with Italy (1939–1943), in the creation of a model Fascist state and in the generation of support for Italy among the Albanian population. Through the creation of party and state structures similar to those in Italy, Fascism intended to give voice to Albanian Nationalist demands, but Italian policy was undermined by a basic defect which helped to cool any initial enthusiasm: the loss of all semblance of Albanian independence and the exploitation of local resources to the benefit of the Italians alone. The Italy-Greece conflict cast a shadow on the Fascist fighting ability which not even the creation of ‘Great Albania’ (thanks to the help of the Germans) removed. As Italy's military fortunes changed for the worse, they were forced to address a growing resistance until the tragic conclusion of 8th September 1943 and the end of the occupation.
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Pacukaj, Sokol. "Greece and Albania during the Second World War." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 6 (November 15, 2016): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2016-0047.
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The purpose of this article is to present the relations between Greece and Albania in a very sensitive period as the Second World War. The nationalist sentiments have dominated both in Greek and in the Albanian and this have often resulted in armed conflict. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Albania found itself without a wing is its lands were highly sought by neighbors like Greeks and Serbs. Greece has already advanced its claims after the first Balkan wars and these claims were also the key in the conference of ambassadors in London which began in 1913 and ended in 1916. During the Second World War, Albania was the gateway to the Italian military which have invaded Greece. The events of the Second World War will be analyzed in this article with a qualitative methodology and mostly based in the study of archival documents and the literature review for the theoretical background.
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Nilaj, Marsel. "The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p94-103.
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During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albanian press of that time was very much involved by mainly giving information of the propaganda oriented towards Moscow, rather than about the immediate risk the country was directly facing. In many cases, the war and the threat it imposed was transformed and far away from reality. The press of that time mostly transmitted what Stalinist Moscow directed, rather than the truth. It was Stalinist Moscow the place which Enver Hoxha held as the orienting point, especially after breaking relations a few months ago with the Communist Yugoslavian state. The Communist press of that time was more preoccupied about the advancement of the Greek communist forces, rather than the threat the democratic wing imposed by approaching the Albanian border. This showed that the Albanian State was displaying itself since the first steps as being indoctrinated and related to the ideology and not to the threat imposed to the Albanian nation. The communist press of that time varied in numbers and kinds, displayed in every newspaper or magazine the success of the Greek communism. Such a problem is also presented in the British parliament as an unfair action from the Albanian state
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Xhaho, Armela, and Erka Çaro. "Returning and Re-Emigrating Gendered Trajectories of (Re)Integration from Greece." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p171-180.
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The aim of this research paper is three fold: (1) to shed some light on the struggles Albanian return migrants are facing in their psycho-social, cultural and labor market reintegration in the origin country, looking as well to the gendered trajectories of return and re-emigration(2) to highlight their gendered strategies in transferring back in their home country their financial, social and human capital;(3) to better understand the dynamic paths of their migration trajectories and finally (4) to push policy makers to put with high priority the returnees reintegration plan into the policy agenda. We base our analyze on 42 life stories of Albanian migrants, from which, 12 interviews with return migrants from Greece, 30 migrants that are actually in Greece (from which 50% have at least made an 1 attempt to return in Albania and 5 are circular migrants).The study found that: many Albanian migrants return to Albania to stay either temporary or permanently with the idea of investing in home country, though not all of them who return stay in Albania. Returnees and at a greater degree women, face lot struggles and difficulties in their psycho-social, cultural and economic reintegration upon their return, which make them mentally and psychologically vulnerable. Women experienced a sense of disempowerment, reconfiguration and re-traditionalisation of gender relationships upon their return. Labor market integration seem more problematic especially for returned women who faced a gendered gap in labor force participation . Moreover, despite migrant willingness to invest their financial and social remittances in Albania by bringing new ideas in the labor market trend, they experience a sense of disillusion. Therefore, having no support system back home, remaining jobless and in many cases failing in their investment endeavors, make returnees consider further re-emigration as a surviving strategy. This study suggest that it is time for policy makers to compile with high priority and with a gender lens analysis a new National Migration Strategy and Return Reintegration strategy, while developing concrete and coherent measures upon returnees successful reintegration in the home country. This policy research brings at the policy agenda an holistic and multidisciplinary approach to returnee reintegration through better multi- level/stakeholder collaboration and dialogue.
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Kerpaci, Kalie. "Setting up a small business in Albania: Return migration and entrepreneurship." Europa XXI 37 (2019): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/eu21.2019.37.6.
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In this paper, I deal with the phenomenon of Albanian return migration. I focus on the category of returned migrants from Greece, who own a small business in Tirana, the capital of Albania. The aim of the research is to explore the circumstances under which the migrants decided to return and set up a business. I try to analyze the reasons they engaged in entrepreneurial activities through the necessity-opportunity entrepreneurship approach. Some became entrepreneurs out of necessity to avoid unemployment; others because of business opportunities. Within this last group of opportunity-seizing returned migrants, there are some who planned their return and intended to set up a business before migrating. Their objectives in Greece were to save money and gain the know-how enabling them to start and run a business back in Albania.
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Martin, Simon. "The Gendarme Mission in Albania, 1925–38: A Move on the English Chess Board?" Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004847.
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Emerging from the Balkan wars and the London Conference of Ambassadors of 1913, the nation state of Albania frustrated the expansionist ambitions of Serbia and Greece which had planned to partition the area. Early indications suggested Albania would be, potentially, one of the most destabilising regions of the Balkans. This was primarily due to its geographical position vis à vis the Adriatic coast, and to the manner in which the Great Powers deemed Albanian independence an issue of international concern. For Britain, the proximity of the important military base of Malta and the existence of oil in Albania were further reasons why Italian domination had to be checked, and it is of little surprise that Albania quickly became the focus of attention for jealous and covetous eyes.
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Karpozilos, Kostis. "The Defeated of the Greek Civil War: From Fighters to Political Refugees in the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00471.
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In the fall of 1949, after the end of the Greek Civil War, the bulk of the defeated Greek Communist (KKE) fighters were covertly transported from Albania to Soviet Uzbekistan. This article addresses the covert relocation project, organized by the Soviet Communist Party, and the social engineering program intended to create a prototype Greek People’s Democracy in Tashkent. Drawing on Soviet and Greek Communist Party records, the article raises three major issues: first, the contingencies of postwar transition in the Balkans and the precarious status of the Albanian regime; second, the international Communist response to the military defeat of the KKE in 1949 and the competing visions of the Greek, Soviet, and Albanian parties regarding the future of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG); third, the intentions of the KKE to establish military bases in Albania and the party’s ensuing effort to transform the agrarian fighters of the DAG into revolutionary cadres for a future victorious repatriation in Greece. Drawing these elements together, the article elucidates the relocation operation of 1949, positions the Greek political refugee experience within the postwar “battle of refugees,” and challenges the widespread historiographical assumption that the KKE immediately abandoned the prospect of a renewed armed confrontation.
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CONTI, FABIO. "A new combination in Leontodon (Asteraceae, Cichorieae)." Phytotaxa 360, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.360.3.9.
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A new species-level combination, Leontodon albanicus comb. & stat. nov., is proposed on the basis of a subspecies described from Albania. The species is reported here as new to Greece. The variability of the taxon has been examined and a new morphological description has been provided. Its relationship with the closest taxa is also discussed.
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Golovin, D. O., and S. A. Sklyarov. "The New Macedonian Question: the Current Stage of Development." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 2 (November 7, 2020): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-68-90.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current state of the New Macedonian question. Authors examine two treaties that seemed to settle the New Macedonian question: The 2017 Treaty of Friendship, Good-neighborliness and Cooperation between Macedonia and Bulgaria, and the 2018 Prespa agreement signed by the representatives of Macedonia and Greece. The successful negotiations that resulted in the signing of these international agreements have raised a diffi cult question for researchers, which can be formulated as follows: what is the current stage of development of the New Macedonian Question? Does this problem belong to history or current international relations? The main goal of the work is a detailed analysis of the two above-mentioned treaties in the context of their impact on the New Macedonian question. Authors attempted not only to examine the two treaties separately, but also to place these documents in the broader context of extremely contradictory international relations on the Balkan Peninsula, and to show the mutual infl uence of various aspects of the New Macedonian question as the complex problem of international relations. The article has a scientifi c value since the Prespa agreement and the Treaty of friendship have not yet been properly examined in the scientifi c literature, despite the wide coverage in the media. The article proves the thesis that two treaties did not settle the New Macedonian question and only led to the creation of new problems related to the independent Macedonian state. The serious unilateral concessions made by the Macedonian leadership to resolve the name dispute, the freezing of the historical dispute with Bulgaria, and the continued distrust between the Macedonians and Albanians after the Ohrid agreement do not give grounds to speak of a successful solution of the New Macedonian question.
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Pashko, Pandeli. "Morave Mt Oligocene-Middle Miocene succession of Albanian-Thessalian Basin." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 52, no. 1 (September 28, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.15837.
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The Morava Mountain Oligocene-Middle Miocene molasse deposits take part in the Albanian-Thessalian Basin, which developed NW-SE from eastern Albania to Thessaly in Greece, where it is called as Mesohellenic Basin. The 4.5 km thick basin infill is subdivided into three molasse cycles separated by two regional unconformities at the Eocene/Oligocene and Aquitanian/Burdigalian boundaries. The Morava Mountain Oligocene-Middle Miocene molase, ~ 3500 m thick, represents an exposed continuous, rich in fossil fauna succession. Six stratigraphic sections were studied and measured.
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Shumka, Spase, Laura Shumka, Kosta Trajce, and Shega Ceci. "First record of the Western Greece goby - Economidichthys pygmaeus (Holly, 1929), in Greater Prespa Lake (Albania)." Ecologica Montenegrina 35 (October 11, 2020): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37828/em.2020.35.6.
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Economidichthys pygmaeus (Holly, 1929) is recorded based on specimens originating from Greater Prespa Lake, southeast Albania, at the intersection between Albania, Greece and North Macedonia. It represents the first record of the species in the Albanian part of this Lake. In the Mediterranean region, the ‘sand gobies’ are widespread playing an important role in different aquatic ecosystems, including the smallest European freshwater fish. The aim of the present contribution was to provide the first information on the presence E. pygmaeus in Greater Prespa Lake confirmed through 16 specimens caught in two localities. Most of the captured specimen were adults with a total length (TL) of 29-37 mm, while 5 specimens were Y-O-Y of (17-20 mm TL).
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Pariset, Lorraine, Marco Mariotti, Maria Gargani, Stephane Joost, Riccardo Negrini, Trinidad Perez, Michael Bruford, Paolo Ajmone Marsan, and Alessio Valentini. "Genetic Diversity of Sheep Breeds from Albania, Greece, and Italy Assessed by Mitochondrial DNA and Nuclear Polymorphisms (SNPs)." Scientific World JOURNAL 11 (2011): 1641–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1100/2011/186342.
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We employed mtDNA and nuclear SNPs to investigate the genetic diversity of sheep breeds of three countries of the Mediterranean basin: Albania, Greece, and Italy. In total, 154 unique mtDNA haplotypes were detected by means of D-loop sequence analysis. The major nucleotide diversity was observed in Albania. We identified haplogroups, A, B, and C in Albanian and Greek samples, while Italian individuals clustered in groups A and B. In general, the data show a pattern reflecting old migrations that occurred in postneolithic and historical times. PCA analysis on SNP data differentiated breeds with good correspondence to geographical locations. This could reflect geographical isolation, selection operated by local sheep farmers, and different flock management and breed admixture that occurred in the last centuries.
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Ndoj, Dorina. "The Albanian-Greek Relations Following the Sea Border Issue." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 4, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v4i1.p138-141.
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The paper seeks to explore the Albanian-Greek relations following the sea border dispute analyzing Albanian political elite’s discourse. Throughout the history various and complex issues have determined the relations between Greece and Albania, which sometimes have caused tension and disputes between them. The two countries have been on a dispute on the sea border issue because the Albanian Constitutional Court nullified the 2009 mutual agreement signed by previous Albanian and Greek governments due to territorial integrity violations. More than five years later the two countries have not settled the maritime borders yet. This study concentrates on depicting the relations between two countries after this episode happened. It question: how this issue affected the relations among two countries? The main claim of this article is that a new issue of concern is detected in the bilateral relations, such as exclusive economic zones issue. The exploration of economic exploitation zones in the Ionian Sea urges for the delimitation of maritime borders between two countries, and therefore the renegotiation of “sea agreement” is inevitable in near future. Methodology used to conduct the analysis is discourse analysis.
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Charoula, Mavromatidou, Trikilidou Eleni, Samiotis Georgios, Pekridis George, Lefteri Lefteris, Tsikritzis Lazaros, and Amanatidou Elisavet. "A Water Quality Assessment Tool for Decision Making, Based on Widely Used Water Quality Indices." Environmental Sciences Proceedings 2, no. 1 (August 12, 2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/environsciproc2020002016.
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Cross border areas face common challenges on water management, such as monitoring water demands and quality, because they share a common water basin for covering their water needs. This paper presents the first results of a new, accurate, sensitive and functional tool for assessing water quality, taking under consideration legislation and expert’s opinion, created in frame of the SAVE-WATER, Interreg IPA II Cross-border Cooperation Programme Greece-Albania 2014-2020. The project addresses the open problems and challenges by promoting a transnational common strategy for drinking water management and a shared management policy among three Greek and two Albanian cross border regions.
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Knüpffer, H. "The Balkan collections 1941–1942 of Hans Stubbe in the Gatersleben Gene Bank." Czech Journal of Genetics and Plant Breeding 46, Special Issue (March 31, 2010): S27—S33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/2675-cjgpb.
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The German Federal Gene Bank at the Leibniz Institute of Plant Genetics and Crop Plant Research (IPK) in Gatersleben comprises ca. 148 000 accessions of crop plants and their wild relatives. Among these, material from Albania and Greece is represented with ca. 1100 and more than 2700 accessions, respectively. IPK’s collection of Albanian germplasm is the world’s largest collection, while IPK’s Greek germplasm collection is the third largest holding of Greek crops and their wild relatives. The largest part of this material (ca. 200 and 1600 accessions from Albania and Greece, respectively) originates from two collecting expeditions carried out by Hans Stubbe, the founder of the Institute for Cultivated Plant Research, and other German collectors during the Second World War, in 1941 (ca. 700 accessions) and 1942 (ca. 1100 accessions). Stubbe’s expeditions are described with respect to the regions visited, species collected, plus a comparison between the original collections and their present state in the IPK Gene Bank is provided. A formal scientific report about the results of these expeditions had never been published before. The material from these expeditions can be freely requested from the IPK Gene Bank, after signing a Material Transfer Agreement.
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Dervishi, Glevin. "Greek-Albanian Relations, the Past, the Present and the Future." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 3 (May 1, 2019): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0038.
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Abstract Greek-Albanian relations can be considered as a complex relation, but at the same time with the highest potential for success in the region compared to the relations that Greece has established with the other immediate neighbours in the Balkans. These relations has passed through a continues fruition developments and sometimes with hindering situations that are deeply rooted in the history of the two nations. This can be noticed from some fundamental historical moments such as the creation of the Modern Greek state and the Albanian state, which have a constant influence in the way how current relationships are setup. It can be considered as an interdependent, vital and vibrant relation built upon a complexity of challenges, ready to generate new challenges and imposed balances, at least in the historical perspective. Greece and Albania share a similar history in many aspects, but at the same time, there are unifying and distinguishing aspects between the two countries and nations, like everywhere in the Balkans; history mostly divides nations rather than unites them. Referring to the historic ground of this relation, in this paper we will reveal the key factors that bear the heavy lift off the past, which prevails rather than the desire to have a better future.