Academic literature on the topic 'Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant'
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Journal articles on the topic "Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant"
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КУДИНОВ, Владимир Владимирович. "CYBERTERRORISM: MAIN THREATS AND LEGAL REGULATION ISSUES." Расследование преступлений: проблемы и пути их решения, no. 3(33) (September 30, 2021): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54217/2411-1627.2021.33.3.006.
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В статье рассматриваются особенности правового регулирования противодействия кибертерроризму, исследовано понятие «кибертерроризм», показаны основные угрозы, исходящие от террористических организаций «Исламское государство Ирака и Леванта» (ИГИЛ) и «Аль-Каида» (запрещены в РФ), предложены основные направления по противодействию угрозам кибертерроризма. The article examines the features of the legal regulation of countering cyberterrorism, explores the concept of “cyberterrorism”, shows the main threats emanating from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and Al-Qaeda (terrorist organizations banned in the Russian Federation), suggests the main directions of countering the threats of cyberterrorism.
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Siebert, Johannes Ulrich, and Detlof von Winterfeldt. "Comparative Analysis of Terrorists’ Objectives Hierarchies." Decision Analysis 17, no. 2 (June 2020): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/deca.2019.0400.
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To develop effective counterterrorism strategies, it is important to understand the capabilities and objectives of terrorist groups. Much of the understanding of these groups comes from intelligence collection and analysis of their capabilities. In contrast, the objectives of terrorists are less well understood. In this article, we describe a decision analysis methodology to identify and structure the objectives of terrorists based on the statements and writings of their leaders. This methodology was applied in three case studies, resulting in the three objectives hierarchies of al-Qaeda, Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), and Hezbollah. In this article, we propose a method to compare the three objectives hierarchies, highlight their key differences, and draw conclusions about effective counterterrorism strategies. We find that all three terrorist groups have a wide range of objectives going far beyond the objective of killing and terrorizing people in the non-Muslim world. Among the shared objectives are destroying Israel and expelling Western powers from the Middle East. All three groups share the ambition to become a leader in the Islamic world. Key distinctions are the territorial ambitions of ISIL and Hezbollah versus the large-scale attack objectives of al-Qaeda. Objectives specific to ISIL are the establishment of a caliphate in Iraq and Syria and the re-creation of the power of Sunni Islam. Hezbollah has unique objectives related to the establishment of a Palestine State and to maintain the relationship with and support of Iran and Syria. Al-Qaeda’s objectives remain focused on large-scale attacks in the West. We also note a recent shift to provide support for small-scale attacks in the West by both al-Qaeda and ISIL. Our method can be used for comparing objectives hierarchies of different organizations as well as for comparing objectives hierarchies over time of one organization.
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Wardin, Katarzyna. "Security of passenger transport in the Baltic Sea in the context of foreign terrorist fighters." Journal of Transportation Security 13, no. 3-4 (July 8, 2020): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12198-020-00213-3.
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AbstractThe Baltic Sea basin is one of the busiest areas in Europe in terms of the passenger transport and is considered as a domestic sea of the European Union, very important for the development and prosperity of all citizens. A high number of ferries connections along with exclusive cruise ships, visiting the Baltic countries, make the sea very busy. At the same time the security of lines of communications has become the highest priority, especially that a possibility of terrorist attacks still poses a serious threat. Although terrorism has been being fought intensively since 11th September, terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda or Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, are still able to attack. The article considers the threat of organizing a terrorist attack posed by Foreign Terrorist Fighters returning home to the Baltic countries. Due to the fairly high number of Foreign Terrorist Fighters in some countries around the Baltic Sea, very intense passenger traffic in the area, and the appeals which have been proclaimed by Al-Qaeda and Islamic State leaders, there is a possibility of a terrorist attack occurrence in the near future. Cited facts lead to the conclusion that some precautions should be taken both in terms of technical and organizational measures to make passenger traffic secure.
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Chwiej, Edyta. "The relations between Latin America and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant." Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales 3 (November 28, 2016): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/al.2016.3.183.
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Oluwaseun Samuel Osadola and Godwin Stephen Emah. "Terrorism in Nigeria and Her Neighbours." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 9, no. 3 (September 9, 2022): 439–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v9i3.237.
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Good neighbourliness is no doubt a key policy in managing inter-state relations in the international relations. It developed out of the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty of states in international law. In recent years, terrorism has become a game of domestic and international politics with implications for peace, security and good governance. Nigeria lies between five francophone countries with geo strategic, identity and security implications. This ipso facto connotes the idea of a split of ethno religious groups originally bounded in historical empires but now exist within the borders of colonially separated states. The recent link and cooperation between the Boko Haram sect and other notorious terrorist groups like Isis (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), al Qaeda, and ISWA (Islamic State of West Africa), have internationalized their activities and spread their tentacles into the shores of Nigeria’s neighbouring states like Niger, Cameroon and Chad. This paper argues that terrorism has become a significant setback for global relations and development, considering the good neighbourliness policy which is meant to foster good relationships among states in the international community. This work relies on secondary materials and employs descriptive and analytic methods in analyzing the data for the study.
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Klik, Jan. "Hijrah of Our Time: Islamic Concept of Religious Emigration in Contemporary Salafism." Acta FF 14, no. 1 (2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/actaff.2022.14.1.1.
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This study presents a comparison of the religious-legal concept of the hijrah in the approach of schools of Salafism, which are the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant and the Muhammad al-Albani’s and his disciples’ teachings. The first, theoretical section of the submitted material, intends to provide a contextual ground on which the analytical chapter of this article is built up. The subsequent analytical section focuses on the breakdown of Salafist’s take on the hijrah through a qualitative content analysis of several texts that include, on one hand, the production of Muhammad al-Albani and his students, and on the other hand, the magazines Dabiq and Rumiyah, which were published on behalf of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. The reason for choosing these particular authors and their conception of hijrah as the main research intention of the presented study is that on one hand the Islamic State represents the latest entity that conceptually grasped the topic and, above all, made it one of the pillars of its general ideology and on the other hand teachings of al-Albani are extremely influential in mainstream Salafism. The analysis showed that in general, both scrutinized Salafist schools are similar in the main principles, ie. both consider the hijrah to be an ongoing religious duty. However, they differ in details and also in the emphasis on violence, with the Islamic State emphasizing that hijrah and jihad are two stages of a single process, with the only possible destination for the hijrah being Islamic State territory.
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Werfelli, Wissal. "Trump’s Peace Plan." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-2-223-234.
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Since the 1960s, the US foreign policy has been characterized by relative stability in interaction with the dynamics of the Palestinian conflict. Well-established American institutions, legal, constitutional and political restrictions, and various groups of interests and pressure, especially the Jewish lobby, research centers, media, and American public opinion, which mostly support the Israeli point of view, are the important factors in developing and defining the foreign policy of the United States. One more factor relates to international and regional shifts. As the Palestinian-Israeli conflict was going on, and since the signing of the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s, the first issue among the priorities of successive US administrations in the Middle East until regional developments imposed other priorities as a result of the events of September 2001, and the subsequent occupation of Iraq in 2003. The emergence of Al Qaeda, the turmoil of the Middle East region and the disturbance of its political, social and religious structure coincided with the emergence of the so-called Arab revolutions of 2011 and extremist jihadist organizations such as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant. Therefore, the role of Trump administration was determined by developments within the US on the one hand, and by the interaction of events in the Middle East region on the other hand.
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RASHEED, ASMAA. "Gender relations within the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS)." Journal Ishraqat Tanmawya 27 (June 2021): 234–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.51424/ishq.27.9.
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In June 2014, fighters belonging to an extremist group calling itself (ISIS) and nicknamed (ISIS) invaded the city of Mosul, the second largest Iraqi governorate, and announced the establishment of the Islamic Islamic Caliphate, which lasted until 2017. ISIS's control spread values related to the isolation of women and a hierarchical vision of the relationship between the sexes that works to reinforce and consecrate male domination and places women in a lower position. Several mechanisms have been adopted with the aim of returning women to the private sphere and keeping them at home, including the imposition of legal dress and preventing women from going out except with a mahram, and the rule of hisbah and penalties. The current study aims to provide an understanding of the laws and ideology governing gender relations within societies that ISIS has controlled for more than two years. It addresses three main issues, including the harassment of women, the attempt to control their bodies, and the monitoring and punishment mechanisms that were practiced on women. And the roles of women in societies dominated by the organization, and the issue of marriage. The study relied on testimonies and interviews conducted with a number of women who lived through ISIS rule in Mosul, Salah al-Din and Fallujah. In addition to reports issued by international organizations and documents published on the Internet and news circulated, which gave the information obtained more reliability. Key words: Iraq, ISIS, women, isolation, punishment, roles, marriage
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TRUEVTSEV, K. M. "MIDDLE EAST: MORPHOLOGY OF AND POST-CONFLICT DESIGN." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-2.
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This article looks at the structure and the dynamics of the Middle Eastern crisis set in motion by the events of the Arab Spring. At the heart of the crisis was Syria, where antigovernment protests broke out in early 2011, almost in parallel with other countries also affected by the Arab Spring. Starting from late March 2011, the unrest morphed into a civil war, leading to a large-scale crisis engulfing the country by the end of the year. At first, the opposition to the Syrian regime consisted of numerous groups with varying political affiliations – from liberals to Islamists – however, by early 2012, radical Islamism came to dominate the opposition forces. And by the end of the same year, the opposition was spearheaded by an openly terrorist organization – the al-Nusra Front, an outgrowth of the Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda. Over the same period, regional and international forces were becoming more and more involved in the Syrian crisis. Since 2012, in parallel with the Syrian crisis, there has been another internal conflict raging in the Middle East, namely in Iraq, with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) taking the foreground and combining groups of Iraqi al-Qaeda militants with Baathist underground forces. In 2014–2015, ISIL took hold of large swaths of territory in Syria and Iraq, effectively turning the Syrian civil war into a regional conflict. In addition to Syria and Iraq, the ongoing crisis has involved – either directly or indirectly – such actors as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and a number of other regional powers. Turkey has been indirectly involved in the Syrian crisis since its very beginning, but starting from 2016 its engagement in the conflict has become much more active – not only in Syria, but also in Iraq. In 2013, Iran started to interfere in the Syrian crisis directly, using its Shia allies, and expanded its presence onto Iraq in 2014. Saudi Arabia and Qatar’s participation in the Syrian conflict has been indirect, mainly through military and financial assistance provided to their clients inside the country. However, Saudi Arabia’s activities in Syria have started to decline in 2015, due to its military involvement in Yemen, which – in a broader context – can be perceived as a peripheral component of the large regional conflict. In addition to the above mentioned components, one could also name a number of other equally important factors to the crisis. One of them is that the ranks of al- Nusra and ISIL militants have been reinforced not only by people coming from the Arab countries, but also from the citizens of Western Europe, North America and the former USSR. Another factor has been the growing role of Kurdish groups in the confrontation with the terrorists, especially with ISIL. This has led to the creation of a Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. At the same time, an armed confrontation began in Turkish Kurdistan, which Turkey views as a threat to its territorial integrity. The Syrian crisis has also been marked by involvement of global powers, such as the US and Russia. The US-led international coalition has not succeeded in changing the course of the conflict – on the other hand, Russia’s involvement since the second half of 2015 has made a significant difference. With the end of the campaign against ISIL already in view, and with the prospects for a successful intra- Syrian settlement, it would seem reasonable to raise the question of the post-conflict configuration of the region, which is discussed at the end of the article.
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Chunlin, Liu, and Rohan Gunaratna. "Global threat landscape 2022." UNISCI Journal 20, no. 58 (January 15, 2022): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-137.
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Three trends will characterise the evolving global terror threat landscape in 2022. First, the cascading implications of the return of the Taliban-al Qaeda alliance to Afghanistan on August 15, 2021. Second, the diffusion of the Islamic State threat from the Levant, notably from Iraqi-Syrian theatre. Third, the online surge of extremist and violent content especially of Islamist and Far Right entities on servers in North America and Europe mobilising and radicalizing especially youth. With lockdowns, partial lockdowns and other pandemic restrictions, the challenges facing government security forces - military, law enforcement and intelligence surged and both in resource allocation for training and mobility for operations hampered their performance and efficacy. The focus on humanitarian challenges by governments during the pandemic was ably exploited by threat groups to expand their support bases or capture territory. On the other hand, a range of ideological and material threats manifested in 2021. Some will institutionalise both in the physical and digital spaces in 2022. With radicalisation and reciprocal radicalisation of Islamists and Far Right threat groups, their networks, cells and personalities will stage attacks.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant"
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Pataudi, Ibrahim. "Al-Qaeda in Syria: implications for Middle Eastern Security and U.S Foreign Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/977.
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This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive description and analysis of Al-Qaeda affiliates fighting in Syria. The implications for Middle Eastern Security, US foreign policy and Islamic extremism in the future are projected.
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Kozaric, Edin. "Exploring the demand side of foreign rebel recruitment : a comparative case study of Al Qaeda in Iraq (2004-2008) and the Islamic State (2012-2016)." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324977.
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While previous research on foreign recruitment has investigated how rebels manage to recruit from abroad, little attention has been given to the factors that regulate demand from the rebel point of view. This thesis suggests that the organizational complexity of a rebel group affects its range of personnel needs and capability of rendering recruits into military assets. By conducting a comparative case analysis of Al Qaeda in Iraq (2004-2008) and The Islamic State (2012-2016), the study finds that the variety in foreign recruits experienced by the groups in part can be explained by varying degrees of demand. While organizational complexity cannot be established as determiner for the theoretically suggested mechanisms, it does appear to be a strong predictor for both the needs and capabilities of rebels who recruit from abroad.
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Tait, Terry Thomas. "ENDURING FAILURES:A BORDERLANDS HISTORY OF THE IRAQ WAR AND ITS AFTERMATH." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556810289076362.
Full textBooks on the topic "Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant"
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Lahoud, Nelly. The ‘Islamic State’ and al-Qaeda. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650292.003.0002.
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The Iraq-based group that was once led by Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi and called “Jama‘at al-Tawhid wa-al-Jihad” is the only regional jihadi group that was brought under Al-Qaeda’s fold by Osama bin Laden. Judging by primary sources internal to AQ, bin Laden and other AQ leaders lived to regret that decision. The same group, which now calls itself the Islamic State, has over the years changed its name to reflect its gradual and ultimate separation from Al-Qaeda. Much like a trying relationship between a parent and a rebellious adolescent, the group’s years under Al-Qaeda were difficult on both. This chapter examines the evolution of the Islamic State in relation to AQ, its claim to statehood since 2006, and the growing ideological divide that separates it from AQ.
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Byman, Daniel. Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190217259.001.0001.
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On the morning of September 11, 2001, the entire world was introduced to Al Qaeda and its enigmatic leader, Osama bin Laden. But the organization that changed the face of terrorism forever and unleashed a whirlwind of counterterrorism activity and two major wars had been on the scene long before that eventful morning. In Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement: What Everyone Needs to Know, Daniel L. Byman, an eminent scholar of Middle East terrorism and international security who served on the 9/11 Commission, provides a sharp and concise overview of Al Qaeda, from its humble origins in the mountains of Afghanistan to the present, explaining its perseverance and adaptation since 9/11 and the limits of U.S. and allied counterterrorism efforts. The organization that would come to be known as Al Qaeda traces its roots to the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan in the 1980s. Founded as the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, Al Qaeda achieved a degree of international notoriety with a series of spectacular attacks in the 1990s; however, it was the dramatic assaults on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 9/11 that truly launched Al Qaeda onto the global stage. The attacks endowed the organization with world-historical importance and provoked an overwhelming counterattack by the United States and other western countries. Within a year of 9/11, the core of Al Qaeda had been chased out of Afghanistan and into a variety of refuges across the Muslim world. Splinter groups and franchised offshoots were active in the 2000s in countries like Pakistan, Iraq, and Yemen, but by early 2011, after more than a decade of relentless counterterrorism efforts by the United States and other Western military and intelligence services, most felt that Al Qaeda's moment had passed. With the death of Osama bin Laden in May of that year, many predicted that Al Qaeda was in its death throes. Shockingly, Al Qaeda has staged a remarkable comeback in the last few years. In almost every conflict in the Muslim world, from portions of the Xanjing region in northwest China to the African subcontinent, Al Qaeda franchises or like-minded groups have played a role. Al Qaeda's extreme Salafist ideology continues to appeal to radicalized Sunni Muslims throughout the world, and it has successfully altered its organizational structure so that it can both weather America's enduring full-spectrum assault and tailor its message to specific audiences. Authoritative and highly readable, Byman's account offers readers insightful and penetrating answers to the fundamental questions about Al Qaeda: who they are, where they came from, where they're going-and, perhaps most critically-what we can do about it.
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Mironova, Vera. From Freedom Fighters to Jihadists. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190939755.001.0001.
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This book examines the internal organization of armed groups, particularly their human resource practices. The authors look at the rebel armed groups through the prism of a labor market theory. In the Syrian civil war, extreme Islamist groups were able to siphon fighters off from moderate groups because they had better internal organization, took better care of fighters (physically and monetarily), and experienced less internal corruption. This book is based on more than six hundred survey-interviews with local civilians and fighters on the frontline in Syria (including members of al-Nusra and Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant [ISIS]) and a dataset of human resource policies from forty armed groups based on qualitative interviews with group leaders. In addition, active and former foreign fighters with ISIS and Jubhat al-Nusra were interviewed in Syria, Turkey, Ukraine, and Central Asia (where many former ISIS foreign fighters were hiding). In search of deeper answers on ideological issues, the author also penetrated an ultra-radical sect of former ISIS fighters known as chain takfiris who had abandoned ISIS because its ideology was not religiously radical enough. The author interviewed members of this extreme sect and studied their books, lectures, forums, and closed channels on social media. The author also conducted extensive ethnographic research in 2016 and 2017 while embedded with Iraqi Special Operations Forces during the Mosul operation. This allowed her to observe the behavior of ISIS members in the field and collect valuable information from the group’s internal documentation and from fighters’ personal notebooks.
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Department of Defense. Islamic State Recruiting in the West: How Dabiq Magazine Frames Recruitment Messages to Appeal to Westerners - Jihadi Terrorism Movement in Iraq and Syria, Bin Laden, Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Independently Published, 2018.
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Perkoski, Evan. Divided Not Conquered. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197627068.001.0001.
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Abstract Less academic: Terrorist, rebel, and insurgent groups face myriad challenges. Between state repression and fears of infiltration and defeat, it is no surprise they are prone to infighting, instability, and division. And these divisions are meaningful: one led the Islamic State to break from Al Qaeda, and others have perpetually plagued the Irish Republican Army, Palestinian militants, and many more. This book analyzes how armed groups fracture and how splinter groups behave. It is the first to look inside these organizations and to understand the specific disagreements leading fractures to occur. It shows how disagreements are commonly driven by disputes over ideology, leadership, and strategy. Drawing on research from organizational studies to social psychology, and by leveraging analogies from business firms to religious sects, the book shows how these disputes uniquely shape the behavior and survivability of breakaway splinters. When motivated by single, shared disagreement, splinters tend to exhibit higher cohesion, clearer objectives, and greater survivability. And when motivated by strategy in particular, splinters typically attract the most hardline operatives and subsequently adopt increasingly lethal tactics and strategies. The book tests these claims comprehensively. Statistical analyses reveal a clear link between internal disagreements and splinter behavior across countries and over time. Case studies of republican militants in Northern Ireland, Basque militants in Spain, and the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq then confirm these trends. As a result, this book demystifies a complex albeit common event with ramifications for counterinsurgency, counterterrorism, and understanding increasingly fragmented conflicts around the globe. More academic: Armed groups are tenuous organizations. They face difficult environments and uncertain challenges that make instability, division, and organizational fractures common. But when fractures occur, what explains how breakaway groups behave? Drawing on social and group dynamics that afflict everything from political parties to religious sects, this book shows how a splinter group’s trajectory is not predetermined, but is in fact shaped by its motivations for breaking away. Splinters emerging from a single, shared internal disagreement form with clear organizational objectives that attract a highly cohesive base of recruits. This lowers the odds of defection and infiltration, making it easier to decentralize operations and ultimately survive. Armed groups also break apart for a variety of reasons. Ideological, strategic, and leadership disputes each uniquely shape the goals and membership composition of breakaway groups. Strategic disagreements create the most radical splinters since they usually attract dissatisfied hardliners away from the parent. These claims are tested using a mixed-methods research design. Statistical analyses of a new data set reveal strong support for the theory across countries and over time, while in-depth case studies of republican militants in Northern Ireland, Basque militants in Spain, and the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq confirm the theory’s more specific implications. As a result, this book refocuses attention away from external dynamics, like state repression and conciliation, and towards internal dynamics that can better explain how armed groups fragment, operate, and survive.
Book chapters on the topic "Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant"
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Brahimi, Alia. "Al-Qaida and the 9/11 Decade." In Illusions of Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism. British Academy, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265901.003.0002.
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The declaration of a Caliphate in June 2014 by an al-Qaida offshoot implied a strong sense of political–religious unity, but, in reality, the announcement reflected deep division at the heart of radical Islam. This article critically assesses al-Qaida’s progress on its four main objectives over the course of the 9/11 decade, and suggests that its principal setbacks were due to the fragmentation of Islamic authority. In particular, Osama bin Laden’s inability to reverse the misguided focus, by some affiliated groups, on the ‘nearer enemy’, began to portend al-Qaida’s downfall. However, after the Arab Spring, in the chokeholds of strong states and the chaos of weak states al-Qaida found advantage. Furthermore, with the rise of groups like the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, a new pattern of radicalism emerged, in which the threat to ‘far enemy’, ‘near enemy’ and ‘nearer enemy’ were combined.
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Kaufman, Burton I. "Dysfunctional Government." In Barack Obama, 183–209. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761973.003.0009.
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This chapter argues that the government remained dysfunctional as right-wing Republicans tightened their grip on both houses of Congress. Despite their opposition, Barack Obama was able to win several legislative victories on Capitol Hill, but they caused a further poisoning of the relationship between Democrats and Republicans. As a result, the chapter reveals that voters had lost faith in either of the two major parties to govern by the midterm elections of 2014. It also explicates another problem the president had to deal with even before his second term began: a series of tragic developments at home and abroad. At home, he had to deal with the killing in December of twenty children at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown Connecticut. Abroad, he had to respond to the takeover of much of Iraq and part of Syria by the small, radical Sunni Islamic terrorist group known as ISIS (the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) or ISIL (the Islamic State of the Levant) and the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian leader, Bashar al-Assad, in the civil war against his regime. The chapter then follows how he responded with executive actions in both cases. It also recounts the agenda he presented to the 113th Congress.
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"Three. Al Qaeda in Iraq: OMJ, Al Qaeda, and Militant Acculturation." In Media Persuasion in the Islamic State, 51–77. Columbia University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/agga18238-004.
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Byman, Daniel. "The Islamic State." In Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190217259.003.0008.
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The Islamic State is Al Qaeda’s most important progeny and its greatest nemesis. The Islamic State grew out of Al Qaeda in Iraq, and both groups’ objectives, enemies, and tactics are all part of the broader jihadist movement that Al Qaeda so long sought...
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Moore, Cerwyn. "The Islamic Spring, Part 5." In Al-Qaeda 2.0, edited by Donald Holbrook, 231–38. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856441.003.0016.
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In the fifth episode of the ‘Islamic Spring’ series Zawahiri continues to explore the conditions necessary to establish a Caliphate. In doing so he seeks to undermine the appeal of IS’s leadership by lauding Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, which IS recognizes as its forefather, and other leaders of the Islamic State of Iraq, whom Zawahiri had of course criticized in the past. He demonstrates their apparent loyalty towards the Al-Qaeda leadership (represented, of course, at that time by bin Ladin), whilst reiterating his vision for the creation of a Caliphate through solidifying existing ‘emirates’ in Afghanistan and the Caucasus, that are loyal to Al-Qaeda.
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Perkoski, Evan. "Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State." In Divided Not Conquered, 145–77. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197627068.003.0005.
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Abstract This chapter analyses the split between the Islamic State and Al Qaeda that took place in 2014. It provides an account of how the Islamic State transformed from Jama’at al-Tawhid wa’al-Jihad to Al Qaeda in Iraq to the Islamic State with a focus on the complex intraorganizational politics involved. This is not a typical case of organizational splintering and the goal is not to evaluate the book’s theory and purported mechanisms as in previous chapters. Instead, it demonstrates how factional politics and intragroup dynamics shaped the course of events and, consequently, how the book’s theoretical lens is useful even in ambiguous cases of organizational splintering. From a policy perspective, this chapter also reveals how it was primarily intraorganizational politics, and not counterterrorist interventions by the US and others, that inspired this organizational split.
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Moore, Cerwyn. "We Shall Fulfil our Pledge." In Al-Qaeda 2.0, edited by Donald Holbrook, 269–74. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856441.003.0021.
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This is Zawahiri’s pledge of allegiance to the new leader of the Taliban, Mawlawi Haibatullah, which is combined in this statement with a eulogy of Mullah Akhtar Mohamed Mansour, who was killed in a US drone strike in May 2016. Zawahiri uses the opportunity to emphasize the loyalty and steadfastness of jihadi stalwarts within both the Al-Qaeda central command and the leadership of the Islamic State in Iraq, including Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, thus accentuating his depiction of the Islamic State organization as a transgressor, disrupting a noble legacy of jihadi activism reaching, in modern times, back to the venerated conflict against the soviets and Afghanistan and—ultimately—back to the precedent set by the Prophet Mohammed and his companions
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Moore, Cerwyn. "Let us unite to Liberate Al-Quds [Jerusalem]." In Al-Qaeda 2.0, edited by Donald Holbrook, 247–52. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856441.003.0018.
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In times of crisis and turmoil, Zawahiri revisits a traditional rallying call to make the case for Al-Qaeda’s continued relevance: the ‘liberation’ of Jerusalem. This process, he argues, will have two components; the first would be to target the West, especially in the United States and their interests across the world as it is this support that is key to Israel’s survival. The second component is the establishment of an Islamic state, centered in Egypt and the Levant to create powerful staging posts to conquer Palestine. The purpose, of course, is to remind audiences that the major jihadi objectives remain unfulfilled and have become side-tracked due to the infighting in Syria.
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Moore, Cerwyn. "Testimony to Preserve the Blood of the Mujahidin in Al-Sham22." In Al-Qaeda 2.0, edited by Donald Holbrook, 135–44. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856441.003.0009.
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Here Zawahiri addresses the turmoil and infighting in Syria more directly, emphasizing that ISIS is subordinate to his organization. He traces the origin of the Islamic State of Iraq, highlighting the fact that whilst that group at also operated in objectionable ways, it still pledged allegiance to bin Ladin. Zawahiri claims to have inherited this fealty. He details correspondence between the two organizations at the outbreak of civil war in Syria that he seeks to use to demonstrate his overall control. He accuses Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi of being driven predominantly by power, thus preparing the ground for more direct public denunciation of the ISIS leadership
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Byman, Daniel. "Friends and Enemies." In Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190217259.003.0006.
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How Did the 2003 Iraq War Shape Al Qaeda? In the years leading up to 9/11, Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda shared a hatred of the United States, Saudi Arabia, and other common foes, but their visions—that of a secular tyrant with dreams of...
Reports on the topic "Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant"
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
Full textAbstract:
Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.