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Journal articles on the topic 'Aktionsart'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Battaglia, Maria Helena V. "Aktionsart." Pandaemonium Germanicum, no. 3 (November 5, 1999): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/1982-8837.pg.1999.63977.

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In diesem Aufsatz werde ich eine Unterscheidung zwischen Aspekt und Akstionsart vornehmen. Für die Unterscheidung gehe ich davon aus, daß die Aktionsart eine wichtigere Rolle im deutschen Verbalsystem spielt, während im portugiesischen Verbalsystem der Aspekt wichtiger ist. Aspekt ist eine morphosemantische Kategorie und kann durch die Aktionsart weiter bestimmt werden. Diese ihrerseits gehört als lexikal semantische Kategorie zur Bedeurung des Verbs.

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2

Kleiber, Georges. "L' Aktionsart dans la construction rougir de colère." Linguística: Revista de Estudos Linguísticos da Universidade do Porto 2 (2022): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a1.

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We aim to study the Aktionsart or lexical aspect of chromatic verbal expressions such as rougir de colère (blush with anger). The aim is twofold. First, to show that the verb blush in these expressions is not the same as the one that appears in purely chromatic uses such as Les pommes rougissent au soleil (Apples blush in the sun). Secondly, to explain the originality of Aktionsart’s “chromo-affective” use of blush

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3

Pálosi, Ildikó. "On the Basic Problems of the Category of Aktionsart in the Russian Language." Slovene 3, no. 2 (2014): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2014.3.2.5.

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The article summarizes the basic questions of aktionsart (the status, content, and borders of the category) in the Russian language and describes the most relevant views on the problem. In the author’s opinion, the category of aktionsart is a semantic-word formation category, one that includes motivated verbs with formal markers of semantic change of the base verb, except for verbs of motion. Taking into consideration that word formation models are polysemic, the verb classes of aktionsart can be specified not by formal factors but by semantic ones. Consequently, the content of the category of aktionsart is determined by word formation and semantics together. Another key problem is the connection between the category of aktionsart and category of grammatical aspect and the sphere of word formation. The author joins the opinion of those linguists who consider aktionsart to be the lexical level of the macrocategory of aspect. The category of aktionsart is separated from the sphere of word formation by the regularity of verb formation. Regarding this criteria, as the author suggests, some verb formation models of low regularity should not be acknowledged as verb classes of aktionsart.

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4

Sasse, Hans-Jürgen. "Aspect and Aktionsart." Belgian Journal of Linguistics 6 (January 1, 1991): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.6.03sas.

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5

Tobin, Yishai. "Tense-Aspect-Aktionsart." Belgian Journal of Linguistics 6 (January 1, 1991): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.6.09tob.

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6

Sobczak, Witold. "Sobre la llamada oposición aspectual entre «he cantado» y «canté» en el español de América." Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Językoznawczego LXXVI, no. 76 (December 31, 2020): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.6664.

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On the so-called aspectual opposition between «he cantado» and «canté» in Latin American Spanish. According to the majority of linguists, the opposition between the forms «he cantado» and «canté» in the American variety of Spanish is related to aspect, which may raise doubts if it is assumed that aspect is a grammatical category typical of Slavic languages and absent in Romance languages. Based on this assumption and on a precise distinction between aspect and Aktionsart, the author attempts to prove that aspect did not exist in Latin, nor does it exist in contemporary Spanish. Therefore the claim that the tenses antepresente («he cantado») and pretérito («canté») are carriers of aspectual features is hard to accept. Keywords: aspect, Aktionsart, Spanish tense system, expressing the past O tak zwanej opozycji aspektowej pomiędzy «he cantado» a «canté» w hiszpańskim w Ameryce. Streszczenie: Według większości lingwistów opozycja pomiędzy formami «he cantado» a «canté» w amerykańskiej odmianie języka hiszpańskiego ma charakter aspektowy, co może wzbudzać wątpliwości, jeśli uzna się aspekt za kategorię gramatyczną typową dla języków słowiańskich i nieobecną w językach romańskich. W oparciu o to założenie oraz precyzyjne rozróżnienie pomiędzy aspektem a Aktionsartem autor próbuje udowodnić, że aspekt nie istniał ani w łacinie, ani nie istnieje we współczesnym języku hiszpańskim i w związku z tym trudne do zaakceptowania wydaje się stwierdzenie, że czasy antepresente («he cantado ») i pretérito («canté») są nośnikami treści aspektowych. Słowa klucze: aspekt, Aktionsart, hiszpański system czasowy, wyrażanie przeszłości

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7

Stawnicka, Jadwiga. "Czasownikowe formanty modyfikacyjne w języku polskim." Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej 45 (September 25, 2015): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sfps.2010.005.

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Verbal modificational formatives in PolishThe paper presents the classification of verbal derivatives according to Aktionsart in Polish (Verbs containing modificational formatives). In the first part of this paper the main aim is to describe a research project about the semantic-derivational category of Aktionsarten in Slavonic languages. The second part of this paper focuses on the characterization of Polish types of verbal action. The term «types of verbal action» subsumes semantic-derivational classes of verbs distinguished on the basis of modifications in the meanings of verb bases, from the point of view of quantitative characteristics. These derivatives represent the following Aktionsarten: temporal, Aktionsarten with the varied degree of intensity and iterative Aktionsarten. Within the scope of particular Aktiosarten the division of derivatives into semantic groups according to the subtypes of Aktionsarten are formal ways of expressing them has been carried out. The article points at the problem of explaining the various meaning of Aktionsarten.

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8

Arnett, Carlee. "Perfect Auxiliary Selection in the Old Saxon Heliand." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 9, no. 1 (1997): 23–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700001980.

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Shannon (1990) argues that the notions of lexical aspect (Aktionsart) and transitivity are a central part of perfect auxiliary variation. This paper builds on Shannon's (1993, 1995) analyses of perfect auxiliary selection in German and other related languages. Shannon accounts for perfect auxiliary variation by means of prototypes for high transitivity and high mutativity as well as the notion of Aktionsart. This paper examines the transitivity/mutativity parameters and the concept of Aktionsart using the examples of perfect auxiliary + past participle found in the Old Saxon Heliand. An examination of some 150 examples reveals that the choice of auxiliary can be explained by Aktionsart and a definition of transitivity that is characterized by conceptual imagery.

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9

이생근. "English Imperatives and Aktionsart." Linguistic Association of Korea Journal 26, no. 3 (September 2018): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.24303/lakdoi.2018.26.3.179.

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10

Thurgood, Elzbieta, and Graham Thurgood. "Aspect, Tense, or Aktionsart?" Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.11.1.04thu.

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This paper attempts to determine whether the particle ja in Kristang (spoken in Malacca, Malaysia) functions as part of an aspect, a tense, or an aktionsart system. The paper first argues that ja does not mark the perfective in an aspectual system. Second, it argues that ja does not mark the past in a tense system. It then argues, instead, that ja marks an aktionsart category, namely, a change of state. The paper concludes by noting some historical changes in the usage of ja and speculates about some incipient changes in the Kristang system as a whole. The analysis of this particle in different conversational settings suggests that for some speakers ja marks the present relevance of events that occurred in the past. This usage of the particle relates to its original adverbial semantics in Portuguese, where já means 'already'. However, it is argued that this change in the usage of the particle has been induced by English. English is now the dominant language for many Kristang speakers and it has a semantically very similar present perfect. It is on the basis of these similarities that ja is determined to be largely a perfect marker for some Kristang speakers.

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11

Bednall, James. "Identifying Salient Aktionsart Properties in Anindilyakwa." Languages 6, no. 4 (October 9, 2021): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6040164.

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This article considers the identification and classification of salient Aktionsart properties in Anindilyakwa (Gunwinyguan, Australia). Through examining the grammatically permissible (and impermissible) distribution and co-occurrence of various temporal adverbials and morpho-syntactic structures, I identify key Aktionsart properties exhibited in Anindilyakwa. I demonstrate that the properties of dynamism and atomicity are particularly important to consider in this language, while telicity is less prominent. The detailed description and analysis of Aktionsart properties in this article contributes towards a more nuanced understanding of the aspectuo-temporal system of Anindilyakwa. In addition, it provides novel perspectives with which to consider cross-linguistic aspectuo-temporal research, particularly with a focus on smaller-scale, under-described languages.

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12

SeungAhLee. "Aktionsart, progressive aspect and underspecification." Linguistic Research 32, no. 1 (April 2015): 151–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17250/khisli.32.1.201504.006.

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13

Kortmann, Bernd. "The Triad "Tense-Aspect-Aktionsart"." Belgian Journal of Linguistics 6 (January 1, 1991): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.6.02kor.

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14

Herslund, Michael. "Perspectives on aspect and Aktionsart." Lingua 93, no. 2-3 (July 1994): 239–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(94)90008-6.

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15

Bogard, Sergio. "Aspecto, "Aktionsart" y transitividad en español." Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica (NRFH) 53, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/nrfh.v53i1.2253.

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Este trabajo parte de la consideración de que el significado aspectual, particularmente en el caso del español, no deriva necesariamente de su expresión en la flexión verbal, sino del contexto general del enunciado. Con esta base, observamos que oraciones que muestran la presencia de un objeto definido, indefinido, no definido, o bien, la ausencia de un objeto sintáctico, asociadas con una interpretación imperfectiva, se relacionan con un sentido oracional de actividad, en tanto que oraciones con un objeto de referencia definida o indefinida, vinculadas con una lectura pefectiva, se relacionan con un sentido oracional accomplishment. A partir de este desarrollo presento evidencia que me permite sugerir que la frase nominal no definida que, en apariencia, complementa oraciones transitivas de actividad, no es objeto directo, y, por lo tanto, que las correspondientes oraciones son intransitivas.

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16

Zuo, Si-Min, and Ji Hyoun Lee. "Aktionsart Classification of Mandarin Chinese Verbs." Journal of Chinese Language, Literature and Translation 40 (January 31, 2017): 463–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35822/jcllt.2017.01.40.463.

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17

Brinton, Laurel J. "The Mass/Count Distinction and Aktionsart." Belgian Journal of Linguistics 6 (January 1, 1991): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.6.04bri.

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18

Hamburger, H. "The Aktionsart as a Textual Category." Russian Literature 20, no. 3 (October 1986): 239–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-3479(86)90012-8.

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19

Fernández Pérez, Milagros. "Sobre la distinción aspecto vs. aktionsart." ELUA. Estudios de Lingüística Universidad de Alicante, no. 9 (1993): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/elua1993.9.11.

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20

Cortés-Rodriguez, Francisco J. "Revisiting Aktionsart types for lexical classes." Review of Cognitive Linguistics 14, no. 2 (December 23, 2016): 498–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rcl.14.2.09cor.

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A good number of lexical and grammatical models make use of systems of meaning representation which are based on a theory of event structure. Theories of event structure quite often take aspectual features as the backbone for the semantic representation of symbolic units, i.e predicates and constructions. One of the most comprehensive and detailed proposals for the aspectual characterization of both lexical units and argumental constructions can be found in the Lexical Constructional Model, which in turn is based on the system for semantic representations from Role and Reference Grammar. However, such a system presents some drawbacks, which stem mainly from not establishing a neat distinction between what is properly lexical and what is contributed by higher constructional units in the denotation of specific events. Taking such a distinction as a basic premise for a sound characterization of events, in this paper a reassessment of the typology of aspectual classes from these models is made; this critical revision is followed by a hierarchical reorganization of such aspectual classes.

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21

Žele, Andreja, and Eva Sicherl. "Präfixal-präpositionale Verhältnisse bei Slowenischen präfigierten Verben - kontrastiert mit dem Deutschen." Linguistica 48, no. 1 (December 29, 2008): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.48.1.259-276.

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Die Wechselbeziehung, die zwischen den Präfixen und den Präpositionen bei sloweni- schen Verben besteht, wird in der Verteilung der Aktionsart, Phasenhaftigkeit und Adverbialität zwischen den verbalen Präfixen und Präpositionen reflektiert, indem die Aktionsart, Phasenhaftigkeit und adverbiale Orientierung im präfixal-suffixalen Teil ausgedrückt werden, während die vom Verb regierte Präposition adverbiale verhältnisse ausdrückt. Die Präfixe formulieren also eine adverbiale Orientierung (Determiniertheit und Modifikation), die Präpositionen aber adverbiale Verhältnisse, die die semantische und struktur-syntaktische Rolle eines Verbs im Satz näher bestimmen.

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22

Yusof, Maslida, Mughni Murni Bustaman, and Kartini Abd Wahab. "Klasifikasi kata kerja tak ergatif dan kata kerja tak akusatif dalam Bahasa Melayu: Agentiviti dan penamat." Issues in Language Studies 11, no. 2 (November 27, 2022): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/ils.4095.2022.

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Makalah ini bertujuan membincangkan sifat semantik kata kerja tak ergatif dan kata kerja tak akusatif bahasa Melayu. Berdasarkan Hipotesis Tak Akusatif, kata kerja tak transitif dibahagikan kepada kata kerja tak akusatif dan kata kerja tak ergatif. Kedua-dua subkelas kata kerja tak transitif ini kelihatan sama pada tahap permukaan tetapi mempunyai representasi sintaksis yang berbeza. Dengan menggunakan analisis semantik yang berdasarkan klasifikasi kata kerja Aktionsart dalam teori Role and Reference Grammar (RRG), makalah ini akan memberi perhatian kepada konsep aspektual agentiviti dan penamat yang mewujudkan perbezaan antara kedua-dua kata kerja tersebut. Klasifikasi kata kerja Aktionsart yang membahagikan kata kerja kepada kata kerja keadaan, aktiviti, penyempurnaan dan pencapaian membuktikan bahawa ciri agentiviti hanya terdapat dalam kata kerja aktiviti dan ciri penamat terdapat pada kata kerja keadaan, penyempurnaan dan pencapaian. Dari perspektif Aktionsart, apabila kata kerja tak transitif ialah proses (atau aktiviti) maka kata kerja ini dipetakan sebagai tak ergatif manakala apabila kata kerja ini bertitik penamat, maka ia direalisasikan sebagai tak akusatif. Secara tidak langsung, makalah ini membuktikan penamat dan agentiviti mendasari perbezaan dalam subklasifikasi tak transitif secara merentas linguistik.

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23

Schwenk, Hans-Jörg. "Aspekt und/oder Aktionsart – Chaos ohne Ende?" Studia Germanica Gedanensia, no. 41 (November 23, 2019): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/sgg.2019.41.11.

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Der vorliegende Beitrag handelt von Aspektualität und Aktionalität im Deutschen und im Polnischen. Es konnte gezeigt werden, dass die lexikalische Opposition telisch vs. atelisch nicht mit der grammatischen Opposition perfektiv vs. imperfektiv verwechselt werden darf. Darüber hinaus liefert der Autor den Beweis dafür, dass innerhalb von Aktionalität ein scharfer Trennstrich zwischen Telizität als temporale Begrenztheit einer Handlung und dem Erreichen eines angestrebten Ziels, genannt Resultativität, zu ziehen ist.

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24

Brinton, Laurel J. "VERB PARTICLES IN ENGLISH: ASPECT OR AKTIONSART?*." Studia Linguistica 39, no. 2 (December 1985): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9582.1985.tb00750.x.

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25

Boogaart, Ronny. "Aktionsart and temporal relations in Dutch texts." Linguistics in the Netherlands 10 (October 1, 1993): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.10.05boo.

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26

Martinot, Claire, Maja Andel, and Sunil Kumar. "Acquisition of aspect and aktionsart by children in Croatian and French." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 29 (January 1, 2003): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.29.2003.173.

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Our results indicate some differences in the use of aspect between French and Croatian speaking children. In Croatian language children always manage to keep the appropriate aspect, unlike French children. However, the imperfective aspect seems to be better acquired in French children than the perfective aspect. The perfective aspect, the marked form both in French as well as in Croatian, is related to the lexical meaning of the verbs. The acquisition of the Aktionsart in both languages seems to be more a matter of semantics than of morphology. Furthermore, our data suggest the existence of a specific developmental trend in the use of Aktionsart (intensive, iterative and inchoative), which is similar for children speaking Slavic and Romanic languages.

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27

García-Pardo, Alfredo. "Aspect and Argument structure in adjectival passives." Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 6, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4095.

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This paper investigates the patterns regarding the (un)availability of by-phrases and agent-oriented modification in adjectival passives in Spanish. Departing from the observation that adjectival participles derived from change-of-state verbs ban agent-oriented modification but those derived from stative causative verbs allow it, I put forth a novel theoretical account that derives the restrictions solely from the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate, syntactically modelled and independently motivated. I extend my proposal to German and Hebrew, which display a similar behavior, and propose a parametric account for languages like Greek that freely allow by-phrases and agent-oriented modification regardless of the Aktionsart of the underlying verbal predicate.

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28

Tantucci, Vittorio. "Traversativity and grammaticalization." Chinese Language and Discourse 6, no. 1 (September 10, 2015): 57–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cld.6.1.03tan.

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This paper discusses the new aktionsart of traversativity, here defined as the category marking the phase of ‘getting-through’ an event or a situation. Different from completives and resultatives (cf. Bybee et al. 1994), traversatives do not profile a phasal contiguity with the telos of a situation, and thus detach the actionality of the event from a subsequent resultant phase. This entails that, along a perfective cline of change, the aktionsart of traversatives triggers aspectual discontinuity or anti-resultativity (cf. Plungian & van der Auwera 2006). Drawing on this, the present work focuses on the grammaticalization of the traversative particle 过 guò in Mandarin Chinese towards experiential perfect (cf. Cao 1995, Lin 2004, Liu 2009) and interpersonal evidential (IE) usages (cf. Tantucci 2013, 2014a, 2014b). I argue that the experiential and evidential reanalyses V-过 guò are semantically and pragmatically prompted by the original traversative aktionsart of the particle 过 guò. I further discuss this phenomenon through a quantitative and qualitative corpus analysis shedding light on the correspondence between specific written genres and the synchronic employment of V-过 guò either as a phasal, an experiential or an interpersonal evidential (IE) marker. Finally, I suggest that actional discontinuity or anti-resultativity constitutes a productive semantic-pragmatic trigger of further evidential reanalyses of a construction.

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29

Rispoli, Matthew. "Lexical assignability and perspective switch: the acquisition of verb subcategorization for aspectual inflections." Journal of Child Language 17, no. 2 (June 1990): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900013829.

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ABSTRACTThis paper explores how children learn the range of aspect inflections to which a verb is amenable. The data considered are from observations of three Japanese boys aged between 1; 10 and 2; 1. Analyses focus on the children's mastery of Aktionsart specific intersentential patterns. For example, in one pattern, a caregiver asks nani shiteiru? ‘What is someone or something doing’. The conventional answer is with the continuative -te iru form of a verb that expresses an activity. Three conclusions are drawn. First, lexical assignment had begun before aspectual inflections were used to signal temporal perspective switch. Secondly, lexical assignment began with anchorpoints tying certain lexical contrasts to the Aktionsart of minimal sentences. Thirdly, overgeneralizations of aspect inflections are due to the difficulty of acquiring devices that signal temporal perspective switch.

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30

Bolsunovskaya, Liudmila, Raisa Abramova, Galina Pozdeeva, and Tatyana Korotchenko. "Aktionsart and multiple events in the selkup dialects." XLinguae 9, no. 4 (October 2016): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18355/xl.2016.09.04.68-91.

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31

Kotin, Michail L. "Einige Fragen der Aktionsart- und Aspektfunktion im Sprachvergleich." Studia Germanica Posnaniensia, no. 38 (June 25, 2018): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sgp.2017.38.08.

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The contribution deals with selected questions of the interaction between the so called “lexical aspect” (the opposition between telicity and atelicity) and the grammatical aspect (or so called “viewpoint”- aspect, i.e. the opposition between perfectivity and imperfectivity) in the languages with and without the overtly encoded aspect. The striking point of the analysis is the “complexive” meaning of aspectual forms and constructions involving lexical atelicity by indicating durativity or iterativity, on the one hand, and grammatical perfectivity by indicating the complexive perspective of the verbal action on the other. This type of aspectuality was a special feature of verbal systems with the aorist category. My claim is, thus, that the contemporary English has a special grammatical form of the “complexive aorist”, i.e. the form of Present Perfect Progressive. The Slavic languages encode this function by using the – unmarked – imperfective forms of the verbs, whereas German uses special means of encoding the very same function on the whole-clause level, such as adverbials or definite vs. indefinite or zero article.

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32

Klaiman, M. H. "Aktionsart, Semantics, and Function in the Japanese "Passive"." Studies in Language 11, no. 2 (January 1, 1987): 401–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.11.2.06kla.

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The Japanese "passive" construction with the verb stem formant -(r)are-has dual semantic functions. In some uses it indicates that the action's effects impinge emotively and/or psychologically on the subject, while in other uses the special effective nuance is absent. This distinction of semantic functions is shown to correlate with a distinction in the inherent aspectual character (Aktionsart) of verbally denoted actions, the deed/attribute distinction. A -(r)are- verb denoting a concrete action, or deed, implicates an abrupt change of circumstances having immediate effects on the subject's emotional and/or psychological situation; while processes and other nonconcrete actions, expressed through -(r)are-'s attributive use, implicate less immediate changes of the subject's state. In sum, the manner in which the action proceeds conditions the specific type of affect with which it is associated; both uses of -(r)are- are affective in distinct ways. These findings suggest the need to reconsider prior formal accounts of 'passive' -(r)are- constructions as rule-conditioned alternates of corresponding sentences without -(r)are-.

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33

Thorley, John. "Aktionsart in New Testament Greek: Infinitive and Imperative." Novum Testamentum 31, no. 4 (1989): 290–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853689x00252.

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34

Thorley, John. "Subjunctive Aktionsart in New Testament Greek: a Reassessment." Novum Testamentum 30, no. 3 (1988): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853688x00109.

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35

Ehrich, Veronika, and Irene Rapp. "Nominalizations and temporal prepositions." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 27 (January 1, 2002): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.27.2002.149.

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In this paper, we deal with the semantic interaction between ung-nominalizations of different event types and temporal prepositions like wiihrend 'during', vor 'before', nach 'after', bis 'until' and seit 'since'. According to the two-level-approach to selnantics (Bierwisch 1983, Bierwisch / Lang 1989), we will argue that the meaning of ten~poral prepositions is determined on the level of semantic form (SF). When combined with an event nominal, the period in time required by the preposition has to be inferred on the level of conceptual structure (CS). Very often, the exact nature of the period in time is determined by pragmatic factors. There are, however, some important restrictions to this inference procedure which rely on the event noun's Aktionsart. In Ehrich/Rapp (2000), it was claimed that eventive ungnominals inherit the Aktionsart of their base verb. This assumption receives strong support by the data presented in this paper.

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Gooden, Shelome. "Discourse aspects of tense marking in Belizean Creole." English World-Wide 29, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 306–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.29.3.04goo.

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Debates on the relationship between the aspectual properties of verbs and past marking in Caribbean English Creoles tend to focus on two main issues. The first is the semantic function of the “relative past” and its relation to the unmarked verb, and the second is the discourse functions of the relative past marker and the unmarked verb. This paper addresses two issues related to this debate. Using fieldwork data from Belizean Creole, I present a qualitative analysis of tense usage in discourse focusing on the role of the inherent lexical aspect (aktionsart) of predicates. I examine how two different notions of past meaning are distributed between marked and unmarked verbs with different aktionsarten. I also look at the discourse function of these verbs in the contexts of the meanings expressed. I argue that an analysis of both the aktionsarten of the verbs and discourse factors are critical to developing an understanding of the range of meanings and functions of both the relative past marker and the unmarked verb. The paper also presents a new approach to the study of temporal reference in creoles. The picture-based story method provides an objective way of evaluating speakers’ choice of grounding and also facilitates comparison across speakers, given that several potentially variable aspects of the narrative are controlled for.

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Milivojević, Nataša. "ASPECT AND AKTIONSART OF SECONDARY ASPECTUAL VERBS IN SERBIAN." Годишњак Филозофског факултета у Новом Саду 46, no. 2 (December 16, 2021): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/gff.2021.2.65-80.

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The aim of the paper is to investigate aspectual value of secondary aspectual verb phrase in Serbian in terms of both grammatical and lexical aspect (Aktionsart). The present analysis focuses on two secondary aspectualizers krenuti and stati, which when used as lexical verbs have the opposite meanings related to motion in space, but when they appear as phase construction heads both verbs modify the opening segment of the aspectual event. The central idea of the proposal is that event types in general largely depend on temporal structures which need to be contextualized before they are formally identifiable. In other words, contrary to traditional approaches which define lexical aspect as inherent to verb meaning, we claim that each verb form (or any lexical and/or grammatical form for that matter) has an underlying meaning through which it entertains systematic relations with other forms in a language (Hirtle 1982:40). We start form aspectual and Aktionsart features of krenuti and stati as verb lexemes, then move onto the level of syntax to identify the co-compositional aspect of the overall phase construction via event structure and event segmentation mechanisms. Finally, the present paper aims to examine different uses of the two secondary aspectual verbs, along with the different types of events they can denote in order to bring to light the potential meanings which give rise to the various contextual senses of the aspectual construction. The reported results of the analysis were checked on the Corpus of Contemporary Serbian Language (SrpKor 2013). Key words: aspectual constructions, Aktionsart, aspectual event, temporal structure, secondary aspectualizer, event segmentation, event co-composition

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Чуйкова, Оксана Юрьевна. "«Точки» и «запятые» в структуре ситуации: абсолютный и относительный предел и средства их выражения (аспектуальные характеристики и падеж прямого дополнения)." Język i Metoda 7 (2021): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23919981jm.21.021.14253.

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The paper deals with some features of the event structure that influence its formal expression and determine the wider context of a clause. The notion of relative/absolute boundedness is used to indicate the exhaustiveness of the event. The relative boundedness is a feature that makes it possible to use the genitive partitive case as the direct object. Within such perfective verbs as vypit’ ‘drink.PF’ and sjest’ ‘eat.PF’, the nominal case determines the interpretation of a verbal phrase: the accusative indicates the absolute boundedness while use of the genitive results in the relative boundedness. As for degree achievements, delimitative Aktionsart and semelfactive Aktionsart, it is the verb that determines the interpretation of a verbal phrase. What all the examined cases have in common is that the use of the genitive as the direct object marker indicates the relative boundedness (partial resultativeness): the object of the event is a part of the cumulative object of a wider (actual or ideal) situation.

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EGG, MARKUS. "The Intergressive as a New Category of Verbal Aktionsart." Journal of Semantics 12, no. 4 (1995): 311–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/12.4.311.

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López-Campos Bodineau, Rafael de la Cruz. "Die Aktionsart in der deutschen Sprache: Eine kategoriale Unterteilung." Forum Filologiczne Ateneum, no. 1(8)2020 (November 1, 2020): 199–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.36575/2353-2912/1(8)2020.199.

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The aim of this paper is to review some of the fundamental concepts concerning the widely discussed controversy on the mode of action in German. Specifically, the proposal articulates the traditional categories into two basic branches (actions of state / actions of change of state) subdividing the groups into the ingressive, durative and egressive dimensions of German verbs. The whole set is completed by an additional category called “iterative” which is shown by means of grammatical devices whose nature is not necessarily verbal.

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Moser, Amalia. "From Aktionsart to aspect: Grammaticalization and subjectification in Greek." Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 46, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2014.955965.

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Ojanguren López, Ana Elvira. "The lexical representation of English verbs of action. Complex predicates and structures." Revista de Lingüística y Lenguas Aplicadas 14, no. 1 (July 19, 2019): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/rlyla.2019.11080.

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<p>This article aims at proposing a lexical representation for a set of English verbs of action. The analysis is carried out on the grounds of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) and includes aspects like <em>Aktionsart </em>type, macrorole and syntactic function assignment, linking, as well as nexus and juncture. Against this background, the meaning components of the verbs in question are analysed, in such a way that a logical structure based on a lexical representation is defined for each verbal class. Conclusions fall on both the descriptive and the theoretical side. From the descriptive point of view, <em>Fail </em>and <em>Try </em>verbs constitute a unified verbal class as regards their meaning components and grammatical behaviour and, thus, they are represented by means of a unified logical structure. Conversely, <em>Prevent </em>verbs and <em>Forbid </em>verbs require different logical structures that account for their divergent grammatical behaviour, corresponding to the Causative Activity and Causative Achievement <em>Aktionsart </em>types respectively. On the theoretical side, the logical structures of <em>End </em>verbs, <em>Fail </em>verbs, <em>Try </em>verbs and <em>Prevent </em>verbs stick to the canonical representations of RRG, while those of <em>Hinder </em>verbs and <em>Refrain </em>verbs require complex predicates and complex logical structures which allow to incorporate extra meaning components and to combine different <em>Aktionsart </em>types.</p>

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Tichák, Viktor. "Die Charaktere des Erfolgs aus linguistischer Sicht." Studia Germanica Gedanensia, no. 41 (November 23, 2019): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/sgg.2019.41.12.

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Die Studie präsentiert ein neu definiertes System der Kategorien Aspektualität, Aktionsart und Verbalcharakter. Das Ziel ist es, die Existenz semantisch markierter tschechischer Verben zu beschreiben, die die letzte Phase eines durativen Prozesses und dessen erfolgreichen Abschluss ausdrücken (z.B. dočkat se und čekat) und die semantische Kategorie ‚Erfolg‘ im Tschechischen und Deutschen systematisch einzuordnen.

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Klimonov, Vladimir. "Об одном подходе к категоризации лексической аспектуальности в русском языке." Studia Rossica Posnaniensia, no. 42 (June 19, 2018): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strp.2017.42.17.

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The paper deals with the categorization of verbal situations (lexical aspects: events, processes, and states) and their subcategorization according to finer Aktionsart distinctions. The proposed two-component model for the categorization of lexical aspectuality is based on uniform quantitative features. Four subclasses of events will be distinguished, which will be subclassified further.

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Mairal-Usón, Ricardo, and Pamela Faber. "Lexical templates within a functional cognitive theory of meaning." Annual Review of Cognitive Linguistics 5 (November 29, 2007): 137–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/arcl.5.07mai.

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Within the context of the Lexical Constructional Model, which provides a comprehensive account of the relationship between syntax and all facets on meaning construction, this paper is concerned with one of the major representational modules of the model, viz. a lexical template. It is claimed that a lexical template consists of a semantic specification plus a logical structure. The logical structure formalism is constructed on the basis of Aktionsart distinctions proposed in Role and Reference Grammar (Van Valin & Lapolla, 1997; Van Valin, 2005). Aktionsart regularities are captured by the external variables of the template, specified in Roman characters, and by a set of high-level elements of structure that function as semantic primitives. Lexical templates also contain internal variables, marked with Arabic numerals, and formally expressed in terms of a catalogue of lexical functions. These variables capture world-knowledge elements that relate in a way specific to the predicate defined by the lexical template. In order to test the viability of lexical templates, a detailed analysis of a set of verbs within the lexical domain of cognition is included.

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Stoll, Sabine. "The role of Aktionsart in the acquisition of Russian aspect." First Language 18, no. 54 (October 1998): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014272379801805405.

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Oversteegen, Leonoor. "On tense and aktionsart The two track theory of time." Lingua 69, no. 3 (July 1986): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(86)90068-9.

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Prendushi, Gjilda Alimhilli. "Verbal Groups of Telic Action in Albanian Language." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (January 21, 2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i3.p43-48.

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In this article I introduce and analyze the syntactic behaviour (compatibility and restrictions) of achievement and accomplishment verbs in standard Albanian, according to Aktionsart. The Aktionsart is a system of classification of verbs into verbal classes morphologically distinct from each other, in which at the basic meaning of the verb are added different values of space, quality, etc. The accomplishments and achievements in Albanian have comparable action meaning and syntactic behavior, such as to justify their inclusion in the class of telic verbs. A telic verb is that one which presents an action or event as being completed in some manner. On the other hand, these two subclasses of telics are also characterized on the basis of a series of distinctive elements that lead us to lay a certain distinction between them. An accomplishment verb is a form that expresses that something or someone has undergone a change in state as the result of the completion of an event. On the other side an achievement verbs express an instant action that changes the state of the subject. By using the categories and procedures of textual linguistics I focus on the semantic and syntactic features of some groups of verbs.

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Duncan, Susan D. "Gesture, verb aspect, and the nature of iconic imagery in natural discourse." Gesture 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2002): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/gest.2.2.04dun.

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Linguistic analyses of Mandarin Chinese and English have detailed the differences between the two languages in terms of the devices each makes available for expressing distinctions in the temporal contouring of events — verb aspect and Aktionsart. In this study, adult native speakers of each language were shown a cartoon, a movie, or a series of short action sequences and then videotaped talking about what they had seen. Comparisons revealed systematic within-language covariation of choice of aspect and/or Aktionsart in speech with features of co-occurring iconic gestures. In both languages, the gestures that speakers produced in imperfective aspect-marked speech contexts were more likely to take longer to produce and were more complex than those in perfective aspect speech contexts. Further, imperfective-progressive aspect-marked spoken utterances regularly accompanied iconic gestures in which the speaker’s hands engaged in some kind of temporally-extended, repeating or‘agitated’ movements. Gestures sometimes incorporated this type of motion even when there was nothing corresponding to it in the visual stimulus; for example, when speakers described events of stasis. These facts suggest that such gestural agitation may derive from an abstract level of representation, perhaps linked to aspectual view itself. No significant between-language differences in aspect- or Aktionsart-related gesturing were observed. We conclude that gestural representations of witnessed events, when performed in conjunction with speech, are not simply derived from visual images, stored as perceived in the stimulus, and transposed as faithfully as possible to the hands and body of the speaker (cf. Hadar & Butterworth, 1997). Rather, such gestures are part of a linguistic-conceptual representation (McNeill & Duncan, 2000) in which verb aspect has a role. We further conclude that the noted differences between the systems for marking aspectual distinctions in spoken Mandarin and English are at a level of patterning that has little or no influence on speech-co-occurring imagistic thinking.

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FÁBREGAS, ANTONIO, and RAFAEL MARÍN. "The role of Aktionsart in deverbal nouns: State nominalizations across languages." Journal of Linguistics 48, no. 1 (November 23, 2011): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226711000351.

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Most of the literature devoted to the study of deverbal nominalizations concentrates on the complex event reading (e.g. La concentración de partículas tiene lugar a temperatura ambiente ‘The concentration of particles takes place at room temperature’) and the object reading (e.g. El paciente tenía concentraciones de calcio en el hombro ‘The patient had calcium concentrations in the shoulder’), while nominalizations denoting states (e.g. La concentración de Sherlock Holmes duró cinco horas ‘Sherlock Holmes’ concentration lasted five hours') have remained, in general, understudied. In this paper we present their empirical properties and argue that, despite the empirical differences, state nominalizations and event nominalizations can receive a unified account. We show that in Spanish, Catalan, French, English and German the question of whether a deverbal nominalization denotes a state or an event, or is ambiguous between both readings depends on independent properties of the verbal base, allowing us to propose a unified account of both classes of nominalizations: the productive nominalizers in these languages can only denote the aspectual notions contained in the base's Aktionsart. We further argue that other languages, like Slovenian, have productive nominalizers that can operate over the external aspect of the predicate; in these cases, the nominalization can denote aspectual notions not contained in the base's Aktionsart.

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