Academic literature on the topic 'Al-Zahrāwī'

The purpose of this reseach was to explain al-Zahrāwī's contribution to medical science. The method used by researchers was descriptive qualitative method with content analysis technique and research library. As a result of the data analysis, the researchers concluded several important points related to al-Zahrāwī's contribution in medical science namely, 1) al-Zahrāwī was a pioneer in the use of several modified surgical instruments from pre-Islamic civilizations, 2) al-Zahrāwī invented several models of internal organ surgery such as the urinary tract and respiratory cavities, and 3) al-Zahrāwī made an important contribution in the field of medicine (pharmaceutical) in postsurgery procedures.

Abūl-Qāsim Khalaf ibn ʿAbbās al-Zahrāwī Latinised as Abulcasis or Zahravius, lived between 936–1013 AD. He was born and raised in Al-Zahra a suburb of Córdoba (Arabic: Cortoba) in Spain. He was a famous surgeon, a talented pharmacist and a capable pharmacologist. Zahrawi is very famous for his surgical contribution, but this work explores his pharmaceutical and pharmacological contribution with respect to his treatise Kitab al-Tasreef. He served as the court physician to Caliph ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān III an-Nāṣir (912–961 AD). He wrote his famous book “Kitab al-Tasreef li-man ‘ajaza ‘an al-ta’lif” (The Arrangement of Medical Knowledge for one who is not able to compile it) around the year 1000 AD after fifty years of clinical experience. This book is also a chief source for indicating pharmaceutical contribution of al-Zahrāwī apart from the field of surgery. Twenty seven volumes, from Volume 3 to 29, of thirty volumes of the book Kitab al- Tasreef are related to Unani pharmacy and pharmacology. Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa (1203-1270 AD) remarked him only as an expert of pharmacy and pharmacology. Al-Zahrāwī devoted his entire life and genius to the advancement of pharmacy, medicine and surgery. He sketched a few drawings of pharmaceutical instruments and mentioned their use in his book. Significant pharmaceutical contributions of al-Zahrāwī are reflected by him through Kitab al-Tasreef which has not been highlighted, there is need to evaluate and emphasize the pharmaceutical contributions of al-Zahrāwī. This review is an attempt in this direction.International Journal of Human and Health Sciences Vol. 05 No. 03 July’21 Page: 276-285

El cuidado y el embellecimiento del cabello forman parte de la tradición de todas las culturas y, a lo largo de la historia, los hombres y las mujeres se han preocupado por su aspecto, no solo desde el punto de vista estético sino también desde el punto de vista terapéutico. Un cabello sano indica una piel sana y, por lo tanto, un cuerpo sano. El trabajo que aquí presentamos recoge una colección de recetas de carácter médico-farmacológico destinadas al cuidado y el embellecimiento del cabello. Para ello, y partiendo de la Materia Médica de Dioscórides, obra de cabecera de la ciencia árabe, se han seleccionado una serie de fuentes árabes medievales de las que se han extraído dichas recetas. Los autores elegidos son: Al-Idrīsī, Abū l-Qāsim al-Zahrāwī, Abū l-ʿAlā’ Zuhr, Ibn Zuhr e Ibn al-Baytār.

AbstractHa-Maamar be-Qaddaat ha-dever (Treatise on Pestilential Fever), composed by an anonymous author, is one of several treatises devoted to the subject of plague that exist in Hebrew literature. The treatise is basically a concise regimen of health as it was common throughout the Middle Ages that has been adapted to the special case of the plague and that has been supplemented with a final section of remedies for the time of the plague. Although we do not know the name of the author nor where and when he lived and composed the treatise, we can draw some conclusions from the foreign, non-Hebrew terminology used in the treatise. As several of the foreign terms used for the different plants and remedies are in old Spanish, it seems reasonable to suppose that the author hailed from the Iberian Peninsula and possibly composed the treatise there as well. The frequent quotations in the supplementary section 21 from Spanish Islamic physicians like Ibn Rushd, al-Zahrāwī, al-Ghāfiqī and above all Ibn Zuhr also confirm such a supposition.

Mastic and myrrh are trees’ origin’ products. Myrrh tree’ scientific name is comyphora mirra and mastic tree’ scientific name is Pistacia lentiscus. Both, mastic and myrrh have been profusely used alone or with other ingredients. Ancient Mediterranean cultures like Egyptian, Ancient Greece, Roman Empire or Mesopotamia have been dealing with those products, in that way Phoenicians were the most famous in the commerce through the Mediterranean’ sea. Furthermore, Egyptian were famous for their mummification rites, to preserve dead bodies’ decomposition, myrrh is one of the most important ingredients used in the mummification process. In the other hand, mastic and myrrh have been known as being part of different medical treatment. In this respect the Mesopotamian Clay Tablet (2000 years B.C.), mention the use of those compounds in medicine and The Ebers Papyrus (XVI B.C. century) describe the Kyphi utility of mastic and myrrh as a chewing gum or as a gargling, in order to clean, disinfect and give off an odor in the mouth. Different literature´s authors have related the use of mastic and myrrh in different ways. The first one as an aromatic spice in order to control body or mouth stink. Hipócrates (V B.C. century) in his humor theory (Corpus Hipocraticum) recommended gargling and chewing made with mastic, myrrh and other ingredients to throw out mouth’ stink. The second one is cited on The Bible by his use in traditional religious rites like the Jewish body preservation rites, the Catholic sacrament of the lasts rites given before dying, or the narcotic effect of wine mixed with myrrh that offered to Jesus during the Crucifixion. Along these lines, Dioscórides (II Century) wrote that by adding to the wine a small amount of myrrh could be a remedy for dry coughs and indigestion. We focused this paper in their utility to provide health in mouth and teeth’ diseases. Therefore, since ancient times, authors like Gaius Plinius Secundus recommended a poultice made with myrrh mixed with ash to clean teeth. Abulcasis (s.X) and Avenzoar (s.XI) (Ancient Islamic Culture) wrote about different tools and treatment to preserve teeth from illness as mijrad, with different ingredients, one of them was mastic, to polish teeth. Four hundred years after, Laguna (1555) worked in translation of Dioscórides’ book (s.I) and wrote some additional comments in which he wrote about the use of mastic to control fetid breath. In the Spanish literature, there are some authors that make reference to the use of mastic and myrrh. Two of them are Celestina, the protagonist in La Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea, first published in 1499 (Rojas 1990) and Aldonza Lorenzo the protagonist in La Lozana Andaluza, first published in 1528 (Delicado, 2004). Both of them are sorceress-mender that made potions with mastic and myrrh used in different treatments related with mouth and tooth illness. They recommend oils and different kind of waters like rainwater or bitter mastic water to rinse the mouth after meals in addition; it recommends the use of toothpick, made with different kind of wood like fennel, juniper, walnut, weed o mastic among others. La almástiga y la mirra son dos productos de origen vegetal, dos resinas que se han utilizado a lo largo de la historia, solas o junto con otros ingredientes, con diferentes fines como la conservación y momificación de cadáveres, enmascarar el mal olor corporal o los relacionados con la higiene y la salud corporal. En este trabajo nos hemos centrado principalmente en su uso, desde la antigüedad, en relación con la higiene y salud bucodental. Se describe su uso con fines sanitarios en las Tablillas de arcilla de Mesopotamia (2000 a.C.) y en el Papiro de Ebers (s. XVI a.C.); en este último se describe el uso del kyphi como masticatorio para perfumar y desinfectar la boca. En el mundo Islámico Abū ’l Qāsim Khalaf ibn ‘Abbās al-Zahrāwī, conocido como Abulcasis (s.X) diseñó instrumentos para retirar la placa dental como el mijrad y un fórceps para sacar los dientes, así como una técnica para entrelazar y sujetarlos y Avenzoar (s.XI) escribió sobre tratamientos para limpiar los dientes, entre las que estaba la almástiga. Grecia y Roma eran grandes consumidores de estas resinas aromáticas. Plinio el Viejo (s. I), en la Naturalis historia, utilizaba la mirra como ingrediente de una receta de pasta de dientes en Roma, Celsus (s. I), usaba mirra y barbarum para el tratamiento de infecciones. Dioscórides (s.I), en la traducción que hizo Andrés Laguna (1555) escribe acerca del uso de la mirra como ingrediente para el mal olor de boca y Laguna, en las anotaciones que escribió en los márgenes citaba la almástiga para controlar el mal olor de la boca. En la literatura española existen referencias a su uso, por parte de curanderas como la Celestina, la hechicera y curandera de La Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea, publicada en 1499 (Rojas 1990) o Aldonza Lorenzo la protagonista de La Lozana Andaluza, publicada en 1528 (Delicado, 2004).

L'objectif de cette étude résidait dans l'exploration de la manière dont al-Zahrāwī et al-Šafra distinguèrent la chirurgie de la médecine entre les Xe et XIVe s. Al-Zahrāwī, auteur d'une somme médicale, le Kitāb al-Tasrīf, consacra le trentième livre à la chirurgie. Ce livre, appelé ‘amal al-yad par son auteur, fut transmis, traduit et enseigné en Occident chrétien indépendamment du reste de son œuvre. Al-Šafra, chirurgien, se distingua en tant qu’auteur d'une œuvre entièrement consacrée à cette discipline, le Kitāb al-Istiqṣā', rédigée en al-Andalus.Les deux auteurs accordèrent à la chirurgie une attention particulière, l'érigeant en domaine d'étude autonome, distinct de la médecine. Ils étaient pleinement conscients des défis inhérents à la pratique chirurgicale et des risques associés à des procédures mal maîtrisées. Leur dessein consistait ainsi à former les praticiens à l'art de la chirurgie, dotant ces derniers d'une connaissance exhaustive afin de les préparer à toutes éventualités opératoires.Par ailleurs, aussi bien les techniques que les instruments employés se démarquaient de ceux requis par les médecins non-chirurgiens, selon les perspectives d'al-Zahrāwī et d'al-Šafra. Les responsabilités afférentes, les périls encourus, ainsi que les aspects techniques et matériels créaient une distinction nette entre la médecine et la chirurgie. Malgré cela, les connaissances théoriques en chirurgie se trouvaient imbriquées dans le corpus des connaissances médicales, et la pratique pouvait concerner tant les chirurgiens que les médecins
The aim of this study was to explore how al-Zahrāwī and al-Šafra distinguished surgery from medicine between the 10th and 14th centuries. Al-Zahrāwī, the author of a medical volume, the Kitāb al-Tasrīf, devoted the thirtieth book to surgery. This book, referred to as 'amal al-yad by its author, was transmitted, translated, and taught in the Christian West independently of the rest of his work. Al-Šafra, a surgeon, distinguished himself as the author of a work entirely devoted to this discipline, written in al-Andalus.Both authors paid particular attention to surgery, establishing it as an autonomous field of study distinct from medicine. They were fully aware of the challenges inherent in surgical practice and the risks associated with poorly controlled procedures. Their aim was to train practitioners in the art of surgery, equipping them with exhaustive knowledge to prepare for all surgical eventualities.Moreover, both the techniques and instruments employed were differed from those required by non-surgical physicians, according to the perspectives of al-Zahrāwī and al-Šafra. The responsibilities involved the risks incurred, as well as technical and material aspects, created a clear distinction between medicine and surgery. Despite this, theoretical knowledge of surgery was intrisically interwoven with the body of medical knowledge, and the practice could concern surgeons as well as physicians