Journal articles: 'Alawite'

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Sinkaya, Bayram. "Implications of the Syrian Civil War on the Alawites." Journal of Humanity and Society (İnsan & Toplum Dergisi) 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0379.

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Anti-regime demonstrations erupted in Syria in 2011 that turned into armed conflicts and then a civil war wrecked the country for over eight years have profoundly impacted all social groups. The Alawite background of the long-lasting ruling family, the Assads, and the growing sectarian characteristics of the conflict drew projections particularly on the Alawite community. Indeed, it was regarded very critical both for the continuation of the ruling regime, and for the potential success of its opposition. There have been many debates in various occasions on the Alawite’s relations with the opposition and the Assad administration, however, currently there are few scholarly researches on implications of the civil war with regard to the Alawite community. Moreover, the existing literature underexplored communitarian concerns of the Alawites and effects of clashes on them. It also underestimated breaks among the Alawites, and their complicated relations with the regime and the opposition. This article aimed at analyzing the position of Syrian Alawites in a period that start with the anti-government demonstrations that evolved into the civil war. In this respect, it reviewed the Alawites’ relations with both the Assad administration and the opposition, and it discussed implications of the civil war on this community. It appeared that the Alawites did not act in a monolithic way in the face of anti-regime demonstrations; while some of them stood behind the Assad administration, a considerable part of them tended towards opposition. However, the growing sectarian color of the conflict that deepened sectarian concerns of the most of the Alawites, led them to extend their support to the Assad administration against the Islamist-dominated opposition. However, it did not mean that the Alawites had seamless relations with the Assad administration; and the Alawite support for the Assad could not be explained solely by sectarian reasons. There has been a number of sociological, historical and political factors that affected the Alawite choice.

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Krivets, E. А. "The Ethno-Religious Roots of the Syrian Alawites." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 40 (2022): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2022.40.71.

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The article examines the religious features of the Alawite religion and briefly describes the religious situation in Iran in the 3rd – 9th centuries. By the comparative characteristic of religious and political currents in Iran in the 9th century the author has come to the conclusion that the ancestral home of the Alawites was the land of Caucasian Albania or Arran. The above conclusions are supported by the ethnic factor as the political activity of ethnic groups and the territories they occupy in Iran. In addition, the author considers other factors that confirm the correctness of determining the origin lands of the Alawite tribes.

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Al-Tamimi, Aymenn Jawad. "LOOKING AT ALAWITES." Levantine Review 1, no. 2 (December 12, 2012): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v1i2.3049.

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This paper aims to provide some original discussion on the traditional Alawite religion, looking at current historical narratives of the Alawites during the French Mandate period in what in 1936 became the Syrian Republic. The paper also considers conceptions of identity in the modern era and perceptions of the Syrian civil war a Sunni-Shi’a conflict. Finally, it examines the position of Alawites in the current civil war in Syria, and discusses future options for the community.

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Mohamad, Tamam. "The Status of Religion/Sect-Based Linguistic Variation in Tartus, Syria: Looking at the Nuances of Qaf as an Example." Languages 8, no. 3 (July 13, 2023): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8030167.

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This study investigates the social and historical dynamics affecting the religion/sect-based linguistic distribution and associations of the Qaf variants, namely [q] and [ʔ]. The findings are based on the data gathered through interactions with 93 Arabic speakers from Tartus Center, Syria. The descriptive analysis reveals the presence of religion/sect-based linguistic distribution, with [q] being dominant mainly among Alawites and [ʔ] being dominant among Sunnis and Christians and increasingly becoming popular among Alawites of the urban regions. The paper highlights the emergence of [q] as a religiously, socially, and symbolically marked Alawite variant during the war, contrary to the [ʔ], which became a supralocal and religiously neutral variant that speakers of marked [q] backgrounds can resort to at times of tension and social pressure.

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Amal, Muhammad Khusna, and Nawirah Ali Hajjaj. "Pernikahan Nasbiyah Sayyid dan Syarifah (Studi Living Hadits di Kampung Arab, Kademangan, Bondowoso)." Al-Manar: Jurnal Kajian Alquran dan Hadis 7, no. 1 (November 4, 2021): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35719/amn.v7i1.5.

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In the Arab village of Bondowoso, precisely on the streets of HOS Cokroaminoto and KH. Asy'ari still maintains the custom of nasbiyah marriage. The focus of the research in this study is: what is the meaning of marriage according to the Alawite Arabs; why do 'alawiyyin Arabs in the past make a tradition of 'alawiyyin' Arab marriages; how the Alawite Arabs maintain the tradition of marriage between Alawite Arabs; and what are the views of the Alawite Arabs on the hadiths that prioritize their religious aspects. The results of this study are 1) Marriage is a physical and spiritual bond between a man and a woman to fulfill the purpose of married life as husband and wife by fulfilling the requirements and pillars that have been determined by Islamic law. 2) nasab is a descendant, so nasbiyah marriage is a marriage carried out by sayyid (Arabic man) and Syarifah (Arabic woman) to maintain the descendants that continue to the Prophet Muhammad. 3) it has become a tradition for Arabs to marry fellow Arabs as well, namely the Alawite group, besides that this tradition usually occurs because of the element of matchmaking by both parties, there is even a close family relationship between the bride and groom. 4) the view of the Arab Alawiyyin on the hadith prioritizes the religious aspect, if the lineage is good then the religion will be good too.

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Qaddour, Jomana. "Unlocking the Alawite Conundrum in Syria." Washington Quarterly 36, no. 4 (October 2013): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2013.861714.

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7

Fildis, Ayse Tekdal. "Roots of Alawite-Sunni Rivalry in Syria." Middle East Policy 19, no. 2 (June 2012): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2012.00541.x.

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8

Omar, Yousef Hussein. "Alawites Rebellion in Syria Against Egyptian Rule (1834-1835)." ALEVİLİK–BEKTAŞİLİK ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ, no. 22 (December 27, 2020): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24082/2020.abked.285.

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The history of Alawites in Syria witnessed an important stage, when they rebelled against Egyptian rule 1834-1835, after centuries of living under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. This research deals with an introduction to the Alawites and their lives in Syria during the period of Ottoman rule until Muhammad Ali Pasha took control as part of starting a new era of Egyptian rule in Syria in 1832. This research also examines the reasons for the rebellion of the Alawites against the Egyptians in 1834: Disarm, Military Conscription, Cotton Press Machine, and Cutting Down Forests and Trees. The research also deals with the first beginnings of the rebellion and the most important events therein, in addition to the operations of the Alawite rebels in controlling the territories involved including Yunus rebellion, the robberies, the release of prisoners, and the execution of Druze soldiers. This is while also considering the efforts made by the Egyptian authorities to suppress the rebellion. The research also deals with the problem of the selling of Alawites women, the Egyptian reaction to it, and how the Ottomans dealt with the rebellion as a whole. The reasons behind the rebellion’s failure have also been discussed. The conclusion addresses the most important results of this research. This research relied on many contemporary Arab documents that recorded the details of the events of the rebellion, in addition to recent references that approach the rebellion through a form of analysis in terms of the circumstances of the rebellion and the reasons for its failure. This research is based on a descriptive historical method and the analytical method as much as possible, which is appropriate for this type of research.

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BAR-ASHER, Meir M. "Sur les éléments chrétiens de la religion Nusayrite-Alawite." Journal Asiatique 289, no. 2 (July 1, 2001): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ja.289.2.433.

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10

MOLLICA, Marcello. "The Twenty-Five Turkish Alawi From Tokat And The Creation Of The Alawite Bektash Italia in Lecco." Türk Kültürü ve HACI BEKTAŞ VELİ Araştırma Dergisi 96 (December 20, 2020): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.34189/hbv.96.006.

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11

Zarqani, Muhammad, and Sayyed Alireza Vaseii. "Alawite government of Tabaristan and its political and social ideas." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 6, no. 6 (2016): 2262. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2016.00360.9.

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12

Olmert, Josef. "Israel and Alawite Syria: The Odd Couple of the Middle East?" Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 7, no. 1 (January 2013): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2013.11446530.

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TEKİN, Erhan. "Dabke Folk Dance With Lyrics And Music in Hatay Arab Alawite Culture." Türk Kültürü ve HACI BEKTAŞ VELİ Araştırma Dergisi 96 (December 20, 2020): 573–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.34189/hbv.96.026.

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14

BOLAT, MAHMUT. "Division of Syria Under the French Mandate Government and the Alawite State." Türk Kültürü ve HACI BEKTAŞ VELİ Araştırma Dergisi 93 (March 13, 2020): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.34189/hbv.93.005.

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15

Blagojević, Jelisaveta. "Triple relations: The society, armed forces and civil authority in the context of political transition: The case of Syria." Vojno delo 73, no. 2 (2021): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2102031v.

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The study of civil-military relations, from the standpoint of political science, gains particularly relevance in the periods of transition, i.e. the attempt to change the existing regime through protests or rebellion of the dissatisfied masses. How the armed forces will react, i.e. whether they will remain loyal to the regime or take the demonstrators' part, depends, inter alia, on the closeness of the ties between the armed forces and society. The ethnic, national, religious and other structure of the armed forces, their main mission, the position in relation to the security services, as well as participation in the implementation of repressive measures, are some of the indicators of the relation between the armed forces and society. The objective of this paper is to study the impact of the social structure of the armed forces on their decision to (not) support the protests, based on the following hypothesis: If the structure of the armed forces is mostly composed of members of the ruling ethnic, sectarian, tribal and similar groups, it is more likely that they will support the regime. The hypothesis was tested on the case of Syria, where the armed forces decided to stay with Bashar al-Assad, which was analyzed through their sectarian-Alawite character, i.e. the identity of the Alawites religious sect, the main features of the Assad rule and the armed forces position in that regime. Using the case study method, it can be concluded that the case of Syria shows that if the social structure of the armed forces is a reflection of the structure of the ruling elite, they remain loyal to the regime because their survival depends on that regime.

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16

Yılmaz, Hacı. "The concept of secret in Anatolian Alewism Anadolu Aleviliği’nde sır kavramı." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 2 (July 5, 2017): 2200. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i2.4692.

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Groups embracing ideas that do not conform to the ideas prevalent in the society, may choose to keep some of their views secret from the rest of the society in order to avoid outside pressure. Alawites in the Islamic world have developed a similar reflex both to protect themselves from outside pressure and to maintain discipline within their own group. This paper tackles the notion of secret based on a passage found in the introduction of a Futuwwat Namah we came across in the Futuwwat Namah collection Number 8602 in the National Library Manuscripts Collection. The passage tells about how the Prophet disclosed to Ali some of the secrets he received during his dialogue with God in the Night of Ascension. Protecting this secret was deemed very important and although the nature of the secret is not to be found in any written or oral source, measures were taken to protect it from non-Alawites and penalties were set for those would reveal it. In this paper, the passage in question is transliterated in Modern Turkish Alphabet and presented to the reader. Also, there is a discussion of the nature of this secret and what this secret could be in the light of written Alawite sources namely Buyruks of Imam Jafar and Sheikh Safi and some modern works.Extended English abstract is in the end of PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetToplumun genel düşüncesi dışında fikirlere sahip olan gruplar dışarıdan gelebilecek baskılara maruz kalmamak için görüşlerinden en azından bazılarını toplumun diğer bireylerinden gizleme yoluna gitmişlerdir. İslam dünyasının içinde yer alan Aleviler hem kendilerini dış baskılardan koruyabilmek hem de kendi grup disiplinlerini sağlayabilmek adına bu yönde refleks geliştirmişlerdir. İşte bu araştırma, Milli Kütüphane Yazmaları arasında 8602 numaralı Fütüvvetname Mecmuası’nda yer alan bir fütüvvetnamenin baş kısmındaki Hz. Peygamber’in Miraç’ta Tanrı ile konuşmalarından bir kısmını Hz. Ali’ye sır olarak verilmesini anlatan bölümden hareketle Alevilikteki sır kavramı üzerinde durmaktadır. Başkalarından gizlenmesine büyük önem verilen sırrın mahiyeti ne sözlü ne de yazılı kaynaklarda yer almamasına rağmen, Alevi olmayanlardan bunların korunması hususunda bazı tedbirler alınmış, hatta sırrı açıklayanlar için bazı cezalar öngörülmüştür. Burada hem bahsedilen kısım Türkçeye aktarılarak okuyucuya sunulmuş hem de Aleviliğin yazılı kaynakları olan İmam Cafer ve Şeyh Safi Buyrukları başta olmak üzere modern çalışmalar ışığında sırrın mahiyeti tartışılmıştır.

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Kurshakov, V. "Shia Factor in Current Policies of Islamic Republic of Iran." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2012): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-11-24-32.

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Special emphasis in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) is laid on the Shia factor. Its role increased significantly after the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq was overthrown in 2003, and also as a result of both strengthening of Shiite radical organizations (“Hezbollah”), and a common rise of Shiite Muslims' civil consciousness in the Middle East during that period. As the biggest Shia country in the world, Iran lends support to groups of its adherents in the Persian Gulf region. Without its contribution, the post-war settlement process in Iraq may become much more complicated. Besides, Iran is bound by long-lasting cooperation ties with Bashar al-Assad Alawite regime in Syria. The whole range of issues is the focus of the author's attention in the article.

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KÜRKÇÜOĞLU, Süleyman Sabri. "Alevi-Bektaşi Kültürünün Deryası Kısas ve Yaşayan Bir Usta: Âşık Sefâî." Türk Kültürü ve HACI BEKTAŞ VELİ Araştırma Dergisi 96 (December 20, 2020): 459–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34189/hbv.96.021.

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Frieman, Yaron. "al-Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Khasibi: A Historical Biography of the Founder of the Nusayri-'Alawite Sect." Studia Islamica, no. 93 (2001): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1596110.

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Abbas, Shabbir A. "The Words of God to Prophet Muhammad." American Journal of Islam and Society 34, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v34i2.780.

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Sayyid Hasan Shirazi, a member of the famed Shirazi clerical family of Iranand Iraq, is best remembered for establishing the first Damascene Twelverseminary in the 1970s and his unfortunate 1980 assassination in Beirut. Alongwith his involvement in many political endeavors and leading dissident movementsagainst both the Iraqi Baathists and the Saudi royals, Sayyid Hasan wasnotable for his efforts to reconcile Syria’s heterodox Alawite community withthe more orthodox Twelver Shi‘i community. But beyond these leadershiproles, he was a prolific scholar. One of his works that received much praise inthe Arabic-speaking world, his twenty-five-volume Kalimat series, covered awide array of selected narrations ranging from those of God Himself to theAhl al-Bayt and the Twelve Imams, their companions, and previous prophets.The first volume, Kalimat Allāh, is a compilation of al-aḥādīth al-qudsīyah,which are not considered part of the Qur’an. A selected translation of KalimatAllāh is the focus of this review ...

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Adamczyk, Anita, and Fuad Jomma. "Arab Nationalism in Syria." Polish Political Science Yearbook 52, no. 1 (December 31, 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202251.

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Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and their citizens belonging to the family of the Arab nation. As a case study for Syria, this article analyses the basic concepts relevant to the subject (nationalism, the nation from the perspective of Islam, and Arab thought), the roots of pan-Arabism in Syria and its presence in the public and legal space. It also attempts to demonstrate that Arab nationalism helped the Syrian authorities (represented by the Alawite minority) blur national, ethnic, and religious differences and thus preserve the unity of society and state.

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علي, نسرين. "دور أميرات الأسرة العلوية في الحياة التعليمية The role of the princesses of The Alawite family in educational life." مجلة المعهد العالي للدراسات النوعية 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 413–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/hiss.2023.251127.

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علي, نسرين. "دور أميرات الأسرة العلوية في الحياة التعليمية The role of the princesses of The Alawite family in educational life." مجلة المعهد العالي للدراسات النوعية 3, no. 2 (January 1, 2023): 413–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/hiss.2023.281591.

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A., Aglan,. "INSCRIPTIONS ON THE GATES OF CITIES AND KASBAHS IN MOROCCO IN ALMOHAD AND ALAWITE ERAS: A COMPARATIVE VISUAL STUDY." Egyptian Journal of Archaeological and Restoration Studies 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ejars.2023.305196.

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Moghaddam, Mojtaba Ansari. "An Investigation of the Basics of Community Economic Security in Nahj al-Balagha." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 3, no. 1 (July 17, 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v3i1.40.

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Security in various dimensions (cultural, social, military, economic) is the most important human need that is of particular concern to the Islamic holy religion. Economic security is one of the important dimensions of security that is closely linked to the fate of society. Because the development of a society needs its economic progress. The Islamic religion has always introduced various rules for the economic system in order to achieve a desirable and healthy economy. Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (pbuh), the first Imam of the Shiites, has in his scientific and practical course precious tips of a healthy economy that, after the Holy Quran, is the most important source of economic security. The Alawite government is also an example of practical Islamic governments. During his caliphate, Amir al-Mu'minin (pbuh) made every effort to have a favorable economy and the people of that community to live in economic security. The Emir (pbuh) proposes various points and strategies for achieving economic security, These include: overseeing affairs, dealing with corruption, creating a culture of endowment, combating usury, combating hoarding, fair judgment, promoting the economy, reforming consumption patterns, equitable division of public property.

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Tayyab, Muhammad, Shahid Ahmad Afridi, and Maria Hamid. "Sectarian Divide as a Cause of Protracted Conflict: A Case of Syria (2011-18)." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 294–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.23.

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Since the people’s uprising in 2011 against the authoritarian regime of Bashar Al Assad and its oppressive policies, Syria is entangled in a long spiral of violent conflict. Though a number of factors explain the violent nature of war and its longevity, however sectarianism proved to be the most significant and the most dominant factors of all. The dominancy of minority Alawite community in the country led to the discrimination against other sects especially the Sunni majority, comprising 74 percent of the total population. Such prejudices against Sunnis and other sects have pitched Syrian people against the regime which evolved into a long and sectarian civil war that dominates the Syrian society till date. Applying Protracted Social Conflict Model, this paper tries to answer the question that how sectarianism played a role in the perpetuation of the Syrian civil war during 2011-2018. Using qualitative methods of analysis, the paper endeavours to dig out the roots of the current violent conflict in the country. For data collection and analysis, secondary sources in the form of books, research articles and other internet sources have been consulted in an attempt to analyse what is unknown on the basis of what is known.

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Brondz, Ilia. "I Am Accusing the Coalition of Alawite-Iranian-Hezbollah-Russian Federation in the Genocide and in an Ethnic Cleansing in Syria." Voice of the Publisher 05, no. 02 (2019): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/vp.2019.52002.

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Yashlavskii, A. "Extremist Groups in the Syrian Civil War: New Actors & New Threats." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-93-104.

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Since 2012 one can speak about a real civil war in Syria with participation of different political forces. Extremist Islamist jihadist groups like “Front al-Nusra” and “Islamic State of Iraq and Levant” (ISIL) play very active role among them. Relations between ruling elites and Islamists have been very complex in Syria during the past decades. On the one hand, Syrian Alawite regime is secular and nationalist. On the other hand, official Damascus used to be one of the sponsors of the militant Islamist anti-Israeli and anti-Western groups in the Middle East. Besides, Syria is a close ally of Islamic Republic of Iran and Lebanese Shi'ite Hizbullah. From our point of view, the union between Assad's Syria and Islamist groups was rather tactical than strategic one. Syria always played very important role for Sunni Islam, e.g., “the Land of Sham” had a big importance in eschatological beliefs of Sunni Muslims as a place of the final battle between Believers and Dajjal (Anti-Christ). Many foreign Islamist militant involved in Syrian War are inspired by this belief. Additionally, although a big majority of Syrians are Sunni, a dominance of Alawite sect in the political and social and economic life of the country disaffects of many Syrians with an escalation of Syrian conflict. Islamization of “Syrian revolution” is connected with cruel oppression of opposition by Assad's forces and powerless position of the West. At the same time, islamisation is a common feature of the Arab Spring. Arab Spring extremist Islamists have appeared along with relatively moderate Islamist and secular pro-Western groups. Foreign militant Jihadists play an important role in radicalisation of Islamist factor in the conflict. While Shi'ite groups (like pro-Iranian Hizbullah) regards Syria as a crucial part of Shi'ite belt from Mediterranean to Iran, Sunni extremists are not going to lose ground in the face of Shiite 'heretics'. The involvement of Arab Wahhabi monarchies (Saudi Arabia and Qatar) in the current turbulence must be also noted. ISIL is now the key actor of Syrian civil war. It is active not only in Syria but also in Iraq, the homeland of the organization. Initially, this Sunni militant group was closely connected to Al Qaeda. Now the relationships between them are rather tense because of ISIL’s efforts to overmaster another Jihadist group, “Front al Nusra”. The strategic aim of the ISIL is an establishment of an Islamic State (in Iraq and later in Syria) and the restoration of Caliphate. The tactics of the ISIL include guerrilla warfare and cruel terrorist attacks against military and civil people. In Syria ISIL fights against Assad's forces as armed opposition (both secular and Islamist) for control over territories and power. “Front al Nusra” (Front of Support of the Land of Sham People, FN) is genetically connected to ISIL. In terms of ideology there are no divergences between two groups, but they are rivals when it concerns the issues of popular support and political influence. Some Syrian people consider FN as a local group in contrast to foreign militants dominated ISIL. Activities of Jihadist groups is a real danger not only for Syria, but for the whole region and even worldwide.

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Pharaoh, Dr Ali Alwan. "Leadership and human Abbas bin Ali role (peace be upon him) In the eternal battle tuff year 61 AH An analytical study." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 214, no. 1 (November 11, 2018): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v214i1.625.

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Alawite family Immaculate has suffered early seventh decade AH serious repercussions came as a result of its commitment to the principles of the Islamic religion, as those family felt led grandson of the Prophet Mustafa (peace be upon him and his family and him) Imam Hussein bin Ali bin Abi Talib (peace be upon him) that Islam as a religion and principles and the values of its large importance in the details of the lives of Muslims began Anharomam negative hiring him by the leaders of Tbaa graduate Centers did not give it right, so Hussein's determination to combat these trends, including made available to him and his family from potential despite its simplicity, but it took way until the end, Hussein was a leader of that family, and his brother Imam Abbas ibn Ali (peace be upon him) associate him and holding a banner and committed to its principles and sacrificing Braanh and what has the strength, courage and Osama was the way one results and one murder in the end share everyone's courage details filled with noble principles, witnessed the land of Karbala in ten days reflected the the meanings of the tournament in clearer images, but Abbas, who was a leader and a wonderful human being was his receipts and tours in the fields of the right and the courage and selflessness and fulfillment we left off in the following lines recalling the tournament with great reverence and pride.

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Orlov, Vladimir. "Civil Protest and Islamic Partisanship in Morocco: Experience of the “Arab Spring”." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (2023): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021373-8.

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. The author examines the milestones in the emergence and development of the “February 20” movement (F20M) in Morocco during the Arab Spring, which had a profound impact on the social development of the Middle East and North Africa. The level of F20M’s cooperation/rivalry with Islamic parties/associations and reactions of Moroccan state to creation of a center of political mobilization of youth beyond its control is also evaluated. The analysis demonstrates the large set of political, legal and propaganda tools used by Moroccan Alawite monarchy to present the F20M as increasingly incompatible with all the set of traditional Moroccan values. The opposition of F20M to the King’s administration and its ambition to promote liberal democratic ideas in Moroccan society led this association to existential crisis. F20M’s message became inconsistent and less relevant when the King Muhammad VI systematically responded to social demands. Hasty implementation of the new Moroccan Constitution and parliamentary elections, which took place in November 2011, gave chance to the Justice and Development Party not only to enter the government, but to take a significant place in political life of the country. This skilful and moderate ‘Islamic policy’ framed F20M’s image as extreme and composed of fringe radical/revolutionary groups. So, this civic initiative was led to decline in the second half of 2012 – early 2013. A sec-ondary finding of this paper is that policy repressions combined with smearing campaigns turned the young reformists to radical opposition to the throne and helped to reproduce the soft authoritarian regime.

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Yıldırım, Cengiz. "Safeviler Hakkında İleri Sürülen Görüşler, Tartışmalar." Edeb Erkan 1 (May 20, 2022): 147–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.59402/ee001202206.

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The Safavids, who are the pioneers of Kızılbaş, continue their influence in our country and in the world today, as it was in the past, with their historical identity and philosophy. Safavids, XIV. It has played an important role on the Qizilbash-Alawite people living in Iran, Azerbaijan, Northern Syria, Anatolia and the Balkans from the beginning of the century to the present. However, the discussions on many issues discussed in the literature about the Safavids have not been concluded yet. On the one hand, this is the question of "Who are the Safavids?" It reveals the necessity of reviewing the answers given to the question and re-answering the existing question, on the other hand, the necessity of new studies reflecting different perspectives on Kızılbaş. The aim of this article is to make use of the literature around the name of the Safavids, and the issue of the pedigree of the Safavids, which is one of the most discussed topics about the Edabil Hearth, the Sheikhs and Shahs of this hearth. At the same time, the sectarian status of the family (Shiite, Sunni, Shafi) and the politicization of the sect brought the issue of descent to the fore among the Safavids. The fact that the Safavid lineage is based on four different ethnic origins, namely Sayyid/ Arab, Persian/Persian, Turkish and Kurdish, has further increased the interest in the subject. Considering all these, it is necessary to draw attention to the fact that the Qizilbash belief created by the Safavids has not been the subject of research and examination at the level that Turkish identity deserves, and that such studies are necessary to understand the ideas developed by the Safavid Sheikhs and Shahs and their followers (Kizilbash) living around the ideas is to put. Keywords: Safavids, Buyruk, Qizilbash, Ardabil.

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DÖGÜŞ, SELAHATTİN. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ALEVISM AND BEKTASHISM AND THE INTEGRATION OF ALEVISM WITH BEKTASHISM." Türk Kültürü ve HACI BEKTAŞ VELİ Araştırma Dergisi 105 (March 29, 2023): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.34189/hbv.105.004.

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In this article, contrary to the separation of Alevism and Bektashism, the integration of Alevism and Bektashism in the historical process will be discussed. Bektashism did not emerge from the Qizilbāsh, on the contrary, Bektashism and Alevism merged over time. While Kizilbash was common among nomadic Turkmen tribes in Eastern Anatolia, Bektashism was common among Yörüks in Western Anatolia, in Thrace, with the distinction made by the Ottomans. While it is seen that Ottoman nomads are more inclined to settled values and urban culture, it is seen that Alawite-Turkmen under the influence of Shiite-Safavid are more closely connected to nomadic-tribal values. In terms of time, the development of Bektashism as a sect structure and the evolution process of Qizilbāshism to Alevism are also different. Therefore, the view that two completely different phenomena in terms of time and space are seen as parts of the same organism and separated from each other over time does not reflect the truth. It is anachronism to make a general judgment by looking at the common elements between their socio-economic structures and their religious-cultural traditions. There are certain differences between Alevism and Bektashi rituals and cem rituals, and there are fundamental differences between the homogeneous structure of Alevism, which gives importance to lineage, and the heterogeneous structure of Bektashism, which absorbs even non-Muslims. In Turkey, both faith circles came together and fused under the influence of many political and social historical factors. The emphasis of Hacı Bektaş Veli and Shah İsmail to be of Khorasan origin is related to the issue of gaining legitimacy among the Anatolian nomads. The common element that brings these two formations together, which the researchers try to explain with religious syncretism, is undoubtedly Sufism. Keywords: Alevism-Bektashism, Hacı Bektaş Veli, Shāh Ismāʿīl, Turkman.

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Muhammad, Wildan Imaduddin. "Dayah, Tarekat Alawiyah, dan Kontestasi Praktik Agama di Aceh." ISLAM NUSANTARA:Journal for the Study of Islamic History and Culture 3, no. 2 (July 31, 2022): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.47776/islamnusantara.v3i2.412.

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Kaifiat Qulhu is a manuscript from Dayah Tanoh Abee, located in Seulimeum Aceh Besar, Aceh. The text explains the prayer wheel (wirid) of Q. 112 for self-salvation, parent-salvation and ancestors that referred to tariqa alawiya, especially to Abd Allah b. Alawi al-Haddad (1634-1720). This text was written by Muhammad Ali (d. 1969), eighth generation of Dayah Tanoh Abee, in 1328/1910. Kaifiat Qulhu, which illustrated the construction of religiousity in Tanoh Abee, outlines the character of diversity in Islamic practices and sufi order in Aceh that can be seen in two domains. Firstly, in how the text contains the critique of tahlil tradition to bless the death people that according to the text, it has no argument in hadith. Secondly, in evidence of transmission (ijazah) of tariqa alawiya beside Shattariya that was more popular in Aceh previously. This research finds that the manuscript is construct two things: first, dialectical discourse of tariqa in Aceh and second, the openness of Aceh’s Ulama to the differences.

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Figueiredo, Marcos Vinícius Mesquita Antunes de. "Dez Anos da Guerra Mundial da Síria: O internacional e o subnacional numa das maiores catástrofes humanitárias do Oriente Médio | Ten Years of Syria’s World War: International and subnational in one of the biggest Middle East Humanitarian Disaster." Mural Internacional 12 (November 16, 2021): e59456. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2021.59456.

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Syria’s War has totalized ten years in 2021 without any glimpse of possible solution. Several religious and ethnic groups struggle for power before Bashar Al-Assad Administration based on the shia-alawite minority, which, nevertheless, keeps control of the capital Damascus and the center-south of the country. This paper aims at researching how Syria Civil War resulted in an international deadlock between Western Powers and Russia in UN Security Council, as well as tracing a balance of a decade of this conflict. The methodology used was literature review coupled with official data on the conflict. All in all, one concludes with collective security theoretical approach that the pitfalls in solving Syria’s crisis is due to political disagreements among the permanent members of the UNSC over the role of ethnic and religious groups after the effects of Arab Spring in that country. Keywords: Syria War. Arab Spring. Security Council. RESUMOA Guerra da Síria completa dez anos em 2021 sem qualquer vislumbre de possível solução. Diversos grupos étnicos e religiosos disputam o poder com a minoria xiita-alauita do governo de Bashar Al-Assad, o qual, no entanto, retém controle da capital Damasco e do centro-sul do país. Este estudo tem como objetivo investigar como a Guerra Civil na Síria produziu uma neutralização internacional entre as potências ocidentais e a Rússia no Conselho de Segurança da ONU e traçar o balanço de uma década desse conflito. A metodologia utilizada foi a revisão da literatura combinada com dados oficiais do conflito. Ao final, conclui-se, com a perspectiva teórica da segurança coletiva, que a falência em solucionar a crise síria deveu-se às divergências políticas entre os membros permanentes do CSNU frente ao papel dos grupos étnico-religiosos depois dos efeitos da Primavera Árabe naquele país. Palavras-chave: Guerra na Síria. Primavera Árabe. Conselho de Segurança. Recebido em: 24 mai. 2021 | Aceito em: 23 set. 2021.

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Matar, Muhammed, and Ali Muhammad. "The political activity of Ziauddin Tabatabaei in Iran 1944-1946 AD." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 15 (November 18, 2013): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2013/v1.i15.6467.

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The history of Iran is of great importance to researchers and historians due to its sensitive location on the Arabian Gulf and its riches that were the focus of attention of major countries.Among the personalities who played a distinguished role on the Iranian political arena was Diaa al-Din Tabatabaei, who lived in three different stages of modern and contemporary Iranian history, the period of the Qajar state and its fall in 1925 AD, and the Pahlavi state, which was characterized by two different eras, the reign of Reza Shah 1926-1941 AD, and was succeeded by his son, Muhammad Reza. Pahlavi 1941-1979 AD, which completes an era with special features, whether with regard to Iran's internal situation or its external relations.Diaa al-Din was born in the city of Shiraz in 1888 AD from an Alawite religious family. His father worked as a preacher and preacher in the court of the Iranian Crown Prince Mozaffar al-Din Shah (1853-1907 AD). It is distinguished by its scathing articles against Iranian officials because of the bad conditions in which Iran lived, and it became clear from the beginning that Tabatabai leaned towards the British side because he believed that Iran would not advance economically and scientifically except through this cooperation. The first military coup in the history of the Middle East took place in February 1921 AD, but the political rivalry between Reza Khan and Diaa al-Din Tabatabaei eventually led to Reza Khan taking control of Iran and Diaa al-Din leaving Iran in June 1921 AD. Diaa al-Din remained in exile, roaming between Europe and Palestine Until 1943 AD, when he returned to Iran after the Allied forces forced Reza Shah to step down from power in 1941 AD because of his siding with the German side in World War II (1939-1945 AD), and the return of Zia al-Din witnessed a revival of right-wing forces in the face of the Tudeh Communist Party, and this is what we will control The light in our research, and Dia Al-Din's political life ended after his arrest in 1946 AD, to begin the stage of political retirement for Dia Al-Din, which lasted until his death in 1969 AD 0

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Suhail, Hadi Jabor, Wisam Shaker Selman, and Ali Hassan Hayyawi. "Rh Incompatibility: Prevalence, Knowledge and Attitude for Premarital Test Couples." Kufa Journal for Nursing Sciences 4, no. 3 (November 17, 2015): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36321/kjns.vi20143.2759.

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Objectives: The study aims to determine the extent of the spread of knowledge, attitudes direction of blood group mismatch between couples Methodology: Conducted cross-sectional on 550 couple study in Rusafa in Baghdad, for the period of 15th of January through April 2012 in the three specialized centers for screening couples before marriage which is Alawite, July 14, and Jamal al-Moussawi. The examinations before marriage include the examination of immune deficiency, and examination Special syphilis in addition to the screening of blood type for married couples. The study included all couples who reviewed during this period, voluntarily and without exception, giving them a copy of the questions prepared in advance to find out some details about the subjects included age, sex , educational attainment , and blood type for each pair. Data was analyzed by using percentage and chi square. Result: The highest prevalence rate among the holders of blood group (A) as it was 30.1 %, followed by holders of blood group (f) was 29.6 %, then the holders of blood type (b ) 27.2 % , and finally the holders of blood type ( AB ) it was 13.1 % The study found that the proportion of negative blood type was 4.2 % , including 3.6 % among females and 4.75 % for males. Also found that 41.7 % of the subjects knew about the nature of the tests performed as explained to them. Study that there is a relationship between the level of academic achievement for the pair and conviction Balmarjah examination , as was found to respond more educated couples ( 27.2 % ) while the least are illiterate ( 0.5 %). Conclusions: Less than half of the study group knew about the blood test done for them. Subjects with higher education gave the highest rate of true response, the illiterate on other hand gave the lowest true response about which case results in incompatibility. young age group attends their families and relatives for counseling about incompatibility , while the older age group attend medical advice at a higher rate . Recommendations: There is a great demand for a large sample to elevate the knowledge level about the Rh incompatibility. Premarital test should :be emphasized on for screening and education.

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Taylor, Jonah. "The Clash of Civilizations in the Syrian Crisis: Migration and Terrorism." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v2i4.25.

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The Syrian crisis can be the beginning of a new civilization conflict. Ethnic and religious pluralism is clearly evident in this country; Muslims: Sunnis, Duroz, Alawites, Shiites, and Ismailis; Orthodox Christians, Catholics, Maronites, Protestants, and Turkmen and Kurdish ethnic minorities. The Syrian crisis in 2011 appeared to be protesting against the ruling elite (Alawi). Due to the presence of various cultures and religions, it seems that this will make the Syrian crisis a prelude to a renewed clash of civilizations. The present research seeks to answer these questions: What are the basic propositions of the theory of the clash of civilizations and how is it represented in the Syrian crisis? Since according to Samuel Huntington, the foundation of civilizations, religious and cultural backgrounds, and cultural and religious identities are the main source of the clash of civilizations; Therefore, the war on terrorism, the Syrian crisis, the emergence of ISIL and the presence of the US military and international interventions, the competition of regional and trans-national powers, is express the clash of civilizations.

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Güngör, Özcan. "Nusairis/Arab Alawites Between Change and Taqiyya." İnsan & Toplum Dergisi (The Journal of Human & Society) 5, no. 9 (June 15, 2015): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/human.society.5.9.m0117.

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Mohammadi, Shoayb, Vladyslav Butenko, Zohreh Ghadbeigi, and Masoumeh Ahangaran. "The Clash of Civilizations in the Syrian Crisis." Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 11, no. 31 (October 1, 2020): 302–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46925//rdluz.31.19.

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The Syrian crisis may be the beginning of a new conflict of civilizations. Ethnic and religious pluralism is clearly evident in this country: Muslims (Sunnis, Druze, Alawites, Shiites and Ismailis); Christians (Orthodox, Catholics, Maronites, Protestants) and Turkmen and Kurdish ethnic minorities. The Syrian crisis of 2011 seemed to go against the ruling elite (Alawis). With the escalation of the conflict, the country gradually became the scene of a civil war characterized by international dimensions. In this way, the conflict became a multilateral battle in which, on the one hand, the participants in it were the local element in the form of the government of Bashar al-Assad and extremist terrorist groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra, ISIL and Ahrar al-Sham; and on the other hand, the United States and its European allies, Saudi Arabia and some States of the Persian Gulf; and Iran and the axis of resistance, as well as Russia and China. Due to the presence of diverse cultures and religions, it appears that this will make the Syrian crisis a prelude to a renewed clash of civilizations. This research seeks to answer these questions: What are the basic propositions of the theory of the clash of civilizations and how is it represented in the Syrian crisis? Since, according to Samuel Huntington, the main sources of the clash of civilizations are the foundation of civilizations, religious and cultural antecedents, and cultural and religious identities. Consequently, they are expressions of the clash of civilizations: the war on terrorism, the Syrian crisis, the rise of ISIL and the presence of US military and international interventions, the competition of regional and transnational powers.

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Bal, Idris. "The Turkish model: The place of the Alawites." Central Asian Survey 16, no. 1 (March 1997): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634939708400973.

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Ridho, Muhammad, Yanyan Muhammad Yani, and Arfin Sudirman. "Analisis Konflik Arab Spring di Suriah." JUPIIS: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ILMU-ILMU SOSIAL 12, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/jupiis.v12i1.16058.

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This study aim to explain phenomenon of Arab spring that occurred in Syria and describing the triggering factors of conflict Syria and the analysis of Alawie group in Syria. The type of this study uses a qualitative approach with the literature study method, because the data collection techniques used make books and documents related to the Arab spring in Syria as a reference frame, as well as some data from a valid website. Data analysis techniques through three components, namely data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions in which data verification is also accompanied by triangulation of data sources. The results showed that the phenomenon of Arab spring that occurred in Syria converged on inter-ethnic conflict that occurred between the Sunni-Alawie, then triggered by the phenomenon of Arab spring that spread in the Middle East.

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Pace, Vincenzo. "Abdallah Naaman, Les Alawites. Histoire mouvementée d’une communauté mystérieuse." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 184 (December 1, 2018): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.45095.

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Neep, Daniel. "Cycle of fear: Syria’s Alawites in war and security." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 29, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 798–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2016.1194581.

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Ghahraman, Mahdi, Masoumeh Sadeghi, and Priya Nouri Khosroshahi. "Methods of Propagating the Qur'an in the Alawīte Sīrah (AS)." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 7, no. 8 (January 2, 2021): 779. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v7i8.2300.

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Propagation and invitation to the Qur'an and its teachings in both general and specialized levels, according to the level of the audience, has been considered by Imam Ali (AS) which has been promoted in various ways. But what is the methods and ways of propagation and promotion in Imam Ali's verbal and practical life? And in what format and structure do each of these components express these methods? This research was conducted by inductive-inferential-analytical method. Therefore, data collection and narrations related to education and propagation (both verbal and practical) of each of the findings were included under the headings that were the result of a study of the researcher's mind, and were analyzed separately. The methods of promoting the Qur'an that are found in the words and deeds of Imam Ali (AS) can be named under 7 components. Promoting the culture of Qur’anic discourse in Alawīte words (using verses in interactions), using psychological and semantic therapy skills in promoting the Qur’an, reciting the Qur’an, getting acquainted with the Qur’an, encouraging the writing of the Qur’an, promoting the Qur’anic culture in the social dimension, and promoting and propagating the system of Qur’anic culture development.

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Zhigulskaya, Daria V. "Alevis vs Alawites in Turkey (based on field studies in Turkey)." Asia and Africa today, no. 3 (2020): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750008730-5.

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Denselow, James. "Cycle of fear: Syria's Alawites in war and peace. By Leon Goldsmith." International Affairs 92, no. 1 (January 2016): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12531.

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KOÇAK, AYNUR, and FATMA ZEHRA UĞURCAN. "PİR SULTAN’IN ŞİİRLERİNDE KÜLTÜREL BELLEĞİN İZLERİ." Türk Kültürü ve HACI BEKTAŞ VELİ Araştırma Dergisi 106 (June 20, 2023): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34189/hbv.106.002.

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Various studies have been conducted on memory. One of the most striking of these is the theory of “cultural memory” put forward by J. Assmann. According to this theory, memory is divided into two. Communicative memory includes memories that an individual shares whit contemporaries. This memory is formed in the present moment and continues to exist only as long as its bearers live. Cultural memory, on the other hand, is based on a long time ago. This memory contains the legendary origin history of the society and striking points of the past. The Alawi community, as a community that has created their own cultural World and gathered around a belief, has a deeply embedded cultural memory. In the framework of caliphate discussions after the death of the Prophet Muhammad, Ali and his sons lived in the memory of the Alawi community as painful memories. The battle of Karbala has a special place in Alawi culture. Karbala has become a symbol of pain, grief, injustice in the Alawi culture, and all the figures and motifs associated with Karbala have taken a deep place in cultural memory of Alawi community. These often come to the surface of memory with various remembering figures, causing the past to be relived and reconstructed. One of the most precious folkloric products that can trace the cultural memory of the Alawi community is the poems of Pir Sultan. In this study, traces of cultural memory were traced in Pir Sultan’s poems, and the figures of remembrance, which are of great importance for the Alawi society, were examined. The aim of the study to to determine how and trough which sources the cultural memory of Alawi community is reflected in Pir Sultan’s poetry, and how this affects Pir Sultan as a poet. In this direction as a result of research is determined that Pir Sultan’s memory is shape by the folklore of Alawi community and the remembrance figures which reflect to the poems are separated positively and negatively from the point of Pir Sultan’s view. Keywords: Culture of Alawi, Pir Sultan, Cultural Memory, Kerbelâ.

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Mueller, Uwe, Yves A. Muller, Regine Herbst-Irmer, Mathias Sprinzl, and Udo Heinemann. "Disorder and twin refinement of RNA heptamer double helices." Acta Crystallographica Section D Biological Crystallography 55, no. 8 (August 1, 1999): 1405–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1107/s0907444999007441.

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An RNA helix with seven base pairs which was derived from the acceptor stem of Escherichia coli tRNAAla, rGGGGCUA·rUAGCUCC (ALAwt), as well as a variant, rGGGGCUA·rUAGCCCC (ALAC70), in which the single G·U wobble base pair of ALAwt was replaced by G·C, crystallize in space group C2. Both non-isomorphic crystal forms display a complex packing pattern, which can be described alternatively as disorder or pseudo-merohedral twinning. The structure of ALAwt was determined by SIRAS phasing using an isomorphous iodine derivative, rGGGGCi5UA·rUAGCUCC (ALAI). All three RNA structures were subsequently subjected to twin refinement in space group P1, using anisotropic thermal displacement parameters at resolutions of 1.16, 1.23 and 1.4 Å for ALAwt, ALAI and ALAC70, respectively. Alternatively, the structure of ALAwt was refined in space group C2 assuming twofold disorder of the molecular orientation. The refined structures are of reasonable quality according to all available indicators. There are no systematic differences between the molecular models resulting from twin refinement and disorder refinement.

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Aziz, A. "Khilafah dan Negara-Bangsa: Pertarungan Legitimasi yang belum Usai." SIASAT 3, no. 2 (July 16, 2019): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/siasat.v2i2.18.

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Negara Khilafah, hingga hari ini sejatinya masih ada, tidak ikut lenyap bersamaan dengan penghapusan Kesultanan Turki Usmani pada 1924 M. Negara Khilafah itu adalah Marokko (Al-Maghrib al-Aqsha) di Afrika Utara, sebagai kelanjutan dari Dinasti Sa’di-Alawi yang dirintis di kota Sus pada 1510 M, oleh Abu Abdillah al-Qa`im bi Amrillah (w. 1517 M.). Persaingan memperebutkan supremasi sebagai negara Khilafah terjadi antara Dinasti Sa’di Alawi dengan Dinasti Turki-Usmani sejak abad ke-16. Baik secara teritorial maupun nonteroterial, Turki Usmani yang pada saat itu sangat besar dan kuat, tidak dapat dibandingkan dengan Dinasti Sa’di-Alawi yang hanya menguasai Al-Maghrib al-Aqsha dan rentan terhadap pengaruh luar. Bahkan pada masa kejayaannya di bawah Ahmad Al-Manshur (w.1603 M.) dan Maulay Isma’il (w.1727 M.), ekspansi Dinasti Sa’di-Alawi hanya sampai Songhay (Mali) di selatan Sahara. Namun, Dinasti Sa’di-Alawi ini mampu membangun identitas Khilafahnya sendiri yang khas. Dinasti ini tidak pernah mengaku tunduk kepada Khilafah Turki Usmani, kecuali pada masa yang singkat oleh pendahulu Al-Manshur, Abdul Malik (1576 -1578 M.)

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باروت, محمد جمال. "التحول من النظام التيماري إلى نظام الالتزام في لواء طرابلس العثماني : تشكل شريحة الأعيان المحليين العثمانيين في جبل العلويين في القرنين السابع عشر والثامن عشر = The Transition from the Timar System to the Iltizam System in the Ottoman Sanjak of Tripoli : The Formation of a Local Ottoman Nobility in the Alawite Mountains in the 17th and 18th Century." أسطور للدراسات التاريخية, no. 5 (January 2017): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0040302.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Alawite'

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