Academic literature on the topic 'Albania veneta'

Maximilian De Traux (1766-1817) was an engineering officer in the Austrian army. In 1803, he became the head of the engineering administration in Zadar, in which role he travelled all over Dalmatia during the following two years, gaining a solid knowledge of the region. In 1805, he produced a description of the land, nowadays preserved at the National Library of Serbia in Belgrade. It was published under a somewhat clumsy title Festungen Dalmatiens und Albaniens nebst vorliegenden Inseln, und Beschreibung (Fortifications of Dalmatia and Albania, as well as the neighbouring islands, and their description) and dedicated to Johann, Archduke of Austria, but in fact it was intended for the Austrian ruling house in general, in order to help them govern the lands which had come into their possession only a few years before. The book consists of two parts: textual and illustrative, the latter including 29 figures. In the textual part, De Traux largely focuses on the state of Dalmatian fortifications, including mainland settlements and those on the islands. He then describes the geography of the area and the communication lines with regard to the defence potential and the need of investing in the construction of new fortifications. The population is described in the tradition of Alberto Fortis, whereby he distinguishes between two types: the urban inhabitants, which resemble the Italians in all aspects, and those of the hinterland, the so-called Morlacs. He also describes “Albania”, the area around Boka Kotorska, previously governed by the Venetian Republic under the name of Albania Veneta. In this section he addresses, among other things, the problem of the Orthodox population, arguing that it would be beneficial to appoint a separate Orthodox bishop (episkopos) for “Albania” and that the Orthodox will never be loyal subjects to a Catholic monarch as their religion creates a state within the state. The illustrative section of De Traux’s report includes ground plans of various fortifications and maps of Dalmatia, the Kvarner Islands, and “Albania”. At the very beginning, there are separate illustrations, with a particular focus on Sanmicheli’s Land Gate. It was given a special place in the report and, although it was still a part of the fortification belt and played a role in communication and defence, De Traux did not waste a word on that aspect, commenting instead on its symbolic role as an entrance to the main Venetian city of Dalmatia. De Traux’s booklet is rather small (11x19 cm) and thus the author calls it “a pocketbook” (Taschenbuch). This can be explained by its aim: it had to be handy and easy to use by its addressee, Archduke Johann, and this aspect was obviously more important than a possible representative character. Because of the size, De Traux’s ground plans had to be limited in the number of details in order to remain clear, which resulted in unusually effective and suggestive depictions.

Author(s): Péter Krasztev | Петар Крстев
 Title (English): The Price of Amnesia: Interpretations of Vendetta in Albania
 Title (Macedonian): Цената на амнезијата: Интерпретации на вендетата во Албанија
 Translated by (Hungarian to English): Stephen Humphreys
 Translated by (English to Macedonian): Saše Tasev | Саше Тасев
 Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Winter 2002)
 Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute
 Page Range: 33-63
 Page Count: 30
 Citation (English): Péter Krasztev, “The Price of Amnesia: Interpretations of Vendetta in Albania,” translated from the Hungarian by Stephen Humphreys, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Winter 2002): 33-63.
 Citation (Macedonian): Петар Крстев, „Цената на амнезијата: Интерпретации на вендетата во Албанија“, превод од англиски Саше Тасев, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 1, бр. 2 (зима 2002): 33-63.

Locust gall midge Obolodiplosis robiniae (Haldeman) originates from Pennsylvania, USA. It was introduced to Europe in 2003, to Italy, Veneto. Its spreading was very fast and in the following year it was identified from the Check Republic and Slovenia. In 2005, it was recorded from South Tyrol and in 2006 from Hungary, south Slovakia, Germany, Croatia, Ukraine and Serbia. During 2007 it was identified from Albania, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia & Herzegovina, France, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Poland, Switzerland, Russia and UK. The expansion of locust gall midge was also recorded in Japan, South Korea, where it was identified for the first time in 2002, and in 2005 it was identified from China. The first finding from Serbia was recorded in the autumn 2006 in the surroundings of Sabac. During 2007, it was identified from Belgrade, and in the same year and the following year (2008) it was found at numerous sites in Serbia, the Republic of Srpska and Montenegro. This study presents O. robiniae biology, method of distribution, natural enemies and the ecological significance.

This article analyzes the relocation of specific cults of saints from the Illyrian coast on the eastern shores of the Adriatic Sea to the Marche region of Italy in line with the migration of communities of Albanians and Schiavoni who gathered into confraternities in their new homeland. It investigates the reasons behind the frequency with which these confraternities were named after St. Venera (for Albanians) and St. Blaise (for Schiavoni), both highly venerated by the Illyrian community: the first as protection against the Turks, the second in the hope of a good harvest. In the Marche, however, these cults experienced some specific changes, often influencing artistic production: St. Venera maintained her anti-Turkish function (in memory of the Albanians’ escape), but her iconography added a nun’s habit and a cauldron; St. Blaise lost his agrarian function but, thanks to his attribute (the carder’s comb), his patronage over the weaving and the dyeing trades practiced by the Schiavoni was strengthened.

This paper examines the relationship between financial development and economic growth for the six countries of the Western Balkan (Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia) for the period 2005–2019. To determine the direction of the causality between economic growth and financial development, we employed the vector autoregression VAR approach. Findings indicate evidence for the supply leading theory (Hurlin & Venet, 2008; McKinnon, 1973; Patrick, 1966; Shaw, 1973): financial development causes economic growth overall, especially when private credit was used as the proxy for it. Yet, we observed bi-directional links when financial development was proxied by broad money. Furthermore, interest spread affected economic growth. The findings also indicate a positive relationship between broad money and private credit taken together to GDP growth, but only in the first lag; in the second lag, the inverse effect of broad money and private credit on GDP growth became evident. On a comparative scale, private credit was found to have a bigger impact on GDP than broad money. We also observe that the banking system intermediaries have a significant role in spurring economic growth in the region.

Hepatitis D virus (HDV) is a public health concern for its severe medical consequences. The aim of this pilot study was to evaluate the prevalence of the main infectious disease between the detainees of the Veneto Region. The study consisted of a survey carried between the heads of the prison healthcare staff. The data showed that on 2,119 detainees the prevalence of hepatitis B (HBV) is the 6% and that the most relevant prevalence of HBV was revealed in the East Europe detainees (Ex USSR countries, Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia), being the 39% of all HBcAb positive subjects. The survey also revealed as the population less protected by HVB vaccination was that comes from East Europe. Moreover, the study indicates that hepatitis D diagnosis is not well known by clinician working inside prisons and that it should be improved through specific diagnostic and therapeutic procedures. Our data indicate that the prison setting may play an important and crucial role in term of public health both in intercepting patients that need of treatment and in preventing actions able to minimize the risk of infection. In prison settings screening, linkage to care and harm reduction measures should be improved in order to protect the general population from the impact of the emerging infectious diseases, including HDV.

A taxonomic revision and a key to the Chthonius C.L. Koch, 1843 species of the ischnocheles group from Italy, with records from neighbouring countries, are provided. The following new species are described: Chthonius gallettii n. sp. (♂, locus typicus: Sicily, Ragusa Province, Ragusa, Grotta delle Lame 6009 Si/RG), Chthonius gentianae n. sp. (♂, Veneto, Treviso Province, Fregona, Pian del Cansiglio, Bus della Genziana 1000 V/TV), Chthonius herminii n. sp. (♂♀, Veneto, Treviso Province, Cavaso del Tomba, Costalunga, Speoncia del Diaol 1811 V/TV); Chthonius inguscioi n. sp. (♂♀, Apulia, Lecce Province, Presicce, Grotta Madonna della Rutta 533 Pu/LE), Chthonius lanai n. sp. (♂♀, Piedmont, Cuneo Province, Bernezzo, Pertus d’la Kassetta 1323 Pi/CN), Chthonius marciai n. sp. (♂, Sardinia, Nuoro Province, Dorgali, Grotta del Bue Marino 12 Sa/NU) and Chthonius nicolosii n. sp. (♂♀, Sicily, Catania Province, Nicolosi, Grotta Lunga 1029 Si/CT). The following new subjective synonymies are proposed: Chthonius malatestai Callaini, 1980 n. syn. of C. agazzii Beier, 1966; Chthonius ruffoi Caporiacco, 1951 n. syn. of C. densedentatus Beier, 1938; Chthonius mingazzinii Callaini, 1991 n. syn. of C. euganeus Gardini, 1991; Obisium megachelum Amary, 1840 n. syn. of C. ischnocheles (Hermann, 1804); Chthonius dalmatinus Hadži, 1930 n. syn. of C. ischnocheles (Hermann, 1804); Chthonius litoralis Hadži, 1933 n. syn. of C. ischnocheles (Hermann, 1804); Chthonius rhodochelatus Hadži, 1937 of C. ischnocheles (Hermann, 1804) (rest. syn.). Chthonius horridus Beier, 1934 (n. stat.) is upgraded from subspecies of C. doderoi Beier, 1930 and Chthonius reductus Beier, 1939 (n. stat.) from subspecies of C. ischnocheles (Hermann, 1804). A lectotype is designated for Chthonius rayi L. Koch, 1873. Twenty-eight species of Chthonius of the ischnocheles group are known at present from Italy, of which three are endemic to Sicily and two to Sardinia. New country records are established for Chthonius alpicola Beier, 1951 (Croatia and Slovenia); Chthonius guglielmii Callaini, 1986 (mainland France), Chthonius halberti Kew, 1916 and Chthonius ilvensis Beier, 1963 (Corsica); Chthonius pygmaeus Beier, 1934 (Switzerland), and Chthonius densedentatus Beier, 1938 (France, Italy, Switzerland, Slovenia, Croatia, Albania and Greece).

AbstractThe founding of Monte Alban marked the beginning of the urban revolution in Oaxaca and a reorganization of Zapotec culture and society, which soon had repercussions among Mixtecs and other Otomangue groups in highland Oaxaca. While local factors contributed to Monte Alban's origins, the architectural expression of the city's core, consisting of a main plaza with leaders’ dwellings on each side and a ceremonial precinct at one end, comes from the Mixe-Zoque area, probably La Venta or highland Chiapas. One of the earliest architectural monuments at Monte Alban is the Danzantes Wall with carved stones that portray founding participants, including many chiefs from valley communities, as interpreted, imagined and remembered by the city's leader or leaders, years after the event. The wall was short-lived, partly dismantled within a few generations of its completion, and the carved stones reused, erasing the narrative's original significance. In contrast, elements of the city's core layout persisted at least until the end of the Late Classic as a template, remembered and repeated, sometimes with modifications at Monte Alban and elsewhere, of how a city should be.

The paper analyzed the determinants of profitability of all the commercial banks in Albania, where the banks were analyzed by dividing into groups[1]. These determinants are categorized into two groups, internal and external factors. The objective of the study is to determine the factors that affect the profitability in commercial banks, to show how they differ according to groups of the banks and making some recommendations which can help the management. A panel data with all the commercial banks that operate in Albania is analyzed for the period 2009-2014. To measure the profitability is used the independent variable return on assets. Banking specific factors that are used in this study include variables such as bank size, asset management, credit risk, liquidity of assets, capital adequacy, operational efficiency and cost of financing. On the other hand is taken into consideration only one industry specific factor, which is the concentration and some macroeconomic factors as GDP, exchange rate and inflation. The quantitative data are obtained from the financial statements of commercial banks, INSTAT, Bank of Albania, World Bank and Bankscope, in order to make empirical analysis needed to identify and measure the determinants of bank profitability. In particular, the multiple regression analysis is used to measure the impact of determinants in bank profitability and to realize empirical analysis is used Eviews 7.The results of the study showed a positive relationship between bank size and profitability, statistically important in the group 2, with 1% level of significance. The credit risk had an inverse relation with profitability in the model, statistically significant at 1% level of significance for the group 2 and 5% for the group 1 and 3. While, in terms of macroeconomic factors, GDP had a positive relationship with profitability and it is statistically significant in the group 3. On the other hand, inflation and exchange rate showed a positive relation with profitability (ROA/ROE) but statistically insignificant for the model.[1] According to the Bank of Albania, in December 2014, banks in the Albanian sector are divided by size of activity: 1) The bank group 1 (0-2% of total banking sector assets) include United Bank of Albania, Veneto Bank, International Commercial Bank, First Investment Bank, Credit Bank of Albania; 2) The bank group 2 (2-7% of total banking sector assets) include Procredit Bank, Credit Agricole Bank, National Bank of Greece, Societe Generale Bank - Albania, Alpha Bank - Albania, Union Bank; and 3) The banks group 3 (about 7% of total banking sector assets) include Raiffeisen Bank, Credins Bank, National Commercial Bank, Intesa Sanpaolo Bank-Albania, Tirana Bank.

Since the regime collapse in 1991, Albania has been going through a democratization process. In contrast to government attempts to introduce a democratic system according to a western model, blood feuds based on Albanian customary law increased drastically and individuals began to seek their own justice by ignoring state and judicial institutions. The incidence of blood feuds increased exceptionally, not only compared with the situation under the communist regime but the crime rate in general. As a result, the Albanian state has appeared not only as weak and fragile but weaker in comparison with the previous communist regime.<p>Although a great deal of research on vendetta is carried out either in the fields of anthropology or sociology of law, this topic has not been studied by political scientists. As a consequence, studies of vendetta in relation to institutional weaknesses are missing. Thus, one of the contributions of this study will be to fill this gap in the literature by explaining the role of state institutions in the continuation and increase in blood feuds.<p>The Albanian case was chosen as a subject for study as it represents a country which following a harsh communist regime has made attempts at democratization with the aim of joining the European Union, and at the same time is characterized by the strong presence of customary law claiming revenge in cases of homicide, despite interventions by the judicial authorities.<p>Therefore, the aim of this study is to explain the reasons for the increase in blood feuds in Albania from 1991 to 2010 by identifying the structure and agency factors impacting the motivation of individuals to commit murders in the name of vendetta.<p>I will make use of historical institutionalism to identify the increasing returns of vendetta and explore the different factors and processes that trigger and underlie the institutional development of Albanian vendetta over time. Historical institutionalism is an approach to the analysis of the evolution of institutions and their outcomes in terms of formal and informal rules that shape the behavior of actors. Hence, understanding the causation and restraining factors in determining the high rates of blood feuds is indispensable. However, because of the lack of attention that historical institutionalism pays to the structure-agency dichotomy, the tools of criminology and more specifically, elements of ‘social control theory’ are required in this study. This theory enables/permits the study of vendetta by focusing on the motivation of the authors of vendetta, looking at the incidence and the forms of the criminal behavior. In order to explain vendetta and its causes, both fear of punishment (belief) and social bonds (attachment, commitment and involvement) have been taken into account.<p>For this study, both primary and secondary sources were combined, such as expert interviews, archival documents and police data, in order to assess the cases of vendettas brought before the courts, judicial proceedings, and the final sentences handed down.<p>The findings show that the weaker the bonds of trust in institutions such as state institutions and the legal system, the more individuals will be involved in blood feuds. The more trust is placed in institutions the less likely it is that individuals will be involved in vendetta.<p>This research contributes to the literature dealing with institutional change and the study of crime rates in transitional democracies. <p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le droit coutumier albanais a réglé la vie des régions des montagnes du Nord et de certaines régions du Sud, pendant la domination ottomane, en imposant une structure sociale basée sur la famille et le clan. L’Empire ottoman a toléré la vendetta, la lutte contre celle-ci est apparue avec la création d’un Etat albanais indépendant, surtout pendant le règne du roi Zog. La dictature d’Enver Hoxha a mené une lutte sans merci contre le coutumier en général et la vendetta en particulier. La vendetta est restée à l’état de braise sous les cendres de l’idéologie communiste. Après la chute du communisme, la vendetta revint. L’Albanie sortit du communisme pauvre, sans repère ; la criminalité gagna du terrain : la Police et la Justice héritées de communisme n’étaient préparées à faire face à cette situation. Le chômage et la pauvreté, conséquences de la thérapie de choc, ont été sources de conflits que l’Etat n’a pas pu gérer. Le chaos de 1997, l’effondrement total des institutions, l’armement de la population obligent les gens à se retourner vers le droit coutumier. La vendetta s’étend dans les plaines et les villes avec les mouvements de population descendant de la montagne vers les métropoles. La claustration des familles craignant la vendetta reste un problème. L’Etat n’a réalisé l’ampleur du problème que tardivement. Il a compté sur l’activité d’ONG de médiation qui ont eu mains libres à tel point que l’Etat ne contrôlait plus la situation. Ses efforts sont limités dans le cadre juridique et législatif avec le renforcement du Code Pénal. Sans essor économique, sans Etat fort, ni Police efficace et Justice équitable et respectée, la vendetta persistera en Albanie<br>The Albanian customary code has set up regulations of the life in the Northern moutainous regions and in some areas in the South, during the Ottaman Empire, imposing a social structure based upon family and clan. The Ottoman Empire tolerated the blood feud, it is after an Albanian independent State has been created that blood feud was prosecuted, especially under King Zog's reign. Enver Hoxha's dictatorship led a merciless struggle against the customary code, broadly speaking, and peculiarly against blood feud. Blood feud stayed as embers under the communist ideology ashes. Only after the communist regime collapsed, came back the blood feud. Albania came out of communism as a poor country without reference. Criminality raised, Police and Justice inherited from communism were not prepared for that. Unemployment and poverty resulting from the shock therapy, generated conflicts out of the State capability for control. The 1997 chaos, the institutions collapse and the arming of people pushed for a return back to customary rules. Blood feud spread to valleys and cities, following movement of population to large cities. The seclusion of families fearing to be targets of blood feud remains a problem. Only lately the Albanian State has realised the importance of this problem. The State relied on NGOs for mediation, they were given free hand at such an extent that the situation came out of the State's control. There were some efforts only in judiciary and legislative matters with reinforcing the penal code. Without economic rise, without neither a strong state, neither an efficient Police, nor an equitable and respected Justice, blood feud shall continue again in Albania

L'elaborato intende ripercorrere le vicende politico-militari dell'Italia in Albania dagli anni '20 sino al 1943. Attraverso uno studio della documentazione del Fondo Pariani conservata presso l'Archivio di Stato di Venezia, si ripercorrono il ruolo svolto dall'allora tenente colonnello alla guida della Missione Militare italiana (1927-33), i progetti del fascismo circa la creazione di un'Albania all'interno della "comunità imperiale di Roma"; il fallimento dei progetti italiani; il richiamo di Pariani in Albania nel '43 in qualità di Luogotenente del Re d'Italia.

Le Canon de Scanderbeg n'est libellé ni proclamé par aucun organe législatif ou exécutif de l'État, il n'est décrété par aucun monarque et n'est imposé par aucun envahisseur : le droit coutumier est né de la nécessité de régler la vie des communautés rurales sur le plan judiciaire en l’absence de lois.Un rôle important y est accordé aux Anciens dans la gestion de la vie de la communauté rurale. Jusqu’à la création de l'État albanais, les us et les coutumes ont fonctionné comme des organes régissant les rapports entre personnes, entre membres d’une famille, d’une tribu, d’une région et entre les régions.Au fil du temps, ils sont devenus des normes, donnant naissance au droit coutumier albanais. L'évolution du droit coutumier non écrit s'est reflétée au cours des siècles dans les normes coutumières.Le Canon de Scanderbeg est conçu comme une unité organique comportant des éléments convergents et divergents avec les autres Canons. Cette diversité y a été représentée en une mosaïque de nuances définies en termes spécifiques.Le coutumier de Scanderbeg est riche en normes qui embrassent plusieurs aspects de la vie du peuple ; leur diversité témoigne de l'ancienneté de son usage.Bien qu’il offre l’aspect d’une unité organique indépendante, le Coutumier de Scanderbeg, au même titre que les autres coutumiers du peuple albanais, se rattache d'une part à une plus grande unité et d'autre part se subdivise à son tour en plusieurs subdivisions plus petites.Il confirme l’idée que les différents coutumiers du peuple albanais ont un grand nombre de points de contact entre eux ; cela justifie la thèse de l'existence d'un patrimoine commun comme une unité plus haute, que l'on peut appeler le droit coutumier du peuple albanais.Le Canon de Scanderbeg est donc considéré comme un corpus juris appliqué jusqu'à une période récente dans les régions placées sous la domination des Kastriotes, en particulier les régions de Mat, Krujë, Dibër, Kurbnesh, Bendë, Tamadhë et Martanesh.Le Canon de Scanderbeg comprend 225 pages ; il est reparti en 7 parties, 33 chapitres, 241 articles et 3534 paragraphes. Cette œuvre traite de l'organisation de la vie en famille, des droits et des devoirs de ses membres, des règles concernant le domicile et le patrimoine, du droit au patrimoine et à l'héritage, de la division de la famille, de la vente et l'achat d'une maison, des institutions de l'hospitalité et de la parole donnée, de l'organisation et de la cohabitation au niveau du voisinage et au niveau régional.Elle évoque aussi la hiérarchie et le fonctionnement de la vie au sein de la famille, de la tribu, du village, de la bannière, de la région, ainsi que des droits et des devoirs de l'individu et de la collectivité. Les normes coutumières de la vendetta, de la justice privée, des institutions, des garanties, du serment et de la réconciliation font l’objet de chapitres particuliers. On y trouve aussi des normes qui définissent la position des institutions religieuses, de l'église et de la mosquée<br>The research on the canon law is an important aspect of the study of the history of Albanian people, particularly of their culture. Its evolution over the centuries has also been expressed in unwritten norms, inherited generation after generation, which reflect the socio-economic situation of different regions during the past periods and which in Albania were given the name of Greek-Byzantine origin”kanun” (canon).We know the Canon of Scanderbeg, the Canon of Dukagini, the Canon of Malsia e Madhe and of the Laberia. As early as the beginning of the XIXth century in the context of the research on the research on the Albanian history, language and culture, the first studies undertaken by foreign albanologists on the ethnocultural traditions became apparent.Among them, there were travelers and diplomats, as; Lik, Pukvil, A. Bue, Hekard, who fokuced genuine on the customary law. By the middle of the 19tth century an important step was made in this direction by the Austrian consul J.G Han who made known to the scientific world, the customary law and its institutions, the ancient character of which, as he pointed and was closely linked which the origin of the Albanian people.Han made an introduction of the law of the Mountains of the Canon of Scanderbeg which operated in Mat and Diber. In this wide territory lay in the past the principality of the Kastriots, whose memory, besides the documents is also preserved in numerous legends and toponyms, which Albanian people devoted to Scanderbeg. In this territory there exists a very detailed variant of the Canon, which Albanian people call the Canon of Scanderbeg. This canon contains similar fundamental principles of canonical law, but in the traces of its development, we also come across alien influences, especially those of the Sheriat

Albania joined the International Art Exhibition in Venice only in 2005, twenty years later the collapse of the communist dictatorship of Enver Hoxha. The building of a democratic state had consequences also on the expressive research of several artists who had to face a substantial change of their working environment. At the beginning of XXI century the artistic and cultural heritage of Socialist Realism was still the only relevant cultural reference for the construction of a new Albanian cultural identity. Reflecting on the troubled past of the their nation the new generation of artists focused their research on a intimate and personal elaboration concerned the current improvement of the Albanian society. The purpose of this essay is to illustrate the role that the Venice Biennale has been in the realization of the new Albanian artistic scene as landmark for the European and international contemporary cultural tendencies. All the exhibition settled in the Albanian Pavillion since 2005 reveal the different approaches to the national past and to the new cultural identity of the artist that have represented the Balkan country at the Venice Biennale during the last fifteen years.

The narratives written by pilgrims who travelled from Venice to the Holy Land provide quite a rich source of information about Albania and its coastal territory during the fifteenth century. This was the period when Western interest in Albania was stimulated by Skanderbeg’s revolt against Ottoman rule. However, the Albanian lands were mostly untravelled and unknown by outsiders; after the city of Shkodër was conquered by the Ottomans (from Venice), only the Venetian-ruled port-city of Durrës was visited. The pilgrim narratives supply some first-hand descriptions of that city, but they also record the second-hand knowledge that circulated about other parts of the coastline, including the territory of Himarë with its notoriously fierce inhabitants. The dangers of travel down this part of the Adriatic coast are also vividly illustrated: the pilgrims feared Ottoman naval vessels, pirate attacks, and sudden storms.

Mussolini’s intervention in the Balkans was aggressive but inconsistent. It was guided by his desire to overturn the Versailles settlement in order gain the territories promised Italy in the Treaty of London in 1915 as the basis for a renewal of Italy’s imperial policies in the Adriatic and Mediterranean. The historical roots of his policies went back to the Venetian Republic and the Risorgimento. He regarded Great Britain as the main obstacle to his plans. His occupation of Albania was the first step toward his goal. He forged an alliance with Hitler to secure his continent flank but sought to conduct a parallel war against Greece and Yugoslavia. His joint occupation of these countries with Germany was fraught with disagreements particularly over supporting pro-Axis movements among the Croats and Serbs.