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1
Jović, Dejan. "Accession to the European Union and Perception of External Actors in the Western Balkans." Croatian International Relations Review 24, no. 83 (October 1, 2018): 6–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2018-0012.
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Abstract This paper focuses on perceptions of the European Union (EU) and external actors (such as the United States, Russia, and Turkey) in six countries of the Western Balkans (WB) and Croatia in a comparative perspective. We present data generated by public opinion polls and surveys in all countries of that region in order to illustrate growing trends of EU indifferentism in all predominately Slavic countries of the region. In addition, there is an open rejection of pro-EU policies by significant segments of public opinion in Serbia and in the Republic of Srpska, Bosnia-Herzegovina. On the contrary, there is much enthusiasm and support for the West in general and the EU in particular in predominately non-Slavic countries, Kosovo and Albania. We argue that the WB as a region defined by alleged desire of all countries to join the the EU is more of an elite concept than that shared by the general population, which remains divided over the issue of EU membership. In explaining reasons for such a gap we emphasise a role of interpretation of the recent past, especially when it comes to a role the West played in the region during the 1990s.
2
Turkeshi, Enkelejda. "Criminalizing Waste Management Activities in Albania in the Light of the European Union Legislation." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 22, no. 1 (2014): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-22012040.
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Illegal waste management activities violate specific rules that aim at preventing or reducing the negative effects they may have on the environment and human health. For the purpose of providing a more effective protection of the environment, in many countries and since 2008 even at the European Union (EU) level, besides the relevant administrative offences, it is also provided for a specific criminal offence against environment concerning serious infringements of the waste management legislation. This paper examines the current legal framework in Albania concerning waste-related criminal offences, against the minimum standard set forth by the EU in the Directive 2008/99/EC on the protection of environment through criminal law. While the adoption of the new framework law on Integrated Waste Management in 2011 as part of Albania’s efforts in aligning its legislation to that of the EU, has been a positive step towards more stringent rules concerning waste management, thus helping in tackling the serious and constantly evolving problems that the country has been facing in this field for years, the paper suggests that certain amendments to the Criminal Code are also necessary, as the minimum standard of the EU requires that criminal law applies at least in the case of particularly serious infringements of the new waste management legislation. These amendments would increase the protection of the environment and further the alignment of the Albanian legislation with that of the EU, while the country is seeking to fulfill obligations for EU membership.
3
Knezović, Sandro, and Valbona Zeneli. "Europeanization in a Difficult Environment." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 2 (June 26, 2018): 199–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-0401026.
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This article examines the impact of the process of Europeanization on the consolidation of political systems and on the pace of European Union (EU) accession in very difficult transitional environments like those of Croatia and Albania. Croatia, a post-socialist and a post-conflict state, and Albania, heavily burdened with the consequences of its recent isolationist history (which is unprecedented among other post-socialist states), were intentionally selected for this research as atypical cases. Acknowledging the lack of consensus about the Europeanization phenomena in the academic community, the authors decided to rely on indicators that focus not only on institution-building and policy-making processes in the technical sense, but also in the processes of construction and diffusion of formal and informal rules, procedures, styles and shared beliefs, norms and identities that are being transmitted from the European to the national level. Based on qualitative research comparing the two countries – that is, Albania and Croatia – and using a number of indicators, the authors conclude that while Europeanization is an important part of European politics in general and the EU accession process in particular, it does not result in having a uniform impact on different candidate countries. On the contrary, the pace of integration depends on the specific domestic political context, on the role of the institutions, and on the processes of adaptation to the European political environment.
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Mizik, Tamás. "Land policy and farm structure: Challenges and opportunities for agriculture in the Western Balkan." Society and Economy 38, no. 2 (June 2016): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.2.2.
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Although Western Balkan countries are quite different, they can all be characterised by their one shared goal, to achieve the quickest possible accession to the European Union. Even though agriculture plays an important key role within all Western Balkan states, it’s share is the highest in Albania and only Serbia has a trade surplus. Land is a key production factor but all the analysed countries can be characterised by fragmented land structure and low average farm sizes. Mostly based on land ownership issues, a land reform index can be calculated. The major contribution of this paper to the literature is the reevaluated land reform index for the Western Balkans.
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Qorraj, Gazmend, and Gezim Jusufi. "The EU Stabilisation and Association Agreement for the Western Balkans: Between Challenges and Opportunities." Croatian International Relations Review 24, no. 81 (May 1, 2018): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2018-0003.
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Abstract The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the four Western Balkan countres — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries1. The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.
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Romanenko, Sergei. "STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: RESEARCH TASKS AND PROBLEM FORMULATION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.01.
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The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-socialist world (Bulgaria, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). The exceptions are Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, however, these three states are also going through a difficult period in their history, associated with new problems both in interstate relations within this triangle, and in relations with NATO and the EU, as well as with Russia. The article discusses the specifics of translating the terms «people» and «national» into Russian, as well as the toponym Kosovo (Serb.) / Kosova (Alb.), and ethnonyms «Bošnjak» and «bosanac». The first part of the issue contains articles devoted to general problems of regional studies: the relationship between the terms Eastern Europe, Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Balkans, Western Balkans; comparative and political science subjects; the role of the European Union and China in the development of the region; the relationship of national Serbian, post-Yugoslavian and European culture and intellectual heritage as well. The second part of the issue examines the relations of the Balkan states with the states of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Romania, Belarus), as well as the specifics of their development in the post-socialist period. Thus, there is the possibility of a multilateral - historical, political and cultural, as well as comparative analysis of the development of this complex region, which is of great importance for international relations worldwide.
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Simon, Djerdj. "Economic transition in Yugoslavia: A view from outside." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
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Osmani, Myslym, Rezear Kolaj, Petar Borisov, and Ekaterina Arabska. "Why agricultural policies fail and two cases of policy failures in Albania." Agricultural and Resource Economics: International Scientific E-Journal 8, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/are.2022.08.02.05.
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Purpose. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of economic policy failure in general and agricultural policy failures in Albania in particular. At the same time, the very concept of policy failure is a matter of our interest. To achieve our goal, we have conducted a basic literature review. The most important aspect of interest in the study is the investigation of two cases where agricultural policy in Albania has failed.
Methodology / approach. To conduct the study we use several methods: a review of general literature in relation to government policy failure; review of specific literature regarding farm size and cooperation; review of national policy or strategic documents regarding agricultural and rural development in general and farm size and cooperation in particular; review of national statistical evidence about farm size and cooperation in Albania, and data from international sources such as The Global Economy.
Results. The study is based on the widely recognized evidence that the concept of failure is multidimensional and not uniquely defined. The study contributes to identifying and summarizing some of the main causes of policy failures. Government policies generally fail when intervention leads to inefficient allocation of resources and an overall decline in people’s well-being when they do not increase production, productivity, or revenue, or when society does not achieve the policy objectives set. Policy failures are generally related to the weakness of institutions. Institutions are weak when they fail to perform effectively the three basic functions that are commitment, coordination, and cooperation. In the case of agricultural policies in Albania, the study analyzes the extremely low level of collective action and the small size of farms, which has remained almost the same and fragmented throughout the 30–year period of economic and social transition. Strong institutions responsible for drafting and implementing legislation and developing policies, characterized by the professionalism and high performance of their staff, are the only guarantee for achieving the policy objectives for sustainable agricultural development and accelerating the process of Albania’s integration into the European Union.
Originality / scientific novelty. The literature points out that: (1) government effectiveness, (2) rule of law and (3) weak control of corruption are the root causes of all policy failures, including agricultural policy failures. We analyze the data on these indicators for Albania and some other countries in the Western Balkans region and try to draw conclusions about their impact on the two policy failures we are interested in, which are the serious lack of collective action in the agricultural sector and the small size of farms in Albania. No previous research has been focused on agricultural policy failures, at least in Albania.
Practical value / implications. The study may be useful for the discussion and evaluation of the impact of policies, and performance of related institutions in Albania. It emphasizes not only the need of reforming these bodies but also suggestions for future research on policies and their effectiveness in Albania and beyond.
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Osmani, Myslym, Rezear Kolaj, Petar Borisov, and Ekaterina Arabska. "Why agricultural policies fail and two cases of policy failures in Albania." Agricultural and Resource Economics: International Scientific E-Journal 8, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/10.51599/are.2022.08.02.05.
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Purpose. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of economic policy failure in general and agricultural policy failures in Albania in particular. At the same time, the very concept of policy failure is a matter of our interest. To achieve our goal, we have conducted a basic literature review. The most important aspect of interest in the study is the investigation of two cases where agricultural policy in Albania has failed.
Methodology / approach. To conduct the study we use several methods: a review of general literature in relation to government policy failure; review of specific literature regarding farm size and cooperation; review of national policy or strategic documents regarding agricultural and rural development in general and farm size and cooperation in particular; review of national statistical evidence about farm size and cooperation in Albania, and data from international sources such as The Global Economy.
Results. The study is based on the widely recognized evidence that the concept of failure is multidimensional and not uniquely defined. The study contributes to identifying and summarizing some of the main causes of policy failures. Government policies generally fail when intervention leads to inefficient allocation of resources and an overall decline in people’s well-being when they do not increase production, productivity, or revenue, or when society does not achieve the policy objectives set. Policy failures are generally related to the weakness of institutions. Institutions are weak when they fail to perform effectively the three basic functions that are commitment, coordination, and cooperation. In the case of agricultural policies in Albania, the study analyzes the extremely low level of collective action and the small size of farms, which has remained almost the same and fragmented throughout the 30–year period of economic and social transition. Strong institutions responsible for drafting and implementing legislation and developing policies, characterized by the professionalism and high performance of their staff, are the only guarantee for achieving the policy objectives for sustainable agricultural development and accelerating the process of Albania’s integration into the European Union.
Originality / scientific novelty. The literature points out that: (1) government effectiveness, (2) rule of law and (3) weak control of corruption are the root causes of all policy failures, including agricultural policy failures. We analyze the data on these indicators for Albania and some other countries in the Western Balkans region and try to draw conclusions about their impact on the two policy failures we are interested in, which are the serious lack of collective action in the agricultural sector and the small size of farms in Albania. No previous research has been focused on agricultural policy failures, at least in Albania.
Practical value / implications. The study may be useful for the discussion and evaluation of the impact of policies, and performance of related institutions in Albania. It emphasizes not only the need of reforming these bodies but also suggestions for future research on policies and their effectiveness in Albania and beyond.
10
Nisnevich, Y. "Fighting Corruption: the Slovenian Phenomenon." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-36-48.
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Today, corruption remains a challenge for most post-socialist states. Unfortunately, this social pandemic was by and large inherited by these countries from the Soviet regime. A lot of representatives of that regime, who actually were the instigators of corrupt practices while governing a state, managed to keep their posts in power even after the regime change. In this way the representatives of the old regime facilitated further spread of corrupt practices in new governments. The research, conducted in cooperation with Professor Peter Rozic (USA), indicates an interesting phenomenon: lustration (in other words, the purge of government officials once affiliated with the Communist system) is indeed an effective mechanism to do away with corrupt legacy of a previous government. In the majority of post-socialist states (except for Albania and Bulgaria), where lustration was carried out in one form or another, we can observe a cleanup of the Soviet times instigators' corrupt practices in public authorities. Interestingly enough, nowadays, the corruption situation in these countries is considerably better than in those were lustration was not conducted. However, it is worth noting that lustration per se is not the panacea for corruption, but it does help to create a fertile ground and serves as a springboard for further anti-corruption measures and reforms. Yet what we see in Slovenia is, in fact, an obvious deviation from this pattern. Lustration was not carried out here. Nonetheless, the country is among the best anti-corruption performers and can be compared with Estonia, where lustration took place. Today, Estonia is ranked by Transparency International’s CPI as a top performer among all other post-Soviet and post-socialist states. We, therefore, decided to look deeper into Slovenian anti-corruption efforts made by the new democratic government after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and to understand the reasons underlying its success in this field. Our research findings indicate that the first factor, which sets this situation apart, was filtering out the government authorities that could bring corrupt relationships or practices of the old Soviet regime, and replacing them with representatives of the nationally-oriented elites. This kind of purge, supposedly complemented by the factor of a small territorial and demographic size, created the advantageous conditions for corruption to be contained right from the start before it would become widespread. The second factor was following the GRECO recommendations to take institutional and legal anti-corruption measures during the process of accession to the European Union. Another defining characteristic of Slovenia is a relatively high quality of the political and good governance principles implementation inherent to the polyarchic democracy, which allows for corruption to be dealt with and kept at low levels through constant civil checks and balances over decisions and actions of authorities.
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Horodyskyy, Ivan, Andriy Borko, and Mariia Sirotkina. "ADAPTATION OF UKRAINIAN CORPORATE LEGISLATION TO EUROPEAN STANDARDS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 3 (June 25, 2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-3-56-64.
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Defining the European vector of development of Ukraine in the model of international cooperation as a priority involves the use of European standards in the field of law. This is impossible without careful adaptation work to bring the domestic legal system in line with the system that exists in the countries of the European Union. Recent changes in legislation have been long-awaited and have been a breakthrough in the corporate and financial sectors. The authors aim to carry out a comprehensive analysis of Ukrainian corporate law by comparing the political governance of Eastern Europe, economic and political aspects of the current situation, problems of corporate governance and ways to solve them, and the current stages of adaptation of corporate law in its transformation to the EU’s norms. In February 2018, the European Commission proposed to consider 2025 a possible date for the accession of Serbia and Montenegro, which means recognizing these countries as the first league in the Balkans, even in case the EU Council does not approve this date. The second league was set by the Council in June 2018, when 2019 was marked as a possible conditional date for the opening of accession negotiations with Albania and Macedonia. While the third league is for the accession of Bosnia and Kosovo, for which no date has been set. Negotiations with Turkey have been suspended. For comparison, if we take into account both political and economic indicators, Ukraine is approximately equal to the Balkan states of the second league. The prospect of EU membership has been recognized as the strongest external factor in domestic political change in the countries surrounding the EU. In accordance with the requirements of the Association Agreement with the EU on corporate law (EU Directives No. 2001/34/EC, No. 2003/71/EC, No. 2004/109/EC, No. 2007/14/EC, No. 2007/36/EC, No. 2012/30/ ЕС, No. 2013/34/ЕС, Recommendations of the European Commission No. 2005/162/ЕС and No. 2004/913/ЕС) the Law of Ukraine No. 2210-VIII, the Law of Ukraine “On Limited Liability and Additional Liability Companies” dated February 06, 2018 No. 2275-VIII, amendments to the Laws of Ukraine №514-VI, “On Securities and Stock Market”, “On Business Associations”, the Economic Code of Ukraine, the Civil Code of Ukraine, the Criminal Procedural Code of Ukraine and other laws were made and came into force on July 1, 2021 in the Law of Ukraine No. 738-IX. European integration transformation of Ukrainian legislation in the context of protection of shareholders’ rights was manifested through the implementation of Directive 2004/25/EC in the Law of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine Concerning the Simplification of Doing Business and Attracting Investments by Issuers of Securities” dated March 23, 2017 No. 1983-VIII and the Law of Ukraine No. 514-VI. Ukraine’s economy has not yet recovered from the negative effects of the global financial crisis of 2008, the political coup, the national crisis of 2015, the current crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. This situation shows declining dynamics, and changes in Ukrainian legislation are offset, not showing real effect. The harmonization of Ukrainian legislation is complicated by the unwillingness of Ukraine’s business environment to comply with EU rules. Analyzing the activities of the JSC, the dynamics of the securities market, stock market and the transformation of Ukrainian legislation, the initiatives of certain branches of government, we can say that Ukraine is moving in the right direction but not fast enough and forms a country with a real market economy. Therefore, we can conclude that the adaptation of Ukrainian corporate law to EU legislation should be carried out not only in relation to existing EU directives but in accordance with general trends and prospects for the development of European corporate law.
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Ilirjani, Altin. "Albania and the European Union." Mediterranean Politics 9, no. 2 (June 21, 2004): 258–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1362939042000221312.
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Górecki, Maciej. "Proces akcesyjny Chorwacji do Unii Europejskiej – implikacje dla dalszych rozszerzeń Wspólnoty." Świat Idei i Polityki 15, no. 1 (December 31, 2016): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201609.
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This article analyzes the possible implications of Croatia’s accession process for further expansion of the Community (officially aspiring to membership in the European Union aspires five countries – Albania, FYROM, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey). In order to carry out the present historical relations between the EU – Croatia, the characteristic way of Croatia’s accession process on each of its stages, the state of its accomplishment by the designated official candidates, assessment of their nature of the relationship with the European Union and possible prospects for future membership.
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Lopandic, Dusko. "European Union in the new international surroundings." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 2-3 (2008): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803199l.
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The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA and the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China and Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union and its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA and become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, and the political and military components, in particular.
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Martynov, A. "Balkan in the Current European System of International Relationship." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-8.
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The historical period after the beginning of the global economic crisis has accelerated the transformation of the Balkan subsystem of the European system of international relations. In a strategic sense, the European Union faces a complex dilemma: to Europeanize the Balkans, or to risk the balkanization of Europe. The European Union, together with the United States, has overcome the scenario of European balkanization. Symbols for this were the completion of the process of joining NATO Albania, Montenegro, and Macedonia. It is critically important to overcome the conflict between Serbia and Kosovo. Russia is trying to maintain its influence in Serbia, which remains the last Russian outpost in the Balkans. Serbian society remains divided into a liberal pro-European segment focused on European and Euro-Atlantic integration, and a nationalist segment that hopes to reestablish the "Great Serbia" project on the verge of the 21st century. The peace in the Balkans can only bring the completion of the process of including this region into the system of European and Euro-Atlantic integration.
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Pilaca, Geri, and Alban Nako. "Splitting Apart: How the Soviet-Albanian Relations Came to an End." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 12, no. 4 (July 8, 2021): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2021-0028.
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Albania was the only Eastern European country to exit from the Warsaw Pact and consequently become diplomatically isolated by its member states by late 1961. Such an event was the result of the continuous accusations exchanged between the Albanian and the Soviet Leaders, primarily between Enver Hoxha and Nikita Khrushchev. In the midst of the turbulent Soviet-Albanian relations, China offered its alliance to Albania which only worsened the situation. This study aims to illustrate how the curve of the Albanian-Soviet partnership changed over time, starting from the Stalin era and finishing with the Khrushchev era. More precisely, this study explains how Khrushchev’s decision-making concerning other countries, especially Yugoslavia, pushed the Albanian leaders into changing attitude towards the Soviet Union and make alliances with Mao Zedong. Received: 2 May 2021 / Accepted: 15 June 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021
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Losha, Fation, Kenneth David Strang, and Narasimha Rao Vajjhala. "Assessing the Risk of Leveraging Technology in Small Businesses Entering the European Union." International Journal of Risk and Contingency Management 6, no. 4 (October 2017): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijrcm.2017100104.
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Small businesses (SB's) with less than 50 employees contribute significantly to the gross national product of transition economy countries in European Union (EU) nations where they account for 99% of all businesses. The EU is recognized as a strong effective fluid international trade system of 28 members and seven applicant countries in the process of integrating. The key advantages of joining the EU include untaxed cross-border product/service trade, better social systems, and improved economic stability. There are seven countries in a high-risk situation of attempting to join the EU. The highest risk these seven countries face is to leverage technology to facilitate the increasing demands of regulation administration and commerce imposed by EU standards. The purpose of this study is to examine the ability of SB's in an integration EU country to overcome risk by leveraging technology. The authors use SB's in Albania as a national case study population.
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Lopandic, Dusko. "Small and medium size states in international relations and in European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 1 (2010): 79–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1001079l.
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The position of small and medium size countries in international context has been studied. The main criteria of power in international relation is still the military and economic force, despite the fact that the size and resources of a country is not equivalent to its actual international influence. With the imposition of Vilsonian principles and with the creation of UN, the position of small and medium size countries has been somehow improved. It becomes even more favorable in the context of a well defined State coalition, which provides with some additional instruments of power. The European Union is the best example of a coalition providing a good framework for small and medium countries. In this article, six specifics mechanisms providing additional influence to small and medium size countries of the EU have been identified. They include the specificity of the EU legal system, decision making, the functioning of the EU bodies, the process of 'europeisation' etc.
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Khomutenko, L., and O. Ieremenko. "MULTICULTURALISM AS A DERIVATIVE PHENOMENON OF LABOR MIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Vìsnik Sumsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu, no. 1 (2019): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/1817-9215.2019.1-9.
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The article explores the essence of multiculturalism and its place in the politics of the European Union. This article looks at aspects of the impact of migration flows on countries of the world and world politics. It reveals the scope and main directions of international labor migration. The purpose of the article is to investigate the economic indicators of the countries most affected by irregular migration flows and to develop practical recommendations for improving the mechanisms of employment in international relations. Analyzing and summarizing the results of scientific works and research of domestic and foreign scholars, the tendency of characteristic changes of multiculturalism as part of cultural relations was considered. Several consequences of international labor migration from different countries are described. The importance of multiculturalism policy for international economic relations has been proved. Particular attention is paid to the problems and prospects of multicultural policy development in EU countries. Keywords: multiculturalism, migration, labor migration, emigration, immigration, economic migrants.
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Danilović, Nemanja. "Regional international organizations with a special focus on the European Union." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104233d.
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After studying international organizations, we may freely say that their international legal personality is undeniable, while their role in international law and international relations is of great importance. For that reason, this paper is dedicated to one type of such organizations - to regional organizations, that is, to the European Union as one of the most important international organizations of the kind. Although the European Union was created with the goal of connecting and integrating European countries and its nations, today it plays one of the leading roles in world politics. The paper follows the concept and types of regional international organizations, as well as emergence, development, characteristics, values and goals, and the institutionalism of the European Union. Today, undeniably, the European Union plays one of the leading roles in international political, economic, strategic, geopolitical, cultural and social relations.
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Горобець, Ігор, and Андрій Мартинов. "BALKAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 2 (2022): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-02/077-090.
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The aim of the article is to highlight the attempts of Balkan regional integration in the twentieth century and early XXI century. The Balkan region occupies a special place in European history. Various civilization influences intersect in the Balkans, and trade routes from Europe to the Middle East have traditionally passed. The uneven historical development of the Balkan peoples has led to the severity of the formation of nation-states and the dominance of conflicting internal regional and external interests in the Balkans. The conflict potential of Balkan history was due to the clash of ideas of "great" state formations in the form of "Greater Serbia", "Greater Albania", "Greater Serbia", "Greater Macedonia". An attempt to resolve these contradictions on an international basis was an attempt to implement the Yugoslav project. This project had two different implementation attempts. After the First World War, Yugoslavism was embodied in the format of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. After the Second World War, a more successful attempt at international integration was made in the form of Yugoslav federalism. However, exogenous processes have overturned the achievements of endogenous regional integration. The implementation of the European integration project of the Balkan countries depends on the readiness of the European Union to accept them and on the readiness of the Balkan countries to become part of the European Union. The European integration of the Balkan countries raises the question of the borders of the European Union. Turkey remains on the verge of civilization influences. Turkey's accession to the European Union is of strategic global importance. The qualitative characteristics of the European Union depend on the solution of this issue. The EU does not synchronize the accession process of the Balkan countries with the negotiation process with Turkey. It is impossible to do that, because Turkey is more than all the six Balkan countries that emerged after the breakup of Yugoslavia.
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Brusis, Martin. "European Union incentives and regional interest representation in Central and East European countries." Acta Politica 45, no. 1-2 (April 2010): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2009.31.
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Nezirović, Senada, Ana Živko, Belma Durmišević, and Amna Hodžić. "Stabilisation and association agreement between the Western Balkan countries and the European Union." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 12, no. 2 (August 19, 2022): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2022.2.05.
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The European Union (EU) represents a certain partnership and alliance between states and countries. It is not governed as the United States of America, nor intergoverned as the United Nations. Member States of the EU are sovereign countries united to become privileged and globally successful. Every enlargement of the Union is significant, but the fifth enlargement has been recognised, so far, as the most significant, showing the unification of Eastern and Western Europe. However, the most significant enlargement is yet to come with the Western Balkan countries becoming Member States of the EU (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo and North Macedonia), considering the political and economic situation of the region. The European Commission has proposed the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) for South East Europe, as the most significant frame for the EU to ensure relations with the Western Balkan countries and to direct its overall enlargement policy to this part of Europe. Associations of the Western Balkans are usually negative, referring to weak economic development, wars and political instability, which have led to the pre-accession strategy for the EU membership known as the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA). The aim of this paper is to present the progress of the Western Balkan countries towards the EU membership, their current state, and the problems they face on that path and to explain the SAP and the SAA.
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Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
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The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
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Slyusarenko, Kateryna, Irina Maksymova, and Anastasiia Beskrovna. "INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF UKRAINE AND THE EU." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 30, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/3007.
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Foreign trade relations between Ukraine and the EU are developing under the terms of the Association Agreement coming into force. The article presents both positive and negative sides. The dynamics of foreign trade between Ukraine and the EU countries is analyzed, Ukraine's export and import structure is represented, as well as the proposed priorities of the development of foreign economic relations between Ukraine and the European Union
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Khairunnisa, Meyfitha Dea. "Ekspor Sampah Uni Eropa ke Indonesia sebagai Bentuk Eco-Imperialism." Transformasi Global 8, no. 2 (December 22, 2021): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2021.008.02.3.
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Environmental policy has become an important aspect in reviewing environmental issues in international relations. The European Union is a regional institution that has been very active in international environmental cooperation. However, at the same time the European Union is one of the largest waste exporters to countries in Asia, including Indonesia. Waste export is a free trade mechanism that allows developed countries to send waste to developing countries to be processed as industry materials. This then becomes contradictory to the commitment of the European Union in promoting environmentally friendly policies and policies for the export of waste are considered as a form of eco-imperialism. This article discusses how the waste export policy by the European Union has become a form of ecological colonization for Indonesia as a waste recipient. Keywords: waste export; eco-imperialism; environmental policy
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Liargovas, Panagiotis, and Spyridon Repousis. "International Development Assistance and Economic Growth: the Case of Four Southeast European Countries." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 3 (2013): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03703002.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of international development assistance on economic growth in the case of four Southeast European countries, Albania, Bulgaria, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia, during the period 1991-2010. Foreign aid as additive to domestic savings is expected to cause an increase in economic growth and domestic savings. Surprisingly, our empirical results do not support this hypothesis, since foreign aid is negatively related to domestic savings. These results are consistent with the notion that foreign aid transfers can distort individual incentives, and hence hurt savings and growth, by encouraging rent-seeking as opposed to productive activities.
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Martynov, Andrii. "The European Union in the postmodern system of international relations." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.2.
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In the history of international relations, discussions continue on the definition of criteria and chronological boundaries of different systems of international relations. The purpose of the article is to consider the theoretical and practical problems of positioning the European Union in the postmodern system of international relations. The Modern period was characterized by a block approach to security. The postmodern system of international security is based on a combination of hierarchical and network characteristics of the international system. The sovereign states of the European Union are often critical of each other, although this fact may for some time be masked by the need for solidarity in relations with the outside world and its risks. As soon as the factor of identity or proximity of interests is leveled off, the motives for concerted joint action disappear. Real politics is also influenced by the idea of European integration of many speeds. Following the enlargement of the EU to 28 member states (before the withdrawal of the United Kingdom), the core of European integration (the six founding members of the European Communities) and the concentric circles touching the core stood out. The accession of new EU member states to the highest achievements of European integration is possible at different speeds. Neutral EU countries such as Finland and Sweden have responded to Russia’s war against Ukraine by applying to join NATO. The United States still has a special consolidating role in the alliance. The postmodern multipolar system of international relations will consist of several hierarchical structures. First, it will be transformed military-political blocs, and secondly, networks of interaction between states that are regional leaders in their regions. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has consolidated the European Union and the United States. The Euro-Atlantic space is in fact a consolidated pole of power in the postmodern system of international relations. The United Kingdom is ensuring the expansion of the Euro-Atlantic space through the AUCUS into the Pacific. The postmodern system of international relations is multipolar. It is not limited to bipolar US-China confrontation. In the postmodern system of international relations, the European Union is not only a pole of power, but also its typological symbol.
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Kovačikova, Hana. "Western Balkans Regional Common Market: What lesson can be taught from EEA?: A case study of public procurement." Strani pravni zivot, no. 4 (2020): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spz64-29635.
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The European Union pursues on the international scene to safeguards its values, support the rule of law, foster the sustainable economic, social and environmental development and support the integration of all countries into the world economy including through the progressive abolition of barriers on international trade. Trade agreements are used as an effective tool to this end. Within its present external action, European Union tries to cover its trade relations regionally homogenously. Through regionally homogenous trade agreements, Union can export its values, principles, and rules easier, which is also a way of strengthening its position geopolitically. This paper analyses trade agreements concluded between the European Union and candidate countries from Western Balkans. All these agreements recognise the accession to the European Union as their final goal. To achieve it, candidate countries need to fulfil various conditions, including the approximation and harmonisation of their legal orders with the EU acquis. Just recently (in November 2020), Western Balkans countries' leaders announced the creation of Regional Common Market which shall serve as a tool for approximation with European Union's Internal Market Rules. To this regard, author analysed the European Economic Area, where the export of European Union's Internal Market Rules was successfully realised, and which might therefore serve as an example for pre-accession cooperation between Western Balkans countries and European Union. Author chose the area of public procurement as a model case study.
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Lazowski, Adam. "Enhanced multilateralism and enhanced bilateralism: Integration without membership in the European Union." Common Market Law Review 45, Issue 5 (October 1, 2008): 1433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2008097.
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Over the years the European Union and the European Communities have developed political and legal relations with third countries. Yet, legal integration with third countries without their membership in the club is a relatively new phenomenon employed, inter alia, in the relations with the EEA countries, the Swiss confederation and countries of Western Balkans (within the framework of the Energy Community). To reflect the nature of these new frameworks in the field of external relations, the notions of “enhanced multilateralism” and “enhanced bilateralism” are used. Arguably, the shared legal framework has led to the creation of the European Union Legal Space whereby selected pieces of acquis are applicable between the EU and the third countries. This, being a fascinating jigsaw puzzle of legal regimes, may be a source of concern as such forms of integration are capable of undermining the coherence of the EU legal order in the long run. This article looks at these models of integration and makes an attempt to identify the main benefits and risks.
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Kukavčić, Jasena, Ivo Bićanić, and Vjerana Spajić. "The Post Recession Growth Prospects of South East European Economies." Southeastern Europe 34, no. 2 (2010): 193–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633310x507475.
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AbstractThis paper starts with a discussion of how the world recession as an external shock influenced the already vulnerable South East European (SEE) economies. All countries except Albania and Kosovo experienced a recession as well as a termination of the foreign debt based heating-up that generated high growth rates after 2000. The paper provides an overview of states' policy responses, with individual countries surveyed in the appendix. We argue that, with the exception of Albania, all SEE economies started with a fiscal expansion, which coincided with elections in which the existing governments were not re-elected. This was followed by public finance crises, fiscal consolidation and more active monetary policy which averted a financial crisis, with only three of these economies turning to the IMF for help. Nevertheless, the cumulative effect was an extended trough. The paper then discusses the recession's impact on growth in terms of three growth projections derived from historical experience and two ad hoc benchmarks. We examine the consequences of returning to a lower post recession growth trajectory and calculate the time required to return to secular growth and achieve chosen benchmarks. The conclusion for both is that convergence time varies from less than a decade to no convergence before 2040, with the exception of Albania.
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Furåker, Bengt. "European trade union cooperation, union density and employee attitudes to unions." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 9, 2020): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920933118.
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European trade unions have much to gain from cooperating with each other. Such cooperation does exist, but it is still fairly limited and many obstacles need to be overcome if cooperation is to be improved. According to our survey data, higher-level union officials regard differences concerning financial resources and national labour market regulations to be particularly substantial barriers to cooperation. The enormously varying union density across Europe, and its general decrease, also creates barriers. Therefore, employee attitudes to unions are examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme. As expected, union members tend to be more positive about trade unions than non-members. The most interesting finding, however, is that employees in some countries with low union density exhibit fairly positive views or at least views that are not less positive than what we find among employees in many countries with higher density rates. This suggests that there is potential for recruiting members.
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Toggenburg, Gabriel N., and Karen McLaughlin. "The European Union and Minorities in 2013." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 255–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_011.
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This article reflects selected developments that took place from 1 January to 31 December 2013 both in the EU’S internal policies (Section ii) as well as in the EU’S external relations (Section iii). With regard to the internal dimension, developments in the field of Roma integration, the fight against hate crime and the protection of minority languages are traced. For the external dimension, the article covers the EU’S enlargement policy, its policies vis-à-vis countries in its wider neighbourhood in the East and in the South, and finally, the EU’S engagement at the broader international level.
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Bourantonis, Dimitris, Sarantis Kalyvitis, and Constantine Tsoutsoplides. "The European Union and Greece: Political Acceptability and Financial Transfers." Politics 18, no. 2 (May 1998): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00065.
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In this paper a conceptual model is developed that relates loyalty to a community of countries to the material benefits derived from it, measured by the transfer of extra income. We argue that the extent of a country's welfare, and consequently its acceptance to participate in a community increase together with the latter's scope for influence on the former. We use the paradigm of Greece, which is one of the main recipient countries in the EU. It was found that financial transfers concerning regional policy affect in the long-run ‘the acceptance of European integration’ by the public in Greece while social policy funds appear to have short-run positive effects on public opinion.
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Antokhiv-Skolozdra, O. M. "Canada-EU relations in political sphere." Актуальні проблеми філософії та соціології, no. 27 (April 8, 2021): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/apfs.v0i27.935.
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The article considers the peculiarities of formation and development of relations between Canada and the European Union in political sphere. It points out that the common essence of approaches to modern international relations serves as a potential basis for building bilateral cooperation on the issues of establishing political cooperation. In the course of research on Canada’s foreign policy it was noted that there is a number of features that are due to both internal context and external factors. In particular, it refers the peculiar nature of Canadian statehood, the existence of two linguistic communities, geographical location, and immediate neighborhood with the United States. It emphasizes the similarity of Canada’s positions with the approaches of European countries to solving a number of problems of modern world development. The importance of maintaining the transatlantic connection is among the significant issues. At the same time, it should be taken into account that there are peculiarities of establishing and maintaining relations between Canada and the European Union. On the one hand these are the relations with a strong multinational association and on the other – with each individual member state. It is noted that, despite the long historical tradition in the relationship, the potential for cooperation between Canada and the EU is only partially used. It highlights the need for Canada to reach a new level in its relations with the European Union, provided that it maintains close relations with the United States of America. Areas of mutual interest, as well as problematic aspects of negotiations on a strategic partnership agreement between Canada and the European Union have been identified. Although Canada–EU relations are bilateral, they are evolving in a broader international context. It is analyzed that Canada can be a valuable partner for the European Union in the field of international relations. This country should strive to be involved in the preparation of important international decisions in order to build common positions and ensure a sufficient level of coordination between the parties.
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LAMI, Blendi, and Kristaq Xharo. "Necessity for a Grand Strategy." Economicus 21, no. 2 (2022): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/bvvv9511.
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Articulations of notions such as “infringement of sovereignty”, “national union”, “national strategy” or “power capacities” should be done with great prudence by Albanian policy makers. Declarations of Albanian actors have also a direct impact on the behavior of international factor. Declarations of this nature must be filtered first in the “laboratory” of a national – or even grand strategy. Albanian national power determines the behavior of states such as Albania and Kosova. National power is the most popular “currency” for communication in International Relations. Each state uses its power to secure its interests in the international arena. The nature of this struggle for power can only be examined through an analysis of power competition with other nations. No nation can punch above its weight in international relations first and foremost without considering alliances. In this context, this article aims to shed light on the weight of a small state in the international arena, which can be determined by a national strategy. This article concludes that the Albanian geopolitical space need a Grand Strategy and small countries like Albania and Kosova must harmonize their foreign policy with its strategic allies.
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Makhovka, Viktoriia, and Olha Nesterenko. "Characteristics of international business development between ukraine and poland." ЕКОНОМІКА І РЕГІОН Науковий вісник, no. 2(73) (September 23, 2019): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26906/eir.2019.2(73).1623.
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The essence of international business, its active development and expansion, that influence the integration of economic systems and intensification of business relations between countries, are considered. The attention is paid to the international market of the European Union, first of all to Polish-Ukrainian cooperation due to the modern development of international business. The importance of the development of trade and business between Ukraine and Poland is determined, taking into account close relations in the field of economy, politics, culture and historical connections. The legal framework between Ukraine and Poland is substantiated, which ensures the proper development of bilateral cooperation at the level of strategic partnership and emphasizes the presence of an active dialogue between countries. The main agreements between Ukraine and the European Union, which influence the economic cooperation between Ukraine and Poland, are considered, taking into account Polish membership in the EU. The implementation of special projects by the European Union to support the development of Polish-Ukrainian cooperation is determined. The increase of the intensity of economic exchange between Ukraine and Poland, the active development of trade and investment in various spheres of business and the growth of economic indicators are determined. The peculiarities of the development of the small business sector and its influence on the stabilization of socio-economic processes between European countries are substantiated, emphasizing Poland's experience in development of the small business as a driving force on the way to economic integration. The main aspects and characteristics of international business between Poland and Ukraine are determined and the main differences in doing business in these countries are revealed, emphasizing the perspectives of development.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
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Mucmataj, Ilda. "The Impact Of Rome I Regulatıon In Albanıan Prıvate Internatıonal Law." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 4 (February 28, 2016): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n4p150.
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In terms of globalization, the economic activities have overcome national boundaries of states. So due to people’s mobility and their frequent relations in private field, the number of private international actions has increased as well, and gives in this way the importance of private international law. The conflict of law rules in the national law were not unaffected by European integration. So, the developments that took place in the European Union in the field of private international law over the past years had a large impact on the national conflict of laws rules in Albania, especially on the conflict of laws rules of certain specific areas of law. The aim of this article is to analyze the interaction between European Union law and the Albanian conflict of laws rules in the area of contractual obligations. So on one hand, I have presented a general analysis on the main provisions of the EC Regulation No. 593/2008 of The European Parliament and of the Council of 17 June 2008 on the Law applicable to contractual obligations, known as (Rome I), as the role of the European Union is becoming increasingly active in PIL. While, on the other hand I have presented a short introduction of the historical development of APIL and its characteristics and then I have given a comparative view of Albanian Private international Law relating to the contractual obligations with the focus on party autonomy provisions. The article concludes with a short conclusion.
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Lodge, Juliet. "European Union and the EFTA countries: enlargement and integration." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (January 1995): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624064.
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Manero Salvador, Ana. "The drastic change of the EU relationship with ACP countries in the context of international economic relations." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 13, no. 1 (March 11, 2014): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-05-2013-0015.
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Purpose – The aim of this paper is to analyze the adjustment of relations between the EU and ACP countries to multilateral requirements. Design/methodology/approach – Has been carried out an analysis of the previous situation, the reasons and the result of the adjustment. To do this, they have been pursued literary and documentary sources. Findings – The European Union's relations with the ACP countries have changed drastically. Now there is no unity of action of ACP, and the relations with the EU relations are atomized. Originality/value – The submitted article summarizes and critically analyzes the evolution of the European Union's relations with ACP countries. The relationship with the ACP has been historically and currently lost its specificity, so it is diluted in the context of the external action of the European Union.
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Winzen, Thomas, and Frank Schimmelfennig. "Explaining differentiation in European Union treaties." European Union Politics 17, no. 4 (July 8, 2016): 616–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516640386.
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Since the early 1990s, European integration has become increasingly differentiated. Analysing the conditions under which member states make use of the opportunity to opt out of, or exclude other countries from, European integration, we argue that different explanations apply to treaty and accession negotiations, respectively. Threatening to block deeper integration, member states with strong national identities secure differentiations in treaty reform. In enlargement, in turn, old member states fear economic disadvantages and low administrative capacity and therefore impose differentiation on poor newcomers. Opt-outs from treaty revisions are limited to the area of core state powers, whereas they also occur in the market in the context of enlargement.
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Wróbel, Izabela. "The ‘green’ agreement between the European Union and Japan." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (October 19, 2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17582.1.
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In the European Green Deal, the European Commission expressed its will to build alliances with European Union’s (EU) partners who have a similar approach to environmental protection. The first green alliance was concluded by the EU with Japan on 27 May 2021. The aim of the paper is to analyse the content and nature of this alliance and to assess its potential effectiveness as an instrument for the implementation of the European Green Deal and its possible impact on international relations and respectively EU, national, and international legal norms in the field of the environment. As shown in this study, the first green alliance is not a model solution. On the one hand, this instrument requires a formal correction (involving Member States and relevant EU institutions in adopting any amendments in line with the principles of division of competences between the EU and its Member States and institutional balance, clarification of the nature of obligations), on the other hand, it is deeply embedded in the unique international legal framework of EU-Japanese relations. However, the first green alliance has great potential to influence the EU's relations with other third countries and the content of the resulting legal norms at various levels.
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Hamzaoui, Djaouida. "European Neighborhood Policy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.105.
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In 2004, the European Union proposed a project entitled the European Neighborhood Policy as a new strategic option. The project had been adopted by the European Council one year earlier in a proposal to the concerned states. The European Neighborhood Policy proposes the development of the scope of cooperation between the European Union and the southwestern Mediterranean countries through several political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Yet, the sphere of security is set at the top of its priorities. It is based on the principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, as well as on establishing security and stability between the countries on the two shores of the Mediterranean neighboring Europe. This would be based on a common framework and a larger volume of mutual cooperation that is embodied in a genuine partnership that would confront common challenges. The study explores and provides an answer to the following question: To what extent can the European Neighborhood Policy be considered a representation of regionalism and the embodiment of a genuine European desire through which it would be able to build a “security group” in the Mediterranean basin?
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Galella, Patricio. "The No Drawback Rule in EU Preferential Agreements." Global Trade and Customs Journal 18, Issue 1 (January 1, 2023): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2023003.
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Drawback is a tool available to countries to promote their exports but also a measure that harms trade liberalization. This article argues that the no drawback rule in European Union preferential agreements does not apply when the exemption or reduction of duties derives from an EUR.1 or an origin declaration in application of that agreement. On the other hand, this reasoning cannot always be extended when the exemption of duties derives from the application of an inward processing regime. Therefore, an operator in the European Union will find more convenient and smoother to establish trade relations with operators located in countries with which the European Union has concluded preferential trade agreements. no drawback, origin, inward processing regime, preferential treatment, Approved Exporter, EUR.1
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Burnete, Sorin, and Pilasluck Choomta. "The Impact of European Union’s Newly-Adopted Environmental Standards on its Trading Partners." Studies in Business and Economics 10, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sbe-2015-0031.
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Abstract The adoption by the European Union of environmental and social standards seems to affect trade relations with countries from outside the Union. Most seriously hurt are a great number of developing countries that are highly dependent on the European market for their exports. Complying with the said regulations means higher production costs, which eat into the respective countries’ international competitiveness. However, for all the widespread discontent, many developing countries are taking steps in order to adjust their production and export systems to the new rules. Unfortunately it will probably take a long time until full compliance is achieved. Meanwhile, in the short run, the frequent clashes between developing countries and their partners in the West in respect of environmental and social issues are disrupting the smooth functioning of international trade.
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Siskos, Evangelos, and Konstantia Darvidou. "Bilateral trade and tourism relations between the EU and BSEC countries." Problems and Perspectives in Management 16, no. 4 (October 26, 2018): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.16(4).2018.09.
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The European Union and the Black Sea Economics Cooperation countries are geographical neighbors and important trade partners. Greece, Bulgaria and Romania have a cross-membership in both organizations. The paper analyzes trends and structure of trade relations of the EU and BSEC countries. The EU trade with the 12 BSEC countries is about 640 billion dollars. The BSEC countries with the EU membership or a custom union with the EU have more intra-industry trade with the EU than other BSEC countries. International tourism is an important component of the trade in services between the regions. Following the review of the factors of international tourism demand, a gravity model for tourism arrivals is presented. The model considers demand in the country of origin, international tourism capacities in destination countries and distance. The analysis helps to determine under-traded and competitive destinations in the BSEC countries for the EU travelers. Greece is the most efficient in attracting the EU tourists. Finally, country-specific differences in demand factors are considered.
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Mărășescu, Cristina. "The Emergence of an European Union Cultural Diplomacy." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Negotia 65, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbnegotia.2020.3.03.
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"On 16 April 2020, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) released preliminary figures according to which the collective Official Development Assistance (ODA) from the European Union (EU) and its Member States to developing countries amounted to 75.2 billion in 2019, representing 55.2% of global assistance. The EU and its Member States therefore maintain their position as the largest international aid donor. In spite of the vast amount of resources spent annually by the EU, there is widespread perception that the EU punches below its weight. Notwithstanding the undeniable positive impact that the EU external policies have on the ground, the EU’s role in international development remains mostly invisible. This paper presents the perception of the EU and EU’s policies abroad and makes the case for the necessity of an integrated and fully coordinated EU Public Diplomacy (PD) capable of communicating effectively and strengthening EU’s role as a global actor. It argues that culture has a substantial potential in Europe’s international relations, making the case for the necessity of an integrated and tailor-made EU Cultural Diplomacy. This paper shows that culture is a worthwhile investment in driving economic growth. Failure to capitalise on this would be a huge missed opportunity for Europe. Keywords: European Union, Economic Support to Developing Countries, Economic Growth, Public Diplomacy, Cultural Diplomacy, European External Action Service JEL classification: O10, Z10 "
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Tuitt, Patricia. "Transitions: Refugees and Natives." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 2 (2013): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002003.
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European Directive 2004/83 (the ‘Qualification Directive’) limits claims for asylum to those refugees coming from outside of the European Union. This provision institutionalises a long established practice in which member states of the European Union are presumed to be safe countries of origin and safe countries of asylum. This article argues that the European Union could not have come into being without producing refugees. With reference to the definition of refugee enshrined within Article 1.A (2) of the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees1 and the jurisprudence surrounding one key qualifying element of the definition – persecution – the article seeks to explore how the international law governing the status of refugee has been deployed to deny that the European Union is a place of origin of refugees.
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Dudauri, Tamar. "REGULATION OF LEGAL MIGRATION FROM GEORGIA TO EU COUNTRIES AND INTEGRATION INTO THE LABOR MARKET." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 07, no. 12 (2022): 4017–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2022.v07i12.018.
Full textAbstract:
Migration processes have become not only an important factor in modern international relations, but also have a serious impact on the state's domestic policy. In addition to combating illegal migration, protecting borders and providing asylum, an integral part of migration policy is also regulation of legal migration channels, including labor migration. Effective management of legal migration is in the common interest of EU member states and the EU as a Union. The paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the stages and principles of the formation of the supranational component of the regulation of legal migration in the European Union. The author pays special attention to the political and legal component, methods and tools of migration regulation in the European Union. The assessment of the current situation of the common migration policy of the European Union is of interest for the integration processes and the future development of the European Union.