Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Aktionsart'

This study aimed to investigate English Aktionsart coercion, particularly novel coercion, through corpora-based research. Novel coercions are those which need some contextual support in order to make sense of or be grammatical. Due to the nature of the data, a necessary part of the study was the design of a program to help in the process of tagging corpora for Aktionsart. This thesis starts with a discussion of five commonly accepted Aktionsarten: state, activity, achievement, accomplishment, and semelfactive. One significant contribution of the thesis is that it offers a comprehensive review and discussion of various theories that have been proposed to account for Aktionsart or aspectual coercion, as there is no such synthesis available in the literature. Thus the thesis moves on to a review of many of the more prominent works in the area of Aktionsart coercion, including Moens and Steedman (1988), Pustejovsky (1995), and De Swart (1998). I also present a few theories drawn from less prominent studies by authors in the area who have different or interesting views on the topic, such as Bickel (1997), Krifka (1998), and Xiao and McEnery (2004). In order to study the Aktionsart coercion of verbs in large corpora, examples of Aktionsart coercion needed to be collected. I aimed to design a computer program that could ideally perform a large portion of this task automatically. I present the methods I used in designing the program, as well as the process involved in using it to collect data. Some major steps in my research were the tagging of corpora, counting of coercion 3 frequency by type, and the selection of representative examples of different types of coercion for analysis and discussion. All of the examples collected from the corpora, both by my Aktionsart-tagging program and manually, were conventional coercions. As such there was no opportunity for an analysis of novel coercions. I nevertheless discuss the examples of conventional coercion that I gathered from the corpora analysis, with particular reference to Moens and Steedman’s (1988) theory. Three dominant types of coercion were identified in the data: from activities into accomplishments, activities into states, and accomplishments into states. There were two main ways coercions taking place in the data: from activity to accomplishment through the addition of an endpoint, and from various Aktionsarten into state by coercing the event into being a property of someone/something. Many of the Aktionsart coercion theories are supported at least in part by the data found in natural language. One of the most prominent coercions that is underrepresented in the data is from achievement to accomplishment through the addition of a preparatory process. I conclude that while there are reasons for analysing Aktionsart at verb phrase or sentence level, this does not mean the possibility of analyses at the lexical level should be ignored.

Esta tese investiga a expressão do Tempo e do Aspecto nas línguas árabe e portuguesa, a fim de estabelecer uma discussão de como as duas formas que compõem o seu sistema verbal - /almāḍī/ e almuḍāriᶜ/, aqui denominadas perfectivo e imperfectivo, respectivamente -, podem ser representadas no português do Brasil. O método de análise partiu da leitura e tradução do texto tomado como corpus, o conto \"O tapete persa\" de Hanan Aššayḫ, seguidas da identificação das formas verbais a serem analisadas, para lançar uma proposta de tradução de acordo com a divisão temporal do quadro do sistema verbal do português. Foi feita, para cada tempo (ou modo) que traduziu as formas árabes, uma discussão da decisão, levando em conta o contexto, sua interpretação temporal/aspectual, e, também, a Aktionsart de cada item verbal. O que se descobriu nesta pesquisa coincidiu com as conclusões apontadas nos trabalhos discutidos, como Cuvalay-Haak (1997), Holes (2004) e Bahloul (2008), sobre a língua árabe de que o perfectivo é mais comumente empregado na indicação de tempo passado, em ambientes neutros, onde outras interpretações não são possíveis, e, ao mesmo tempo, o aspecto perfectivo. O imperfectivo comporta-se semelhantemente ao tempo flexional presente do português e expressa o tempo simultâneo ao momento da fala, o futuro, o passado ou não apresenta nenhuma ligação com o tempo; pode ainda ser traduzido pelas três formas nominais, quando em perífrase. Na área aspectual, expressa o imperfectivo com verbos durativos ou, com verbos pontuais, o perfectivo ou o iterativo; precedido do verbo ﮐﺍن /kāna/ indica a continuidade do evento no passado, com uma leitura de situação habitual ou iterativa; ocorre, também, com ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ /mā zāla/ para indicar a continuidade no presente.
This thesis investigates Tense and Aspect expression in Arabic and Portuguese language, in order to establish a discussion of how both forms that composes its verbal system - /almāḍī/ and almuḍāriᶜ/, here named as perfective and imperfective, respectively -, can be represented in Brazilian Portuguese. The analysis method started from the reading and translation of the text took as corpus \"The Persian Carpet\", a Hanan Aššayḫ\'s short story following the verbal forms identification to be analyzed in order to propose a translation according to the temporal division of the Portuguese verbal system structure. That was a discussion of the decision for each tense (or mood) that translated the Arabic forms, taking into account the context, it\'s temporal/apectual interpretation and also the Aktionsart of each verb. This research finding coincided with conclusions pointed out by studies about Arabic language, such Cuvalay-Haak (1997), Holes (2004) and Bahloul (2008), that the perfective is generally used in the past tense indication, in neutral situations, where others interpretations are not possible or, at the same time, the perfective aspect. The imperfective (tense and aspect) behaves like the portuguese\'s present tense and also expresses the simultaneous time at the moment of speech, the future, the past or have no temporal link; it can even be translated by the three nominal forms, when in periphrasis. In the aspectual area, it expresses the imperfective with durative verbs, or with pontual verbs, the perfective or the iterative; preceded by the verb ﮐﺍن /kāna/ it indicates the event continuity in the past, with an habitual or iterative situation reading; it occurs also with the verb ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ /mā zāla/ to indicate the continuity in the present.

Coyote Papers, Vol. 16 features a combined bibliography for all articles in the issue. This bibliography is available at http://arizona.openrepository.com/arizona/handle/10150/125965
In this paper, I explore verb theme categories in Navajo in general, and their relation to Indo-European Aktionsart in particular. Midgette (1995) argues that we should not consider Navajo verb theme categories to be the same sort of property as Indo-European Aktionsart, both because there are more verb theme categories than there are Aktionsarts, and because Aktionsart is part of the lexical semantics of a verb, while verb theme categories are derived through morphological processes. I suggest, however, that we may in fact view these as related phenomena. In making the case for a unified treatment of Navajo verb themes and Indo-European Aktionsart, I appeal to arguments from Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz, 1993), from non-lexical Aktionsart (Harley, 1999), and from varied approaches to word building (Marantz, 2001; Arad, 2003).

L’oggetto della presente tesi è la relazione tra due fenomeni: aspetto verbale e Aktionsart, in particolare nella lingua russa. Il primo capitolo è dedicato alla struttura del dominio tempo-aspettuale in diverse lingue e alla storia dello sviluppo della terminologia in esame, nonché alla posizione dei termini aspetto e Aktionsart nella linguistica tedesca, italiana e russa. Nel secondo capitolo viene definito l’aspetto verbale russo come categoria lessico-grammaticale strutturata in un paradigma binario, che viene descritta, poi, sia dal punto di vista formale che semantico. Una parte del capitolo è dedicata al significato invariante dell’aspetto da un lato e ai significati aspettuali specifici del perfettivo e imperfettivo dall’altro. Successivamente vengono trattati i processi della formazione dei verbi di due aspetti. Nel terzo capitolo viene riportata una tesi sull’importanza del riconoscimento dei significati lessicali verbali nella spiegazione del modo in cui si utilizzano gli aspetti. Viene presentata una classificazione degli Aktionsarten raggruppati sulla base di diversi affissi che apportano ai verbi vari significati lessicali. Nell’ultimo capitolo sono descritti alcuni problemi nell’apprendimento dell’aspetto per gli studenti di russo come lingua straniera. Tramite l’analisi di una raccolta di elaborati degli studenti italiani, viene mostrata la presenza di specifiche difficoltà nell’utilizzo delle corrette forme del presente e del futuro indicativo, nonché dell’infinito. La tesi fa risaltare le difficoltà nell’apprendimento dei fenomeni in oggetto della lingua russa e può servire da spunto per riflessioni sui possibili rafforzamenti delle metodologie dell’insegnamento dell’argomento.

Denne masteroppgaven tar for seg to ulike sterke fortidspartisipper i nordnorsk (hovedsakelig Troms-mål), der man i intransitive verb har ei veksling mellom vanlig supinumsending -e og det som antakelig opphavlig har vært hankjønnsforma -en, uavhengig av kjønn. Disse to fortidspartisippa opptrer også med ulike hjelpeverb, henholdsvis ha og være. Vekslinga blir analysert semantisk som ei aspektuell markering av hendelsesstruktur, der være + -en koder det som blir kalt resultativt aspekt, mens ha + -e koder perfektivt aspekt. Resultativt aspekt forutsetter at hendelsesstrukturen består av to distinkte hendelser, en aktivitet og en tilstand som blir forårsaka av denne aktiviteten. Det blir også forsøksvis vist hvordan hendelsesstrukturen og aspektet oppstår i derivasjonen av ei setning, og gjennom dette framgår det dessuten hva betydningsbidraget til de to ulike morfema og til hjelpeverba er.

L'Hypothèse de la Primauté de l'Aspect (Anderson & Shirai, 1996) propose que les verbes ont tous leur propre aspect lexical inhérent. Ces aspects lexicaux sont: les états, les activités, les accomplissements et les achèvements. Toujours selon l'Hypothèse de l'Aspect, les inflexions grammaticales des verbes apparaîtraient dans la production des apprenants, d'une L1 ainsi que d'une L2, d'une manière cohérente avec l'aspect lexical du verbe. La présente étude examinera l'acquisition du progressif du présent en anglais par les apprenants français d'anglais L2. Les résultats d'un teste de compétence générale linguistique indiquent que les participants de cette étude sont à trois niveaux linguistiques: débutant (n = 20), intermédiaire (n = 14) et avancé (n = 19). Leurs résultats seront comparés à ceux du groupe témoin composé de sept locuteurs natifs de l'anglais (n = 7), qui venaient de finir leur licence ou étaient en train de l'obtenir. Les résultats d'une ANOVA simple montrent que la difference entre les groupes est significative (f(3, 58) = 3.520, p = .021). Les résultats d'un test d'acceptabilité /préférence grammaticale révèlent un effet significatif pour l'aspect lexical et le groupe pour les niveaux débutant (X² (1) = 16.904, p = .001) et intermédiaire (X² (1) = 12.167, p = .001), mais pas pour le niveau avancé (X² (1) = .032, p = .499). D'après un test de chi carré, les résultats d'une description d'une vidéo se révèlent être significatifs en ce qui concerne l'aspect lexical : (X² (1) = 198.242, p = .001). Ces résultats montrent un fort effort d'aspect lexical sur le choix entre le présent simple et le présent progressif et indiqueraient aussi un effet de plateau puisque les différences entre les niveaux intermédiaires et avancés sont souvent non significatives. Les résultats indiquent aussi une préférence pour le présent simple comparé au present progressif, surtout avec les verbes téliques.

Depuis les travaux de Haiman (1985), l’iconicité de la syntaxe est un sujet à la mode. Ce sujet s’impose particulièrement dans le cas des langues isolantes, à morphologie réduite, où l’ordre des mots est le marqueur principal des structures syntaxiques et se trouve, par là, au centre de la grammaire. L’ordre des mots dans une phrase mime-t-il l’ordre des événements dont on parle ou reflète-t-il l’ordre même du discours, ou est-il arbitraire ? Dans la lignée des travaux sur l’iconicité de Peirce (1930), Haiman (1980, 1985), Tai (1985) etc., nous appelons ‘iconicité temporelle’ le fait que la succession dans le temps, c’est-à-dire dans la chaîne parlée, des constituants d’un énoncé mime la succession des événements dans un monde de référence. Nous avons étendu le champ d’application de cette ‘iconicité temporelle’ des événements aux procès et, de là, aux phases qui les composent. L’objectif de cette thèse est de tenter de ‘faire marcher’ l’idée d’‘iconicité de la séquence 'jusqu’au bout, en partant d’une définition des CVS la plus large possible permettant d’englober toute suite de constituants verbaux ne présentant aucun connecteur. Cela permet d’étendre l’étude à toute séquence de procès décomposable en sous-procès dans le monde de référence ou en sous-événements dans le monde du discours (systèmes protase-apodose hypothétique et temporel). Si l’iconicité est partout, c’est que les marques séquentielles (l’ordre des constituants), avec les informations sur les prédicats (valence et Aktionsart) codées dans le lexique, sont essentielles au fonctionnement des langues isolantes du type du chinois, et que ces marques séquentielles obéissent le plus souvent, au moins dans le cas du chinois, à l’iconicité
Since Haiman (1985), the iconicity of syntax is a hot topic. This subject is particularly important in the case of isolating languages, with reduced morphology, in which the word order is the main marker of syntactic structures, and, is, therefore, at the centre of grammar. Does the word order in a sentence mimic the order of the events one is speaking of or does it reflect the very order of the discourse, or is it arbitrary? In the line of Peirce (1930), Haiman (1980, 1985), Tai (1985), etc., we call ‘temporal iconicity’ the fact that succession in the time, or in the spoken chain, of constituents of a statement mimics the succession of events in a world of reference. We have extended the scope of this ‘temporal iconicity’ from events to processes and hence to the phases that compose them. The objective of this thesis is to try to develop the idea of ‘iconicity of the temporal sequence’ to its very end, starting from a definition of SVC (serial verb construction) as wide as possible to encompass any sequence of verbal constituents without overt connector. In such a way, it becomes possible to extend the study to any sequence of decomposable processes in sub-tracks in the reference world or in sub-events in the discourse world (conditional and temporal protasis-apodosis systems). If the iconicity is everywhere, it is because that the sequential marks (the constituents order), with the informations about the predicates (valence and Aktionsart) encoded in the lexicon, are essential to the functioning of the isolating languages of the type of Chinese, and that these sequential marks obey most often, at least in the case of Chinese, to iconicity

The aim of this dissertation is to recover the aspectual pairs (proto-pairs) for the affixed verbs attested in “Zadonščina” - an Old Russian text, written between the end of the XIV and the beginning of the XV century - and, more precisely, in its copies Kirillo-Belozerskij (KB) and Undol'skij (U). Considering that the category of aspect of Old Russian differs morpho-functionally from its current state, in this work the term proto-pair, proto-perfective and proto-imperfective are used to underline this difference. Therefore, an issue that must be solved is, whether an affix's form and informative contribution could help us predict the type of proto-pair that we have to assign to the verbs of the Zadonščina. In this dissertation, which consists of an Introduction, three Chapters, the Conclusions and two Appendixes, we have tried to provide some answers to this problematics. The Introduction explains the reasons why we chose the KB and U copies. The first, KB, is the oldest copy and appeared in the XV century. Moreover, it is the only one which presents the text in the so-called “short variant”. The second, (U), instead, is one of the most recent copies, considering that it was edited in the XVII century, and it is the most complete among the “long variant”one. Apart from these reasons, it must be considered that investigating only these two copies allows us (despite the shortness of the text) to compare their affixed verbs in common textual passages. As a result, both different morpho-functional characteristics owned by their affixes and the grade of development obtained by the Old Russian aspectual system can be shown respectively in the XV (KB) and in the XVII century (U). The copies KB and U analysed here are present in the edition, proposed by R.P. Dmitrieva and published in the volume Slovo o polku Igoreve i pamjatniki Kulikovskogo cikla. K voprosu o vremeni napisanija “Slova”, published in 1966. In Chapter I we faced the issue of how to realize the proto-pairs for the affixed verbs of Zadonščina. First of all, the category of aspect is distinguished from the Aktionsarten'one, because the latter also is able, by verbal derivation, to cause a change in the aspectuality of the sentence. To take into consideration the peculiarities of the Russian language, the category of Aktionsarten has been further divided into the notion of actional class, actionality, verbal character and into the notion of sposob dejstvija. Because of the absence of studies able to predict a proto-pair from an Old Russian verb form, it was decided to apply the approach utilized (but for Modern Russian) by E.V. Padučeva (in Semantičeskie issledovanija. Semantika i narrativa, published in 1996). This approach allows us to predict the type of aspectual pair (perfektnaja, predel'naja, proleptičeskaja, trivial'naja para) from the actional class of a perfective verb. According to this, the Zadonščina's affixed verbs (and their bases) are classified into actional classes, defined by the combination of the semantic-actional properties (well-known in syncronic and dyacronic studies on Russian aspect) of [terminativity/unterminativity], [durativity/punctuality] and [stative/not stative]. On the base of these actional classes, the affixed verbs are associated to one of the types of proto-pair equivalent to the abovementioned types of aspectual pairs identified in Modern Russian. Among the various aspectual oppositions presented, for the category of aspect the aspectual distintive opposition of [+/- achievement of the limit] was chosen. This is because it underlines the strict tie between aspect and actional classes. After this introductive part, in the Chapters II and III we pursued, for each affix attested in the text, a spacial meaning (for the prefixes) or a functional value (for the suffixes) able to be considered basical, prototypical, valid in other words for all its derived uses and verbs. This allowed us, before starting the analysis of the Zadonščina's affixed verbs, to observe which derived classes could be associated to an affixed verb, when its prefix, in comparison to the basical meaning, shows a 'not-aspectual' (or 'only spatial'), 'spatial-aspectual', 'temporal-aspectual' and 'only-aspectual' value, or when its suffix, in comparison to the basical function, show a 'not-aspectual' (or 'denominal), 'temporal-aspectual' or 'only-aspectual' suffix. The temporal-aspectual values assigned to affixes (both prefixes and suffixes) are always recognized as corresponding to the ones referred to the sposoby dejstvija verbs, classified by the Linguistic Moscow School. After this, considering the actional class and the prefissal or suffixal value shown in the contexts by the Zadonščina's affixed verbs, we researched the corrisponding proto-pair formed with verbs already attested in the text or with others, which we looked up in the dictionaries of Old Russian Slovar' Drevnerusskogo Jazyka XI-XIV vv. and Slovar' Russkogo Jazyka XI-XVII vv. In the Chapter IV, tables and graphics show the quantity of verbs derived from prefixes with a spatial-aspectual, temporal-aspectual, only-aspectual value, as well by the suffixes -a-, -yva- and -nu- (and their variants) with temporal-aspectual and only-aspectual values. After all, the affixed verbs are put in correspondence with the type of proto-pair produced (if possible). Last but not least, the Appendixes 1 e 2. In the first one, the affixed verbs in the Zadonščina are described, in a dictionary article format, according to the denotative meaning they own. They are defined for their syntactic properties (actional class, tense, aspectual value), for the type of proto-pair created, and for the kind of affix chosen for forming it. In the second one, the text in the KB and U copies is presented, structured by chapters and paragraphes in order to simplify the detection of the examined affixed forms. We also provided a traslation of the text. Among the most interesting results of this work is the observation that a type of affixal value not only influences the choice of the type of proto-pair, but also the kind of derivational means (above all, prefixation and suffixation) adopted to form it. The following discovery is revealed as highly relevant for us the: it appears in the KB copy, more archaic, six proto-perfective derived verbs, with a prefix v(ъ)z- (five) and po- (one) appear; they all indicate a ingressive-incoative meaning but that are used in contexts of Historical Present. In the U copy, which is more recent, however, the same verbs are deprefixed, proto-imperfective and used in the Imperfect and Historical Present tenses. In the U copy, only in one of these cases do we find a proto-perfective verb with a preserved incoative prefix, but it appears in the Perfect tense.
Lo scopo di questa tesi di dottorato è quello di recuperare le coppie aspettuali (proto-coppie) per i verbi affissati attestati nella Zadonščina - testo antico-russo composto fra la fine del XIV e gli inizi del XV sec. - e, più precisamente, nelle sue copie Kirillo-Belozerskij (KB) e Undol'skij (U). Considerando che la categoria dell'aspetto del russo antico differisce morfo-funzionalmente dal suo stato odierno, in questo lavoro abbiamo utilizzato il termine di proto-coppia, quello di proto-perfettivo e quello di proto-imperfettivo per sottolineare questa differenza. Dato ciò, una questione che deve essere risolta è se la forma e il contributo informativo di un affisso possa aiutarci a predire il tipo di proto-coppia che dobbiamo attribuire ai verbi della Zadonščina. In questa tesi, che è composta da un'Introduzione, quattro Capitoli, dalle Conclusioni e da due Appendici, abbiamo provato a fornire delle risposte a questa problematica. Nell’Introduzione sono spiegate le ragioni del perché della scelta delle copie KB ed U. La prima, KB, è la copia più antica e risale al sec. XV, nonché l'unica che presenta il testo nella cosiddetta “versione breve”. La copia U è invece una delle più recenti, in quanto redatta nel XVII sec., ed è la più completa fra quelle della “versione lunga”. Oltre a queste ragioni, bisogna considerare che indagare solo queste due copie ci permette (malgrado la brevità del testo) di confrontare i loro verbi affissati nei medesimi passi testuali. Questo ci consente sia di mostrare le caratteristiche morfo-funzionali dei loro affissi che di verificare il grado di sviluppo ottenuto dal sistema aspettuale del russo antico nel XV (KB) e, rispettivamente, nel XVII sec. (U). Le copie KB ed U qui analizzate sono presenti nell’edizione curata da R.P. Dmitrieva e pubblicate nel volume Slovo o polku Igoreve i pamjatniki Kulikovskogo cikla. K voprosu o vremeni napisanija “Slova” uscita nel 1966. Nel Capitolo I è affrontata la questione di come realizzare le proto-coppie per i verbi della Zadonščina. Innanzitutto la categoria dell'aspetto è distinta da quella degli Aktionsarten, dato che anche quest'ultima può causare mutamenti all'aspettualità della frase attraverso la derivazione verbale. Inoltre, per rispondere alle esigenze del russo, la categoria degli Aktionsarten è stata ulteriormente scissa nella nozione di classe azionale/azionalità/carattere del verbo ed in quella di sposob dejstvija. A causa dell'assenza di studi capaci di definire una proto-coppia a partire da una forma verbale antico-russa, è stato deciso di applicare l'approccio utilizzato (ma per il russo moderno) da E.V. Padučeva (in Semantičeskie issledovanija. Semantika i narrativa, uscito nel 1996). Secondo questo approccio il tipo di coppia aspettuale (perfektnaja, predel'naja, proleptičeskaja, trivial'naja para) è predicibile a partire dalla classe azionale del verbo perfettivo. Con ciò, è stato deciso di classificare i verbi antico-russi affissati (e le loro basi) della Zadonščina in classi azionali, definite dalla combinazione dei tratti semantico-azionali (ben noti sia negli studi sincronici che diacronici sull'aspetto del russo) di [terminatività/non-terminatività], [duratività/puntualità] e [stativo/non-stativo] e, sulla base di esse, associarli ad uno dei quattro tipi di proto-coppia equivalenti ai sopraccitati tipi di coppia del russo moderno. Fra le varie opposizioni aspettuali presentate, per la categoria dell'aspetto è stata scelta quella distintiva di [+/-raggiungimento del limite], poiché marca lo stretto legame fra l'aspetto e le classi verbali. Dopo questa fase introduttiva, nei Capitoli II e III, abbiamo ricercato per ogni affisso, testimoniato nel testo, un significato spaziale (per i prefissi) o un valore funzionale (per i suffissi) basilare, ovvero prototipico, valido cioè per tutti i suoi utilizzi e verbi derivati. Questo ci ha permesso, prima di iniziare l'analisi dei verbi affissati della Zadonščina, di osservare quali classi azionali derivate associare ad un verbo affissato, quando il suo prefisso, rispetto al significato basico, mostra un valore 'non-aspettuale' (o solo spaziale), 'spaziale-aspettuale', 'temporale-aspettuale' o 'solo aspettuale', o quando il suo suffisso, rispetto alla funzione basica, mostra un valore 'non-aspettuale' (o denominale), 'temporale-aspettuale' o 'solo aspettuale'. I valori temporali-aspettuali assegnati agli affissi (sia prefissi che suffissi) sono riconosciuti sempre come corrispondere a quelli riferiti dai verbi degli sposoby dejstvija classificati dalla Scuola linguistica di Mosca. Successivamente, considerando la classe azionale ed il valore del prefisso o del suffisso mostrati nel contesto dai verbi affissati della Zadonščina, abbiamo ricercato la proto-coppia da essi formata con verbi già presenti nel testo o con altri rintracciati nei dizionari di russo antico Slovar' Drevnerusskogo Jazyka XI-XIV vv. e Slovar' Russkogo Jazyka XI-XVII vv. Nel Capitolo IV con tabelle e grafici si mostra la quantità dei verbi con i prefissi di valore spaziale-aspettuale, temporale-aspettuale e solo aspettuale, così come quella con i suffissi -a-, -yva- e -nu- (e le loro varianti) con i valori temporali-aspettuali e solo aspettuali. Dopo questo, i verbi affissati sono messi in corrispondenza con il tipo di proto-coppia prodotto (se possibile). Infine le Appendici 1 e 2. Nella prima, i verbi affissati della Zadonščina sono descritti in un formato di articolo di vocabolario, in base al significato denotativo posseduto. Essi sono definiti per le proprietà sintattiche (classe azionale, tempi verbali e valore aspettuale), per il tipo di proto-coppia creata e per l'affisso scelto per realizzarla. Nella seconda, invece, è presentato il testo nella copia KB ed U, strutturato con capitoli e paragrafi in modo da reperire più facilmente le forme affissate da noi indagate. Abbiamo fornito anche una traduzione 'di servizio' del testo. Fra i risultati più interessanti di questo lavoro, l'osservare che un certo tipo di valore affissale non solo condiziona la scelta del tipo di proto-coppia, ma anche il tipo di mezzo derivazionale (soprattutto, la prefissazione e la suffissazione) utilizzato per formarla. Spicca dall'analisi dei dati la presenza nella copia KB, più arcaica, di sei verbi derivati proto-perfettivi con prefisso v(ъ)z- (cinque) e po- (uno) di valore temporale-aspettuale di tipo ingressivo-incoativo ma usati in contesti di presente storico. Nella copia U, più tarda, essi appaiono invece come deprefissati, proto-imperfettivi, e utilizzati all'imperfetto o al presente storico. Nella copia U, solo in uno di questi casi troviamo un verbo proto-perfettivo che ha conservato il prefisso di valore incoativo, ma esso appare al perfetto.

The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a comprehensive account of the meaning of keep V-ing constructions, see (1a) and (1b). (1) a. Mary kept winning (again and again). (1) b. John kept running (for another ten minutes). On the basis of a systematic study of combinations of keep with predicates of different aktionsarts, it is shown that keep can give rise to two different readings which share the overall meaning of ‘continued activity’. It is argued that the two readings of keep V-ing arise from different aspectual properties of the predicate in the complement clause. Under the first reading, labelled the continuative-iterative reading, (1a), the event in the complement clause is telic, and the interpretation is an iterative reading. Under the second reading, labelled the continuative reading, (1b), the event in the complement clause is atelic, and the interpretation is a reading of nonstop continuation. It is argued that keep combines with activity predicates in the relevant construction type, that is, with dynamic, durative and atelic events, and that keep has the ability to induce aspect shift when combining with predicates that are not inherent activities. Thus, in (1a), a punctual and telic winning event is iterated, creating a series which in itself is durative and atelic. In (1b), the running event is already durative and atelic. By comparing keep V-ing with the progressive construction be V-ing, (2), and with two other continuative constructions, continue V-ing, (3), and V on, (4), it is shown that keep readily shifts a telic predicate into an atelic reading by taking scope over the entire event, (1a), but cannot take scope over an internal part of a telic event. Both be V-ing, (2), and continue V-ing, (3), are able to take scope over an internal part of a telic event. (2) John was building the house. (3) John continued building the house. (4) John ran on. In addition, unlike continue V-ing and V on, keep V-ing does not necessarily denote continuation of an event which has already been initiated.

Gegenstand dieser Arbeit sind diejenigen Bewegungsverben im Altgriechischen, die zum Ausdruck einer allgemeinen Fortbewegung angewendet werden. Diese Verben können innerhalb verschiedener Kontexte durch come und go glossiert werden und weisen in vielen Sprachen raumbezogene deiktische Anwendungen auf. Die Analyse erstreckt sich auf zwei Hauptcorpora verschiedener Zeitalter, die Komödie des Aristophanes (5. Jh. vor Chr.) und das Neue Testament (1. Jh. nach Chr.). Um diachrone Veränderungen besser zu illustrieren, sind darüber hinaus quantitative und ggf. qualitative Daten bzw. Beispiele aus anderen früheren und späteren Autoren dargestellt und berücksichtigt worden. Die Arbeit geht von der vorhandenen Typologie über deiktische Bewegungsverben in gesprochenen Sprachen aus und identifiziert diejenigen Kriterien und Kontexte, die auch für die Analyse einer toten Sprache zutreffen. Im Unterschied zu der vorhandenen Typologie und der in der Forschung verbreiteten Herangehensweise bzgl. dieser Verbgruppe, die sich auf die räumliche Domäne der Deixis beschränkt, wird in die vorliegende Arbeit auch die Analyse der zeitlichen Dimension der vom Verb ausgedrückten Fortbewegung integriert. Ausgehend von der hier durchgeführten Analyse ist festzustellen, dass die diachronen Veränderungen in den Anwendungskriterien der Bewegungsverben im Altgriechischen auf das Verhältnis zwischen denjenigen Sprachmitteln zurückzuführen sind, die in diesem Verbsystem um den Ausdruck bzw. Präzisierung der zeitlichen Dimension der Handlung konkurrieren, d.h. Aspekt und Aktionsart. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass die Integration der Domänen Raum und Zeit und die Annahme einer diachronen Perspektive die bisherige Typologie sinnbringend ergänzen und in der Forschung zu anderen Sprachen ebenfalls rezipiert werden sollten.
In this work are regarded those motion verbs in Ancient Greek that are used to express a general motion. Those verbs can be glossified by 'come' and 'go', and within certain contexts, deictic uses of these verbs are evident in many languages. The analysis includes two main corpora of different epochs, the comedy of Aristophanes (5th century B.C.) and the New Testament (1st century A.C.). For a better illustration of diachronic changes, quantitative and partially also qualitative data about further, earlier or later authors are described and regarded. Basing on the existing typology for deictic motion verbs in spoken languages, this study identifies those criteria and contexts that can be applied onto a dead language as well. As a difference to the existing typology and to the prevalent approach on these verbs – which is limited to the spatial dimension of deixis –, in this study also the temporal dimension of the verbally expressed motion is integrated. Based on the analysis presented here, it is to be noted that the diachronic changes in the criteria for the application of motion verbs in Ancient Greek can be traced back to the relation of the verbal categories that concur for the expression or precising of the plot's temporal dimension. i.e. the aspect and the Aktionsart. The results of this work give evidence, that the integration of the domains 'space' and 'time' gives reason for the use of these verbs in ancient Greek within a diachronic perspective, and show that this methodological approach is worth to be applied to the analysis of other languages.

ABSTRACT

 

Title: Les verbes à particule dans quatre traductions suédoise. Analyse contrastive entre langue source et langue cible.

Language: French

Author: Annika Holmé

University/Department/Year: Linnæus University/School of Language and Literature/2010

 

 

In modern French there are no phrasal verbs and the aim of this essay is to analyse what happens to the meaning of French data, when translated into Swedish phrasal verbs. In Swedish there is very often a choice between a phrasal verb and a simple verb, for example starta et starta upp.

This is a contrastive analysis based on four different translations from French into Swedish, one of which is technical, one economic, one cultural and one political. In these four translations there were in total 128 examples of a Swedish phrasal verb, or in some cases past participles. Our analysis comprises the following particles (adverbs and prepositions): av, i, ihop, in, ner, om, på, till, upp and ut. We have analysed 43 cases where these particles have occurred.

First of all, we define the meaning of the French data (which is not always a verb) and then we define the Swedish translation with a phrasal verb. Next, we compare both meanings, in order to see if the presence of the particle has kept, changed or modified the meaning between source and target text. Finally, we explain the reason behind each translation.

Our analysis revealed that the meaning was sometimes made explicit, as in spara in. In other cases, the meaning was intensified, as in driva på. Furthermore, the analysis revealed a difference in levels of style, where in some cases the presence of a particle passed on a more informal style in the target text in comparison to the source text, as in starta upp.

Keywords: translation, French, Swedish, phrasal verbs, comparison, meaning, Aktionsart

 

 

 

Nous avons argumenté, dans cette thèse, en faveur de l’idée selon laquelle l’anglais et l’arabe, deux langues très différentes, possèdent, l’une et l’autre, un système temporel et aspectuel. Ce point de vue a nécessité l’étude d’autres aspects des deux langues. C’est pour cela que nous ne nous sommes pas limitée à étudier uniquement les deux formes perfective (FP) et imperfective (FI) en arabe et les formes équivalentes en anglais. Nous avons également traité, pour les deux langues, la forme participiale, le système négatif, les adverbes temporels, le mode, et la modalité. Nous avons conclu que le temps et l’Aktionsart restent invariables d’une langue à l’autre et que seul l’aspect grammatical varie selon les langues. De fait, l’aspect morphologique détermine le temps en arabe. Nous avons essayé d’expliquer pourquoi Neg sélectionne FI et proposé que FI apparaît en bas de la structure et qu'elle est bloquée par Neg. FI est marquée pour [+Asp], contrairement à FP qui est [+ T]. Nous avons suggéré, finalement, que l’imperfectif en arabe fonctionne comme un infinitif, marqué pour les traits [-T] et [+Agr]
Although English and Arabic are typologically two very different languages, we have argued in this thesis that both possess a temporal and an aspectual system. This view required the study of other aspects of these two languages. That's why we have not limited our study to only perfective (PF) and imperfective (IF) forms in Arabic and their equivalent in English. We also studied the participial form, the negative system, temporal adverbs, mood and modality. We concluded that tense and Aktionsart remain unchanged from one language to another and only the grammatical aspect varies according to the different languages. In fact, morphological aspect determines tense in Arabic. We tried to explain why Neg selects IF and proposed that IF appears at the bottom of the structure and it is blocked by Neg. IF is [+Asp], contrary to PF which is marked for [+T]. We suggested, finally, that the imperfective in Arabic functions like an infinitive with the ! features [-T] and [+Agr]

La présente thèse analyse la décomposition sous-événementielle et l'interprétation aspectuelle des événements, en se focalisant sur les prédicats dérivés du basque, tels que dantzatu “danser” du nom dantza 'danse', amets egin 'rêver' du nom amets “rêve”, etxeratu 'revenir à la maiso' de etxera “à la maison” ou amatu “devenir mère” de ama “mère”. La thèse est centrée sur la configuration syntaxique représentant la structure événementielle des prédicats et la lexicalisation de ces configurations par des mots réels. J'admets que les prédicats se décomposent en composants plus basiques (par exemple, Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995), et que cette décomposition est syntaxiquement représentée (Hale and Keyser 1993). Dans cette vue, les événements exprimés par les prédicats sont formés de sous-événements, qui peuvent être aussi bien des processus que des états (Harley 1995 2005, Cuervo 2003, Folli & Harley 2005, Ramchand 2008) et de compléments rhématiques (Ramchand 2008). Les rhèmes sont des compléments qui mesurent et décrivent les sous-événements dont ils sont les compléments. Ils peuvent être de différents types: des PPs, des DPs quantifiés, et même des radicaux non catégorisés. Partant de Harley (2005), je propose une ontologie des radicaux qui les classifie selon qu'ils nomment un Evénement, une Chose ou une Propriété. Les radicaux qui dénomment des Evénements et des Choses sont les compléments de sous-événements de type processus; tandis que les radicaux qui dénomment des Propriétés sont les compléments des états. A l'intérieur de chaque classe, les propriétés des mesures associées aux radicaux comme [+/-croissant], [+/- limite minimale] et [+/- limite maximale] déterminent les propriétés aspectuelles de l'événement tout entier, à savoir, s'il est ponctuel ou duratif, s'il est télique ou atélique. La thèse examine également les interactions entre l'interprétation aspectuelle interne des prédicats (aktionsart), et l'aspect externe (Smith 1997 [1991]). Cette relation est analysée en tenant compte de la catégorie lexicale à la base du prédicat et des différentes configurations de réalisation des prédicats en basque
This dissertation analyses the subeventive decomposition and aspectual interpretation of events, paying special attention to derived predicates in Basque, like dantzatu ‘to dance’ from dantza ‘dance’, amets egin ‘to dream’ from amets ‘dream’, etxeratu ‘to go home’ from etxe-ra ‘to home’ and amatu ‘to become a mother’ from ama ‘mother’. The discussion is mainly concerned with the syntactic configuration that represents the predicates’ event structure and the lexicalization of these configurations by means of actual words. In this dissertation, it is assumed that predicates can be decomposed into more basic components (e.g. Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995) and that this decomposition is syntactically represented (Hale & Keyser 1993). To be more precise, in the analysis made in this dissertation, it is assumed that the events conveyed by predicates consist of smaller subevents (Harley 1995 2005, Cuervo 2003, Folli & Harley 2005, Ramchand 2008) (which can be either processes or states) and Rheme objects (Ramchand 2008a). Rhemes are complements which describe and measure the particular subevent they are complementing. They can be of different types: PPs, quanticized DPs and even a-categorial Roots. Building on Harley (2005), I propose an ontology of Roots which classifies different types of Roots depending on whether they name an Event, a Thing or a Property. Event and Thing naming Roots are the complements of the process subevent, whereas Property naming Roots are the complements of states. Within each class, properties of the measure associated to each Root like [±incremental], [±lower bound] and [±upper bound] are going to determine the aspectual properties of the entire event, i.e. whether it is durative or punctual, and telic or atelic. Additionally, this dissertation considers the interaction of the aspectual interpretation of the predicates (commented in the previous paragraph) with viewpoint aspect (Smith 1997 [1991]). This relation is going to be analyzed in combination with the lexical category and the different configurations in which a predicate can surface in Basque

Dans cette thèse, j’étudie l’intransitivité scindée dans la famille linguistique arawak (Amérique du sud). L’analyse grammaticale du phénomène de l’intransitivité scindée s’appuie sur la prise en compte d’une part de ses motivations sémantico-pragmatiques, et d’autre part de ses réalisations morphosyntaxiques selon les catégories grammaticales, les changements de diathèse et les facteurs de TAM. En plus des marquages canoniques de l’agent et du patient d’un verbe transitif, les constructions impliquant des marquages non canoniques, comme celles engageant des verbes nominalisés ou un marquage différentiel, ont également été considérées.Cette étude non seulement révèle l’existence d’une grande diversité parmi les sous-types d’intransitivité scindée, mais propose les moyens de comprendre l’évolution diachronique de ces sous-types, avec laquelle ont pu interférer les effets du contact de langues. Les hypothèses avancées sur l’évolution historique des systèmes grammaticaux mettent à jour les voies où plusieurs langues ont pu s’engager vers des alignements à coloration accusative vs. ergative.Au travers de cette orientation, l’étude nous éclaire sur les différentes manières qu’a l’intransitivité scindée d’affecter l’alignement des actants, apportant ainsi sa contribution à la typologie des langues
In this thesis I study in depth the split intransitivity in the Arawak family of languages of South America. The grammatical analysis of the split intransitivity phenomenon is based on both their semantico-pragmatical motivations and their morphosyntactical realizations according to grammatical categories, valence changes and TAM. Besides, I also take into account constructions involving other types such as nominalized verbs and differential marking.This study not only reveals the existence of a rich diversity of split intransitivity patterns within this family, but it also proposes paths to understand the diachrony of such patterns, involving shifts from ergative alignment to accusative alignment, for which the effects of language contact may have played an important role. In this connection, the study sheds light onto the ways split intransitivity has implication for alignment-type and it is thus of interest for language typology

L'objectiu d'aquesta tesi és definir el concepte d'esdeveniment i fer una proposta sobre la representació dels esdeveniments en la llengua catalana. El treball combina la revisió de bibliografia semàntica, sintàctica, pragmàtica, i de filosofia del llenguatge amb l'anàlisi qualitativa de quinze textos orals del Corpus de català contemporani de la Universitat de Barcelona.
Els capítols 2 i 3 defineixen els criteris bàsics per a la caracterització dels esdeveniments. El capítol 2 distingeix les relacions objectives entre les entitats que participen en una situació, de la visió subjectiva que té el parlant d'aquestes relacions, i situa la tesi en relació amb la segona perspectiva. En el capítol 3 es revisen deu tipologies d'esdeveniments, entre les quals Vendler (1957), Mourelatos (1978), Pustejovsky (1991) i Jackendoff (1991). Aquest capítol mostra que la major part dels criteris que tenen en compte aquests autors es poden agrupar en dues nocions bàsiques: la DIMENSIONALITAT (de la qual formen part la perfectivitat, la telicitat, la idea de límits i la quantificació) i la DIRECCIONALITAT (que es relaciona amb la propietat de dinamicitat i amb la idea de canvi d'estat). Sobre la base d'aquests dos paràmetres, es proposa una tipologia de quatre esdeveniments bàsics: (a) ESTATS DIMENSIONALS, (b) ESTATS NO DIMENSIONALS, (c) PROCESSOS i (d) ACCIONS.
El capítol 4 s'ocupa de la representació oracional dels esdeveniments. Aquest capítol parteix de la hipòtesi que la flexió temporal (aspecte i temps) domina els altres constituents de l'oració en la representació dels esdeveniments, i que quan la flexió és no marcada la representació depèn de la combinació de les propietats semàntiques del predicat, els arguments i els adjunts. Per comprovar aquesta hipòtesi, s'analitza, en primer lloc, la relació entre, d'una banda, els paràmetres de conceptualització dels esdeveniments i, d'altra banda, l'aspecte i la localització temporal (que inclou el temps, l'orientació i la distància temporal), que són codificats en la flexió verbal. La conclusió a què s'arriba és que els aspectes són diferents manifestacions de la dimensionalitat i de la direccionalitat, mentre que la localització temporal és una relació díctica entre la situació i un punt de referència en el temps. En segon lloc, es fa una caracterització del significat fonamental del present i dels pretèrits de mode indicatiu en català i es mostra de quina manera aquests temps contribueixen a la representació oracional dels esdeveniments.
En tercer lloc, i sense cap pretensió d'arribar a conclusions definitives, es fan algunes reflexions sobre la contribució de predicats, arguments i adjunts a la representació dels esdeveniments. Es defensa la idea que els adjunts aspectuals determinen el tipus d'esdeveniment que codifica l'oració, mentre que els adjunts temporals afecten només la localització temporal. Quan l'oració no conté adjunts aspectuals, el predicat i els arguments representen composicionalment la visió que té el parlant de la situació.
El darrer capítol de la tesi, previ a les conclusions, tracta la representació textual dels esdeveniments. Aquest capítol evidencia que la dimensionalitat i la direccionalitat que el parlant atribueix a la situació que vol descriure no es representen només en els nivells morfològic, lèxic i oracional, sinó que condicionen, també, l'organització del discurs. En primer lloc, la dimensionalitat es manifesta en la distinció entre la presentació sintètica i l'analítica de les situacions, així com en la relació de coherència aspectual entre les oracions que descriuen analíticament una mateixa situació. En segon lloc, la direccionalitat determina, entre d'altres factors, l'ordre en què el parlant presenta les situacions que mostren aspectes d'un mateix esdeveniment. Al mateix temps, aquest capítol explora l'estructura informativa del text, que té relació amb la forma de recuperació (sintètica o analítica) dels esdeveniments.
The purpose of this dissertation is presenting a unified account of events and their representation in Catalan sentence and discourse. The work combines philosophical, semantic, syntactic, and pragmatic approaches to eventuality, aspect and tense.

Events are defined as ways of conceptualizing world experience on the basis of two primitive parameters, DIRECTIONALITY and DIMENSIONALITY, which include most of the semantic properties traditionally attributed to situation types. It is said that directionality depends on the cognitive capacity to perceive movement, which is related to the properties of dynamism or process in time, and change of state. On the other hand, dimensionality is said to depend on the cognitive ability to see objects, concepts and situations (dimensionally). The properties of perfectivity, telicity, bounding, and quantification are related to this primitive.

In Catalan sentences, dimensionality is coded by verbal aspect morphology, while directionality depends on the lexical meaning of the verb. Temporal location morphology (which includes tense, orientation, and temporal distance) does not mark dimensionality nor directionality, but relates deictically a described situation to a reference time. However, anterior tenses are pragmatically interpreted as non dimensional. Whenever verbal forms are not marked for aspect, nor for anteriority, the speaker's view of a situation is coded compositionally, i.e. by the combination of the eventual meaning of predicate, arguments and adjuncts. In discourse, dimensionality determines whether a situation is described synthetically or analytically. In analytical representations, the dimensionality of each substitution is conditioned by the dimensionality of the whole. At the same time, the directionality of the event determines (among other factors) the order of sentences in a discourse unit.

Capes, Capes-Cofecub
Esta tese investiga a contribuição semântica dos verbos aspectuais acabar, começar, continuar, deixar, parar, passar, voltar e terminar em português brasileiro. O objetivo geral é contribuir para a análise sobre aspecto e sobre verbos aspectuais em PB e nas línguas naturais em geral, utilizando a Semântica Formal como modelo de análise. Este trabalho defende que os verbos aspectuais são modificadores de eventualidades e por isso contribuem para a expressão do aspecto lexical (Aktionsart), seguindo trabalhos anteriores, como os de Oliveira et al. (2001) e de Laca (2002; 2004; 2005). Ele assume que os verbos aqui estudados se comportam de forma diferente dos verbos de aspecto gramatical como estar e ir, tendo inclusive uma posição diferente na estrutura sintática. Como os verbos aspectuais se relacionam com o aspecto lexical, este trabalho também investiga as propriedades do aspecto lexical presentes no predicado selecionado por um verbo aspectual. Para a seleção dos verbos aspectuais, as propriedades relevantes se encontram no nível do sintagma verbal (VP) e são dadas composicionalmente. Por isso, constituintes como o objeto direto podem alterá-las, permitindo (ou restringindo) a seleção do VP em questão por parte do verbo aspectual. A tese aqui defendida é a de que cada verbo aspectual seleciona seus complementos a partir de propriedades específicas presentes no VP e que estão ligadas à semântica do verbo aspectual em questão. Dessa forma, esta pesquisa defende que as restrições de seleção de cada verbo aspectual podem ser acessadas na entrada lexical do verbo aspectual, sendo possível explicar a seleção de complementos feita por esses verbos. Além disso, defendemos a tese de que a entrada lexical pode apresentar a diferença entre verbos como começar e passar, nas perífrases começar a+infinitivo e passar a +infinitivo, por exemplo.
This thesis investigates the semantic contribution of the following aspectual verbs: começar ‘begin’, continuar ‘continue’, deixar ‘quit’, parar ‘stop’, passar ‘pass’, voltar ‘resume’, and acabar/terminar ‘finish’, in Brazilian Portuguese (BrP). The main goal is to contribute to the discussion about aspect and aspectual verbs in BrP and in natural languages in general, within a Formal Semantics approach. This work treats aspectual verbs as eventuality modifiers, and, consequently, it defends that they contribute to express lexical aspect (Aktionsart) – or situation aspect (Smith 1997) – in accordance with previous works such as Oliveira et al. (2001) and Laca (2002; 2004; 2005). This thesis also proposes that the verbs under discussion behave differently from verbs which contribute to express grammatical aspect – or viewpoint aspect (Smith 1997) – such as estar ‘be’, in the progressive aspect, and ir ‘go’, in the prospective aspect, also assuming that they have different positions in the syntactic structure. Since aspectual verbs are related to lexical aspect, the present research also analyzes lexical aspect features in the predicate which is selected for these verbs. Relevant features for this selection are located in the verbal phrase level (VP) and are given compositionally. Thus, phrases such as the direct object are able to change them, allowing (or not) that an aspectual verb select this VP. This work defends the hypothesis that each aspectual verb selects their complements based on specific features found in the VP, and that these features are linked to the semantics of this aspectual verb. Then, this research defends the idea that the selection constraints of each aspectual verb can be observed in its lexical entry, which explains the selection made by these verbs. Furthermore, we defend the idea that we can verify differences between semantically similar verbs like começar and passar, in their periphrastic construction, from differences found in their lexical entries.

This work consists of two parts: the theoretical and the experimental. In the theoretical part, some general and some language specific theories of tense, aspect and aktionsart are presented, and the temporal systems of Swedish and Polish are compared.

The theoretical part is not a mere review of the literature on the subject. The comparison of the descriptions of aspect and aktionsart by Slavic researchers with the universal theory of Smith (1991) and (1977) and with description of aktionsart in Swedish in Teleman et al. (1999) has allowed me for some important observations as to the nature of the long-lasting dispute about the differences between aspect and aktionsart.

The experimental part is a cross-sectional study on the role of the linguistic context on the acquisition of the pluperfect by Polish learners Swedish as a foreign language. The informants are university students studying Swedish as a foreign language. The language samples were collected by means of two types of tests: gap-filling and translation from Polish.

Twelve linguistic factors, each divided into two subgroups, were hypothesised to have affected the correct use of the pluperfect. All those hypotheses as to which of the subgroups may inhibit and which may facilitate the correct use of the pluperfect are grounded in linguistic theories, i.e. presented in the form of linguistically-based discussions as to what kind of effect, facilitative or inhibiting, each of the linguistic factors may have had, and why.

The effect of those factors upon the correct use of the pluperfect has been tested by means of a step-wise multiple regression which measured the simultaneous effect of each factor upon the correct use of the pluperfect. This method has confirmed the facilitative effect of the following six linguistic factors: intrasentential indication of topic time (subordinate clause), unbounded verb indicating topic time, agentive meaning of the target verb, specifying subordinate clause, statal pluperfect and location of the time of action of pluperfect clause outside the temporal frame of narrative plot.

Cette thèse analyse les propriétés sémantiques et discursives des prédicats d'état ('laid, généreux') ainsi que des prédicats causatifs et résultatifs, et plus particulièrement des verbes psychologiques à Expérienceur objet ('stimuler, encourager'). Le cadre adopté est celui de la sémantique néo-davidsonienne (Parsons, 1990) et de la sémantique du discours (Kamp & Reyle 1993, Asher 1993). La première partie (chap 1-7) est consacrée aux prédicats d'état, et la seconde aux prédicats causatifs et résultatifs (chap. 8-9). Dans le chapitre 1, on expose les arguments en faveur de l'idée que les verbes d'état ont un argument implicite davidsonien comme les verbes d'action. Abordant ensuite les constructions en 'by/in' ('by/in smoking, he broke his promise'), l'auteur propose de considérer, avec Goldman et contre Davidson, que celles-ci décrivent deux événements distincts, liés par une relation de génération. L'analyse goldmanienne de ces constructions est ensuite étendue aux prédicats d'état ('in doing this, he was clever'), ce qui permet de distinguer les prédicats qui dénotent un état dépendant d'une action, comme 'clever' en usage occurrentiel, des prédicats qui dénotent un état indépendant d'une action, comme beautiful (cf. '??in doing this, he was beautiful'). Le chapitre 2 fait le point sur les spécificités des prédicats d'état par rapport aux prédicats d'activité. Y est notamment montré que certains prédicats d'état acceptent le "progressif interprétatif" ('tu es en train de croire au Père Noël!'). Ce type de progressif est distingué du progressif standard et du progressif actif anglais ('he was being clever'); sont définis également les "prédicats interprétatifs" qui n'acceptent que ce progressif. Le chapitre 3 élabore une typologie aspectuelle des prédicats d'état. Sont d'abord distingués quatre types d'états en fonction de l'intervalle pendant lequel l'état en cause est vérifié. On montre que cette quadri-partition rend mieux compte des données linguistiques que la dichotomie classique en 'stage level predicates' et 'individual level predicates'. Ensuite sont définis les "prédicats d'état pur" comme beau, qui dénotent un état indépendant de toute action, et les "prédicats d'état endo-actionnel" comme 'généreux/bruyant' en usage occurrentiel, qui dénote un état généré par une action. On présente des arguments contre l'assimilation de ces derniers prédicats à des prédicats d'action. Est alors analysée l'ambiguïté des prédicats comme "généreux" dans l'emploi occurrentiel: 'Pierre m'a donné des bonbons. Il a été généreux' peut vouloir dire soit que Pierre a été généreux de (décider de) me donner des bonbons (lecture-d), soit qu'il a été généreux dans la manière de me les donner (lecture-m). Dans la foulée, on examine la relation temporelle qui prend place entre un état s et l'action e dont il dépend. Enfin, on montre que l'analyse proposée peut rendre compte de la concurrence entre passé composé et imparfait dans les phrases dénotant un état occurrentiel. A partir de la typologie aspectuelle élaborée au chapitre 3, le chapitre 4 revisite le problème que soulèvent certains prédicats d'état dans les constructions à prédicat second descriptif ('Pierre a donné des bonbons saoul/??généreux') et propose une nouvelle solution. On montre ensuite que cette solution peut être adaptée pour résoudre un problème moins étudié, à savoir celui que posent certains prédicats d'état dans les subordonnées temporelles en 'quand '(cf. 'Il était généreux, quand il a distribué les bonbons' versus '??Il a distribué des bonbons quand il était généreux'). Enfin, on fait le point sur la difficulté qu'éprouvent les prédicats évaluatifs à entrer dans les constructions présuppositionnelles, parmi lesquelles les subordonnées temporelles, mais les GN définis ('La femme rousse/??généreuse commanda une bière'). Le chapitre 5 est consacré aux relations rhétoriques qui s'établissent entre la description d'un état et la description d'un événement, aux combinaisons possibles entre ces relations rhétoriques, et à la manière dont tel ou tel prédicat d'état, vu ses propriétés sémantiques, contribue à établir telle ou telle relation rhétorique avec la description d'événement. Le chapitre 6 revient sur le problème que soulève l'indéfini des en lecture non générique avec certains prédicats d'état, notamment les prédicats évaluatifs ('Des livres étaient sales' versus '??Des livres étaient merveilleux'). En se fondant sur les outils de la 'Decision Theoretic Semantic's (Merin 1999), l'auteur fait l'hypothèse qu'un prédicat P n'accepte des que si la quantité des éléments satisfaisant P dans le contexte est non pertinente pour les fins du discours, et s'il est clair, par ailleurs, que les qualités implicites que peuvent instancier les dits éléments ne contribuent en aucune façon à expliquer qu'ils satisfont P. On montre que ces deux conditions sont respectées (resp. violées) avec les prédicats d'état compatibles (resp. incompatibles) avec des dans sa lecture non générique. Le chapitre 7 est consacré à la sémantique qu'il faut assigner aux prédicats d'état évaluatifs. On expose tout d'abord les arguments en faveur d'une sémantique "réaliste", qui analyse les prédicats évaluatifs comme des prédicats unaires dénotant de vraies propriétés. On distingue ensuite, dans le contenu informationnel des énoncés évaluatifs, un composant assertif et deux implicatures associées. On termine par l'analyse des prédicats évaluatifs superlatifs ('merveilleux'); est argumentée l'idée que ces prédicats ont un composant expressif, en ce sens que le locuteur, en les utilisant, implicite qu'une entité satisfaisant le prédicat a déclenché en lui une émotion, vécue ou rejouée lors de l'énonciation. On montre en quoi ce composant expressif contribue à expliquer pourquoi de tels prédicats sont difficilement utilisables à l'impératif ou dans certains types de questions. Le chapitre 8 répertorie trois classes parmi les verbes, dits "résultatifs", qui présupposent l'occurrence d'un événement e causant ou générant l'événement asserté e'. On présente d'abord le problème que pose la définition de cette présupposition, puis une nouvelle solution est exposée. On montre alors que la présupposition des verbes résultatifs -- achèvements droits et accomplissements strictement forts --- est de nature scalaire et peut s'expliquer par la Loi d'exhaustivité de Ducrot. Le chapitre 9 est consacré aux verbes psychologiques à Expérienceur objet (VPEO). Après avoir classé ces verbes en fonction de leur structure événementielle, on fait le point sur les différentes lectures qu'ils peuvent accepter. On montre ensuite qu'à la différence des VPEO acceptables dans les constructions agentives, les VPEO qui y sont peu acceptables exhibent deux propriétés cruciales. D'abord, ils présupposent toujours, à l'instar des verbes étudiés dans le chapitre 8, l'occurrence de l'événement impliquant le sujet; ensuite, certains d'entre eux sont "interprétatifs", en ce sens que l'assertion du changement d'état psychologique ne s'avère pertinente pour les fins du discours que si l'interprétant connaît, par ailleurs, l'événement qui cause ce changement. Cela permet d'expliquer pourquoi les verbes en question ne peuvent faire avancer la narration comme le ferait un prédicat d'action normal, et pourquoi ils sont peu compatibles avec les adverbes de manière orientés sur l'agent, les pseudo-clivées ou les compléments de lieu. On termine par l'analyse aspectuelle de la classe des VPEO, en montrant qu'on y trouve des membres des cinq classes aspectuelles distinguées dans le chapitre précédent.

The dissertation deals with the question of verbal aspect and manner of verbal action in Czech and Ukrainian language. The aim is to describe prefixes, which are used as means of verbal derivation and formation of aspectual pairs. The present study is divided into chapters: Introduction, Resear of verbal aspekt and Aktionsart, Verbal aspect, Manner of verbal action (Aktionsart), Competition between prefixes in the meaning of aspectual pairs formation and derivation of verbs in Czech and Ukrainian langure, Summary. There are differences in the number of verbal prefixes, which have beside derivational function also grammatical function. Czech language has sixteen of these verbal prefixes, in Ukrainian there are only seven verbal prefixes, which are used in both of these processes. This is conspicuous difference, but the results of the analysis showed, that the possibilities of applying specific prefixes are in both compared languages remarkably consistent. Many verbs of various categories of verbal action manner are derived in West and East Slavic language by the same prefixes. Consensus is also in preference of identical prefixes, which are the most commonly used during pure perfectivization (especially Czech z- and Ukrainian з-/с-). Keywords verbal aspect manner of verbal action (Aktionsart) prefix

(på engelska): This thesis aims to investigate what the verbal aspect as a grammatical verb category entails, how it is formed and expressed in Slavic languages, namely in Czech and Ukrainian. In addition to verbal aspect, aktionsart is also examined. Initially, the focus is on the definition of the most relevant terms, while specific examples of aktionsart and usage of perfective and imperfective aspect are emphasized later in the study. In addition, the various aspectual means available in languages that lack aspect as a grammatical category are analyzed, with Swedish as an example. Special attention is given to phrasal verbs as an aspect marker. Furthermore, the thesis contains a corpus-driven research that focuses on the translation of Czech and Ukrainian perfective verbs into Swedish (27 verbs in total) and aims to see to what extent verbal particles are used when translating perfective aspect. The analysis shows that phrasal verbs are a relatively frequent means to translate perfective aspect, even though there seems to be a high degree of a translator's subjective judgement about whether or not phrasal verbs are appropriate in certain situations. Nevertheless, it is clear that phrasal verbs contribute to a more bounded and thus perfective meaning. The exact number of the results with phrasal...

This thesis surveys the major works on the topic of verbal aspect. Chapter 1 provides an introduction, giving the background to the issue and listing some of the major contributors to the topic, Stanley Porter, Rodney Decker, Buist Fanning, and Constantine Campbell. Chapter 2 reviews and analyzes the contributions of these authors in this area of study. Further, this thesis seeks to clarify the topic, by exposing each author's views concerning the major matters of debate and by listing some subjects in verbal aspect that are in need of further study; in particular, the issue of the aspect of the perfect verb form, the aspect of the future verb form, and the historical present. Finally, chapter 3 demonstrates the importance of this issue for the study of Scripture, specifically, the study of the New Testament, and it gives suggestions for further study in this area.

The thesis deals with aspectuality in Czech and Dutch. The theoretical part covers the most important widely recognized and widespread theoretical approaches to the issue. It also compares to which stream Czech and Dutch linguists tend to and how the phenomenon is discussed in grammar. The main points of the work are aspect and Aktionsart. Both of them have similar semantic features, which are the main criteria for comparison of these two typologically different languages. Both in Czech and Dutch, the perception of aspect and manner of its expression varies. The aim of this work is to bring the Czech user of Dutch options for how Czech aspectual meanings may be expressed in Dutch. The practical part contains, besides an overview of the language means, also the practical analysis of two fictional texts, which supports answering two questions. First, whether the Dutch translation preserves the concept of Czech aspectual opposites and if so, in what ways. Second, whether the Czech interpreter has tendency to enrich Dutch text with aspects or not. key words: aspect, Aktionsart, Dutch, imperfectivity, perfectivity

This paper deals with aspect in the sign language and tries to introduce this phenomenon in connection to the Czech sign language where this issue is not yet described. Based on the knowledge of available Czech and English literature, the thesis deciphers terms that are used in relation to aspect in both, Czech and sign, languages and identifies the aspect groups that occur in sign languages. On the basis of these groups, the practical part analyzes the material of the Czech sign language in terms of aspect. The material obtained consists of speeches from deaf speakers, obtained from websites: Televizní klub neslyšících (TV show), Zprávy v českém znakovém jazyce (news), Tiché zprávy (interviews) and Weblik Portal (fairy tales). The method of elicitation combined with the intuitive reflection method is used in the analysis. The work gives a first insight into the broad phenomenon of the aspect and provides a basis for more detailed future research.

Il presente lavoro mira a chiarire la funzione dei suffissi verbali ittiti -anna/i- e -(e/i)šš(a)-, spesso interpretati come suffissi azionali (durativi, iterativi o intensivi), ma che, in alcuni contesti, sembrano veicolare anche un significato aspettuale imperfettivo. Nel primo capitolo, dopo aver presentato il quadro teorico di riferimento per le categorie dell’aspetto e dell’Aktionsart, si illustrano dapprima le modalità di espressione di tali categorie in indoeuropeo e nelle lingue storiche e si discutono i problemi relativi alla loro ricostruzione e alla loro cronologia; si passa poi al sistema verbale ittita, che ha avuto un’importanza cruciale nell’elaborazione di modelli ricostruttivi per il sistema verbale indoeuropeo. È noto infatti che l’ittita ha un sistema verbale piuttosto semplice, specialmente se confrontato con quelli del vedico e del greco antico, e ciò ha portato diversi studiosi a ritenere che la situazione preistorica fosse simile a quella attestata dalla lingua indoeuropea di più antica documentazione. Tuttavia, studi recenti hanno mostrato, da una parte, che l’assenza di categorie nel sistema verbale ittita non riflette una situazione preistorica, ma si spiega meglio in termini di innovazione; dall’altra, che la “semplicità” del sistema verbale ittita non deve essere sovrastimata: alcune categorie morfologiche, che si riteneva fossero assenti in ittita, sono invece individuabili nel sistema, in particolare l’aspetto verbale, la cui espressione era affidata ad elementi suffissali. Nel secondo capitolo si presentano i paradigmi dei suffissi -anna/i- e -šša-, i temi verbali nei quali sono attestati, i problemi relativi alla loro etimologia e una panoramica delle precedenti ipotesi circa la loro funzione. Ad oggi, -anna/i- ricorre in una trentina temi, benché solo un ristretto numero di questi presenti costantemente il suffisso già in antico-ittita. A partire da testi medio-ittiti, si trovano anche verbi marcati dal doppio suffisso -anniške/a-, probabilmente a testimonianza del fatto che -anna/i- non era più percepito come pienamente funzionale all’espressione dell’imperfettività. L’etimologia del suffisso è dibattuta: alcuni studiosi lo riconducono ad un suffisso indoeuropeo in nasale, mentre altri ne sostengono la derivazione dal tema obliquo del sostantivo verbale in -atar-/-ann-. Le due proposte non si escludono necessariamente a vicenda; nella classe dei verbi in -anna/i-, infatti, sembrano confluire due tipi di formazioni, funzionalmente distinte: una a suffisso, verosimilmente di derivazione indoeuropea e con valore imperfettivo, l’altra denominale, che ha alla base i sostantivi in -atar-/-ann-. Questo secondo tipo non possiede però alcuna valenza aspettuale specifica, ma forma il tema imperfettivo mediante il produttivo suffisso -ške/a-. Per quanto riguarda -šša-, solamente quattro verbi ittiti risultano compatibili con tale suffisso, ma esso è molto produttivo in luvio. La sua etimologia non è chiara e non sembrano esserci elementi sufficienti per risolvere la questione, ma è probabile che ci sia una parentela con il suffisso fientivo ittita -ešš-. Quanto alla funzione, secondo una recente ipotesi di Daues, il suffisso -šš(a)- sarebbe legato alla categoria della transitività, indicando un minor grado di affectedness of the object. Tuttavia, ci sono diversi esempi contrari a questo assunto e sembra che l’ipotesi aspettuale riesca a rendere meglio conto dei dati. Nel terzo e nel quarto capitolo si presentano i dati raccolti attraverso lo spoglio sistematico dell’intero corpus dei testi ittiti. I passi contenenti le forme in -anna/i- e in -šša- sono stati suddivisi in quattro gruppi: 1) forme certamente imperfettive, che comprendono: (a) verbi che ricorrono con avverbiali distributivi (‘giorno per giorno’, ‘anno dopo anno’, ecc.), che hanno un chiaro valore abituale; (b) forme di presente accompagnate dagli avverbi kāša, kāšma e kāšatta, che indicano che l’azione si sta svolgendo nel momento stesso dell’enunciato (vale a dire che il verbo ha valore progressivo); (c) verbi che ricorrono in proposizioni temporali introdotte dalla congiunzione imperfettivizzante kuitman ‘mentre’; (d) altri contesti chiaramente imperfettivi; 2) forme che hanno la stessa valenza aspettuale di uno o più imperfettivi in -ške/a- con esse coordinati; 3) passi di incerta interpretazione; 4) forme marcate con valore apparentemente perfettivo. L’analisi mostra che solamente l’ipotesi aspettuale è in grado di rendere conto della distribuzione delle forme marcate e non marcate nella maggior parte dei contesti; per esempio, i verbi in -anna/i- e in -šša- ricorrono con gli avverbiali distributivi, che suggeriscono una lettura abituale, ma non con gli avverbiali iterativi «X volte», che impongono una visione perfettiva. Similmente, i suffissi marcano i presenti che ricorrono con l’avverbio kāša, con valore progressivo, mentre ciò non avviene nel caso dei preteriti, con i quali kāša veicola un significato perfettivo. I contesti dubbi ammettono sempre un’interpretazione imperfettiva, mentre le forme marcate con valore perfettivo sono assai scarse e possono essere spiegate in vario modo. Chiudono la tesi tre appendici: la prima raccoglie le forme non marcate che ricorrono con l’avverbiale «X volte», la seconda contiene i verbi in -anna/i- e in -šša- finora attestati in palaico e in luvio, la terza, infine, mostra che anche il raddoppiamento della radice verbale aveva, in alcuni casi, la funzione di esprimere l’aspetto imperfettivo.

The topic of this dissertation concerns with the analysis of baroque period's grammatical aspect in Czech language. In the first part I focus on the modernheoretical literature about the grammatical aspect and related verbal categories. Subsequently I interpret the classification, meanings and assumed usage of the grammatical aspect presented by authors of baroque grammar books. On the grounds of this study I create a methodological basis for practical research, define the main concepts as well as terms and I set hypotheses about the baroque aspect system. Thereafter I try to verify the hypothesis using the verbal material excerpted from the original texts. The cornerstone of my research is the grammatical aspect recorded in the literary texts of the baroque epoch. The grammatical aspects in these texts are assessed from the view of verbal system, their semantic meaning and formal realization. Moreover, I explore some important grammatical phenomena closely associated with the grammatical aspect, such as tenses, lexical aspects and transgressive constructions. The presented dissertation sets a goal to describe the state of baroque grammatical aspects and their application in contemporary literature as thorough as possible. Besides it aims to specify the trend resulting in a full integration of grammatical aspects into the Czech verbal system.

Thema dieser Arbeit ist das „werden“-Passiv in der Zielgrammatik und im Erstspracherwerb des Deutschen. Das „werden“-Passiv wird in der Zielgrammatik und im Erstspracherwerb hinsichtlich der Ergänzungen Subjekt und „von“-Phrase beschrieben. Außerdem wird der Erwerb anderer Strukturen, die formale Gemeinsamkeiten mit dem „werden“-Passiv aufweisen und ein Partizip-II oder eine Form von „werden“ beinhalten, mit dem Erwerb des „werden“-Passivs verglichen. Ausgangspunkt für eine Beschreibung des „werden“-Passivs im Zusammenhang mit anderen Strukturen sind die folgenden Überlegungen: Eine früher erworbene Struktur S1 begünstigt den Erwerb einer später erworbenen Struktur S2, wenn a) S1 und S2 hinsichtlich semantisch-pragmatischer Funktionen verschieden sind und b) S1 und S2 lexikalische und morphologische Gemeinsamkeiten aufweisen. Im Fokus stehen daher lexikalische und morphologische Gemeinsamkeiten von Strukturen. Morphologische Gemeinsamkeiten mit dem „werden“-Passiv werden in Strukturen mit Partizip-II und in Strukturen mit „werden“ verortet. Vor allem zwei Strukturen, nämlich das „sein“-Passiv und die „werden“-Kopulastrukturen, werden als frühere Strukturen S1 im Zusammenhang mit dem Erwerb der späteren Struktur S2 – des „werden“-Passivs – untersucht. Lexikalische Gemeinsamkeiten werden bei „sein“-Passivstrukturen und „werden“-Passivstrukturen in der Aktionsart und bei „werden“-Kopulastrukturen und „werden“-Passivstrukturen in der thematischen Eigenschaft der Subjekte ausgemacht, weitere Gemeinsamkeiten werden in der externen Kontrolle über die Handlung beobachtet. Die empirischen Analysen fußen auf drei verschiedenen Korpora (ein L1- und ein Inputkorpus mit jeweils drei Sprechern sowie ein erwachsenensprachliches Vergleichskorpus). Für die Beschreibungen der Zielgrammatik werden vor allem Grammatiken des Deutschen ausgewertet.

This master's thesis deals with biaspectual verbs in Russian and Czech language. The theoretical part is divided into two main chapters. The first one provides short overview of main areas of aspectological research. Individual subchapters explain and describe basic aspectological concepts - aspect, aspectual pair, aktionsart etc, their functional features and mechanisms of creating aspectual pairs. The second theoretical chapter is devoted to the phenomenon of biaspectuality. It presents different approaches to the nature of biaspectuality and issues of classification of biaspectual verbs. It also maps statistical data about biaspectual verbs in Russian and Czech and describes dynamics of their development. The practical part represents a contrastive analysis of 50 Russian and 50 Czech biaspectual verbs. Main goal was to explore functioning of biaspectual verbs in Russian and Czech, find their new potential aspectual partners, examine mechanisms of their creating and determine extent of their semantic overlap with original borrowed biaspectual verbs, using selected electronic corpuses, the internet and own examples. Finally, based on results of the analysis, are formulated main tendencies of the development of biaspectual verbs in Russian and Czech. Key words Aktionsart, aspect, aspectology,...

This thesis deals with the group of Latin iterative verbs, i.e. the group that is formally marked with the iterative suffix -t. It deals with the question what was the actual meaning of the iterative suffix -t in classical Latin as reference literature says that in some cases the meaning of iterative verbs in classical Latin was the same as that of the base verb and there are iterative verbs whose base verbs are not attested at all. Also, only iterative verbs often passed into Romance languages. Another question this thesis deals with is the relationship of iterative verbs as a group set off on the basis of the category of aktionsart as it is understood in the Czech linguistic tradition and the categories that are generally referred to as aspect (grammatical aspect, lexical aspect). In this case, the selected method is a corpus-based quantitative method called the "behavioural profiles". In our case, the corpus is limited to selected prosaic works of the classical Latin period of approximately the 1st century b.C. to the 1st century AD. In its first part, the analysis is based on studying the occurrences of selected iterative verb - base verb pairs in the above mentioned corpus, especially focused on the frequency of occurrence, valence and classification of predicates into Vendler's classes,...

The dissertation deals with aspect in light verb constructions in French (LVCs). Light verb predicates such as faire du doublage, faire une découverte, and donner un conseil, constitute a specific kind of verb-noun construction recognizable by two transformational tests i.e., the cancellation test and the argument co-reference test. From the aspectual point of view, there are three parameters to be recognized: the lexical aspect (states, processes, events), grammatical aspect (perfectivity, imperfectivity), and aktionsart (quantity, quality, and phase of action). Being the semantical root of LVCs, the predicative noun is a starting point for aspectual analysis, nevertheless this aspectual interpretation is drawn from the whole sentence and takes account of the whole LVC, as well as of other aspectually relevant components (aspect shifting and aspectual composition). The objective of the research is to clarify the aspectual properties of the predicative noun and examine whether and how the principle of lexical aspect shifting is applied in the context of LCVs with a focus on the role of semantics (creation, motion containing a goal destination), of the predicative noun's complement (its quantization and cumulativity), countability, and determination of the predicative noun. It is observed that countability marked by articles has a crucial effect on the interpretation of the lexical aspect and aktionsart (faire un saut - sauter une fois, faire un emballage - emballer un cadeau, *emballer une fois). The research is based upon a systematic use of real corpora contexts (InterCorp 2018, FrWac, araneum), French lexicon-grammar data (Maurice Gross and his colleagues), and native-speaker competence.

Prefix ex- u latinských sloves a jeho aspektová funkce Latin Verbal Prefix ex- in Regard of Aspect - disertační práce - Mgr. Martina Vaníková Summary The proposed thesis titled Latin Verbal Prefix ex- in Regard of Aspect is a pilot study that deals with the ways of expressing aspect in Latin, which is based on the detailed analysis of the functions of the verbal prefix ex- as one of the important components of this category. It also tries to find the method for the future research on the matter. In the theoretical part of the thesis the author gives summary of existing theories on aspect in general, with special attention given to the theories on aspect in the Czech and Latin language. The author defines the terms "aspect", "Aktionsart" and "situation type" at great length, and she particularly sets light to the term "telicity", distinguishing the "inherent telicity" from "maximizing". The practical part consist of: 1. a detailed analysis of all the occurrences of the indicative imperfect of the verbs with the prefix ex- from the corpus, which comprises of all well-preserved Latin texts from Plautus to Cicero; 2. an analysis of the indicative future and present tense forms of the selected verbs with the prefix ex-. Based on the analysis of the imperfect, the author verifies her hypothesis that the prefix...