Academic literature on the topic 'Aimed government grants'

Intergovernmental transfers can help coordinate resource distribution among local governments to address the disparities between them. Local governments in South Korea heavily rely on general shared tax as an unconditional grant from the central government. Yet, the central government modifies factors and weights in the formula to allocate the grants; thus, the final grants might not always reflect the formula accurately. We aimed to empirically investigate the political influence on the allocation mechanism in practice related to the general shared tax in South Korea. We found that political influence, based on the political ideology of the municipal government chief, which is the same as that of the president, affects the amount of increased general shared tax from the central government. This indicates that the framework for the distribution of resources between different levels of governments is neither efficient nor equitable.

Background: In April 1998, the South African government introduced the child-support grant as a poverty-alleviation measure to support the income of poor households and enable them to care for the child. Aims: This research aimed to measure equity of access to applications for the child-support grant in an area characterized by poverty. Three questions were addressed: (i) How does socioeconomic status affect the probability of a household applying for a child-care grant? (ii) What household and caregiver characteristics are associated with child-care-grant application? (iii) What barriers to access are experienced by households that do not apply for the child-care grant? Methods: The study population of 6,725 households with at least one age-eligible child was drawn from the Agincourt field site, a rural sub-district of South Africa. Data used were obtained from health and demographic surveillance, a child-grant questionnaire, and a household-asset survey. Descriptive cross-tabulations and multivariate logistic regression were used in the analysis. Results: Although these grants are intended as a pro-poor intervention, the poorest households are less likely to apply for grants than those in higher socioeconomic bands. Households in lower socioeconomic bands experienced barriers in accessing grants; these related to lack of official documentation, education level of the caregiver and household head, and distance from government service offices. Conclusions: Enhancing access will require improved provision of birth certificates and identity documents, efficient coordination and service provision from a range of rural government offices, and creative methods of communication.

Indonesia has embarked on an ambitious decentralisation programme which is aimed at empowering regional parliaments and giving them far more autonomy in formulating budgets and implementing expenditures. Beginning in the calendar (and fiscal) year 2001, the central government replaced many of the existing grants from the centre to the regions with a ‘general allocation grant’; in addition, those regions with substantial mining and forestry sectors received a share of the revenues accruing from exploitation of these resources. The author explores the background to these reforms by examining the regional grants system which developed through the Soeharto era, and the criticisms which this system attracted. The impact of the new system on both rich and poor regions is also discussed.

Purpose In this paper, the author develops a game theoretical model to understand why Union Government of India, as a third party, has used different schemes at different times in history to assist the State Governments in fighting the Naxalite insurgency. Comparing across schemes, it was found that though Matching Security Grants scheme was preferred in general, during asymmetric information scenario it led to an emergency situation wherein the Union Government had to provide the less preferred Bulk Security Grants. Later, it became difficult to withdraw these grants as the State Governments free rode by reducing own security contribution. The author finds that instead, in this scenario, Matching Development Grants are more suitable, as they incentivize the State Governments to reveal private information and help the Union Government exit its third-party role. For a practitioner involved in conflict resolution, these conclusions imply that as the desirability of policies can change diametrically overtime, Union Government must spend resources only on those heads of expenditure that provide both security and development benefits provided they aid in preventing flow of resources to Naxalites. Further, to end its assistance, the Union Government’s expenditures should also complement the capabilities of the State Government rather than substituting them. These results can also guide policy in other protracted civil wars with substantial third-party intervention, which are common these days. Design/methodology/approach The paper is an historical analysis of strategies used by Union and State Governments and Naxalites. The analysis is based on game theoretic tools supported with examples. Findings The Union Government must provide matching grants instead of bulk grants such as Central Armed Police Forces, and the grants should be aimed at building complementarities with the state governments’ security contributions. Under asymmetric information scenario, the Union and State Governments reduce their expenses incurred to fight the Naxalites. A Matching Development Grants scheme would have done better. Union Government must spend resources on heads of expenditure that provides both Development and Security benefits, to curb flow of resources to Naxalites, besides complementing the Security Contributions of the State Government. Research limitations/implications The research is limited by disaggregated data to test the hypotheses. It is also limited by the data on hidden variables like the contribution of the Naxalites to fighting. The research is also limited to the extent that individual groups in the war like police commanders, politicians and Naxalite commanders are not incorporated. Multiple asymmetric parties are also not considered; that may generalize the model to other theaters of insurgency. Practical implications Certain heads of expenditure such as roads, mobile communication, improving quality of investigation, preventing human rights violations by the security forces, etc. are both security and development enhancing. The Union Government's expenditures must be directed toward this end. Therefore, from a practitioner's perspective, the debate between greed and grievances exists not as a limitation but as a guide. The relevant articles of Constitution of India must be redrafted on these principles. Third-party interventions in other insurgencies may be revisited under these conclusions. Social implications Security and Development policies are tools for controlling Naxalite insurgency, which can also be used to prevent flow of resources to Naxalites. Security and development policies to resolving insurgencies are useful at different information scenarios. Therefore, information neutral policies should be preferred. Originality/value This paper has contributed theoretically in modeling continuing conflicts like Naxalite insurgency, explicitly. The author also shows that though the field of civil wars may have evolved along the Greed vs Grievance debate (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004), for a practitioner, the lines blur when it comes to solutions, as many heads of expenditures have features of both security and development. This paper also shows that when the Union Government faced asymmetric information scenario, the policy of matching development grants would be beneficial in long run though of limited value in short run. This is an important conclusion as the most intense period of violence was preceded by the asymmetric information scenario. Besides, it has relevance for the other civil wars with third-party intervention, such as NATO in Afghanistan.

Background Australia’s philanthropic sector is growing and could support efforts to improve sexual and reproductive health (SRH). However, philanthropy is often misunderstood in Australia and there is limited evidence of philanthropic support for SRH initiatives. Methods: We aimed to understand the barriers and facilitators to philanthropic funding of SRH initiatives in Australia. A qualitative approach was used and involved 13 in-depth interviews with professionals from the philanthropic sector, and from organisations and services involved in SRH. Results: Barriers to organisations in seeking philanthropic funding for SRH activities included insufficient resources for writing grant applications and the small financial value of philanthropic grants. Facilitators to seeking philanthropic funding for SRH included a perception that government funding is shrinking and that philanthropic research grants are less competitive than government grants. Philanthropic participants identified that barriers to funding SRH include the sensitive nature of SRH and the perceived conservative nature of philanthropy. Facilitators identified by these participants in supporting SRH initiatives included networking and relationships between grant-makers and grant-seekers. All participants agreed that philanthropy does and could have a role in funding SRH in Australia. Conclusions: The findings of this research suggest that barriers to philanthropic funding for SRH in Australia exist for organisations attempting to access philanthropic funding. Philanthropic organisations could provide more financial support to Australian SRH service providers, as happens in countries such as the United States and United Kingdom. Addressing these barriers and promoting the facilitators could lead to increased awareness of SRH by Australia’s philanthropic sector.

This article aimed to analyze and identify the strategies of Central Kalimantan Provincial Government as an effort to increase Regional revenue (Pendapatan Asli Daerah - PAD) through third-party grants or donations. One of the efforts made by the Central Kalimantan Provincial Government in increasing regional revenue (PAD) is through the issuance of Governor Regulation No. 16/2018 on Guidelines for the Acceptance and Management of Grants or Donations from Third Parties to the Central Kalimantan Provincial Government. The data showed that the governor’s regulation had shown positive results relating to the efforts to increase the Regional revenue in Central Kalimantan Province. Local Revenue Offices of Central Kalimantan as the leading sector to implement the regulation has made several strategic efforts including sharing/spreading the information to 3 P i.e., investors, monitoring and controlling. The purposes of the governor’s regulation No. 16/2018 to provide legal protection to guarantee the participation of third parties in Central Kalimantan development, provide legal certainty in the management and acceptance of third-party grants or donations, and create an orderly administration, transparency and accountability in acceptance the grants or third-party donations to the government of Central Kalimantan Province. The collaboration cooperation between Central Kalimantan Provincial Government and the private sector to increase Regional revenue (PAD) needs to have support from all parties.

- Italian government's grants to industrial companies have decreased in recent years. Moreover, during the period 2000-2007, less than 25% of total incentives was aimed at sustaining industrial R&D and internationalization activities. In the absence of an effective public aid policy, in 2007 Italian industrial companies were still focused on traditional manufacturing industries and were suffering the increasing competition from emerging countries. The added value of their manufacturing activity has decreased, their technological growth has slowed down, their financial indebtedness has dropped, while their return on equity has increased. The performance of most industrial companies that had received the government's aids has not improved, with the exception of the so-called Made in Italy and the Transportation equipment manufacturing sectors, whose economic performance has improved with state subsidies. Keywords: government grants, manufacturing industries, capital structure Parole chiave: agevolazioni del governo, settori manifatturieri, struttura economico-finanziaria Jel Classification: H81, L52

Abstract Distribution of resources is at the core of politics. Although this activity is primarily economic in nature, the existing research shows that political representatives often use the allocation of public money to reward their allies at the expense of their rivals. This paper analyses a 2015 governmental programme of local sport grants in Slovakia that aimed to build sport facilities for children and young people. In order to avoid any political bias, the programme was established as a neutral mechanism with an anonymous evaluation of grant requests. The results of analysis, however, provide substantial evidence that the subsidies were given primarily to towns with closer political ties to the government while municipalities led by mayors from the opposition were nearly fully ignored. In addition, the presented social and economic aims of the funding programme were not effectively pursued. The paper thus represents a valuable contribution to the discussion of distributive politics, in general, as it shows that, despite the respective legal framework, the allocation of resources may still end up as a process fuelled by partisan interests.

Introduction. Human resources potential is one of the most important tools for achieving the objectives included in the key programme documents for the development of science and technology in the Russian Federation and the main element in the research and development resources of the state. Human resources potential is fundamentally made up of researchers employed in science and technology, including young researchers. Even though in recent years the government of Russia has been paying a lot of attention to developing mechanisms to attract and support young researchers in the sciences, we are still seeing a decline in their number, including in the number of researchers aged 39 or younger. The article presents the findings of tools for monitoring the financial support available to young researchers, recipients of scholarships and grants from the president of Russia, as well as grants provided by key research foundations. Monitoring Tools. The main monitoring tool is formal logic methods such as classification, analysis, synthesis, deduction, and induction. The monitoring was conducted using the materials published on the official websites of research foundations, the annual reports of said foundations, as well as other information in the public domain. The monitoring covered 42 foundations and 8 federal regulatory acts. The subject of the study was the financial tools for supporting young researchers, specifically the grants and scholarships of the president of the Russian Federation and major research foundations such as the Russian Research Foundation, the Russian Foundation for Basic Research, the Foundation for Assistance to Small Innovative Enterprises, and the Skolkovo Foundation, as well as state-funded programmes aimed at supporting young researchers; the findings of the monitoring are summed up in consolidated tables. Results. The support system for grant recipients spans all age categories of young researchers. Meanwhile, federal programmes offer a broader range of assistance to students, postgraduate students, and young researchers than to candidates and doctors of sciences. The most common types of assistance are grants and scholarships, while prizes are not as common. Regional and industrial foundations for assisting research, development, and innovation only function in some regions of the Russian Federation. Programmes aimed at supporting research activities are offered by regional and industry foundations through their official websites and are widely varied (the most common offerings include competitions, training programmes, organisation of conferences, exhibitions, forums, as well as special prizes and grants). Conclusion. Thus, the article provides information about the existing system of grants aimed at providing support and assistance to young researchers; the article also offers some information about the conditions, amounts, and timeframe for the provision of the scholarships and grants from the President of the Russian Federation; there is also a review of the tools for assisting young researchers in the context of such recipients’ status, as well as the forms and types of assistance (including for young researchers) provided by industry and regional foundations for research, development, and innovation.

Nowadays, the sustainable development of agriculture is impossible without state support at current economic conditions. It is due to the peculiarities of agricultural production, which has a lower productivity, compared with other industries, but plays a vital role in the provision of food, that allows us to solve the problem of strategic national security fully. One of the main forms of state support is targeted allocation of budget subsidies to agricultural enterprises, thus improving the efficiency of their use is only possible through the use of objective information, which is useful for management decision-making, the formation of which provides by accounting system. The carried research in the current conditions allowed us to solve the problem, mentioned in the introduction, make the appropriate general conclusions and recommendations, aimed to more efficient use of government subsidies in the agricultural organizations. In this paper we have identified the main criteria for the evaluation of grants for the purpose of rational distribution and effective use. Today, the operation of agricultural production in all developed countries is entirely based on a system of effective government incentives. In European Union countries through a variety of techniques and actions of government regulation (system of grants and subsidies, preferential loans, the application of special tax regimes, the reduction of tariffs on consumed agricultural resources, the system of credit and insurance compensation from the budget and others) performed less stable support of monopolized agriculture by redistributing income from more monopolized industry, that allows us to develop the agricultural sector at a higher level of innovation. It is extremely important to develop an effective mechanism for compliance with the criteria subsidies. From the point of view of its simplicity, the attractive approach would be to organize a unified Development Bank, which would treat all agricultural enterprises, wishing to implement a project. But the emergence of competent organizations, capable of protecting national interests, nothing is guaranteed, even under the best of circumstances, this will require significant resources and time. In addition, the same amount of money will be more useful, if you use them as subsidies for interest payments of loans, than in the role of capital. The new rules are provided corresponding transparent methods of distribution of subsidies between companies, complemented by the availability of subsidies, aimed to promoting structural reforms in certain sectors of agriculture. Moreover, the rules provided with indicators of not only the quantitative characteristics of achieving concrete results, but also qualitative changes resulting from the effective use of subsidies.

The relationship between the state and municipalities has for the recent decades become increasingly complex, strained and infected. The education policy has for several decades been surrounded by different governing logics and conflicts where the conflict between the state’s pursuit of national equality and the local self-determination is prominent. This study examines how this conflict affects the municipal official’s approaches to the state’s control of the municipal compulsory school through aimed government grants. The study consists of aqualitative interview study of six municipalities with 23 respondents. In each municipality, I have conducted interviews with municipal officials, principals and municipal politicians. The findings show that the aimed government grants should be seen in the field of tension between state and municipality and between politics and professions. Conflicts arise between the municipalities’ different conditions as well as their local needs and the state’s pursuit of national equality between schools. The municipal officials are assigned significant power regarding how the state and municipal governance is to be put into practice and are therefore given a coordinating central position where they must balance between state requirements, local requirements and school’s requirements. The findings indicate that they seem to prioritize the state’s target of national equality in favor of the local target of self-determination. The relationship between the state and the municipalities gets exposed through the role conflicts of the municipal officials, which both compete and cooperate. The conclusion is that the municipal officials should be regarded as the state’s extended arm, or as “state municipal officials”. They possess a double loyalty to the state and local government and must, with this double loyalty, be the guardians of the local and national democracy at the same time. There is a risk that the municipal officials' double democracy loyalty demonstrates that the local democracy is weakening as the municipal officials must balance between their two guardian roles since role conflicts can arise in their daily work.This, in combination with the fact that they have gained increased power at the expense of local politicians and should thereby be regarded as political actors, sets high standards on the municipal officials, especially in an education department where the state governance is highly present.

Chapter 5 describes how economic decline led to an ideological shift in America. Trump was good at promising things that resonated with the public’s discontent. This chapter shows how he did this, particularly insofar as his economic plan is concerned. This is a story about the rise of neoliberalism as the cure for what ailed Americans and the American economy. Neoliberal ideology is a conservative approach to policymaking that touts the virtues of small government, low taxes, less regulation, and reduced welfare spending. It involves a taken-for-granted paradigm—a set of assumptions—about how the economy works, as well as specific policy recommendations derived from it. It also involves a variety of public sentiments or values deeply rooted in American culture about the virtues of small government. These sentiments and others provided raw materials with which Trump effectively fabricated catchy frames to garner public support for his policy ideas.

After the civil-military dictatorship (1964–1985), the Brazilian re-democratization process coincided with a “double divorce.” The first was between foreign policy and defense policy, the second between military and civilian authorities. It was only in the aftermath of the inauguration of the 1988 Constitution that the Brazilian federal government began constructing a bridge between these two public policies, their respective administrations, and attendant constituencies under the aegis of a democratic regime. Cardoso’s government began implementing a strategy aimed at placing the armed forces under civilian control. But it was during Lula’s and Rousseff’s subsequent administration’s that they laid out a “sketch of Brazil’s grand strategy,” interrupted by Rousseff’s 2016 controversial impeachment.Â?In this context, we analyze the main challenges concerning the conception and the implementation of Brazil’s grand strategy between 2003 and 2014, thus demonstrating how Brazil’s domestic politics and its development model together played key roles in this process.

International financial institutions (IFIs) typically condition the provision of loans, grants, and debt relief on the implementation, by the recipient country, of policy reforms that are aimed at making the fiscal and debt situation sustainable, improving competitiveness, and boosting economic growth. These so-called ‘conditionalities’ afford IFIs substantial policy influence on governments throughout the world, thereby reducing national policy space and undermining national development agendas. The measures also have implications for the enjoyment of human rights. This chapter provides an overview of these policies, as well as their impact on the ability of the implementing governments to provide basic public services necessary for the realisation of human rights, including health, labour, and civil and political rights. The chapter begins with an examination of the mandates of the IMF and World Bank. It then discusses the lending practices of the two institutions and reviews existing debates around the effects of conditionalities on human rights. Finally, the chapter offers suggestions for reform of IMF and World Bank lending practices in ways that ensure that they respect human rights.

Governments’ interest in free/open source software is steadily increasing. Several policies aimed at supporting free/open source software have been taken or are currently under discussion all around the world. In this chapter, we review the basic (economic) rationales for such policy interventions and we present some summary statistics on policies taken within the European countries. We claim that in order to evaluate correctly the consequences of such interventions one has to consider both the role and the administrative level at which such decisions are taken as well as the typology of software that is involved. Moreover, we argue that the level playing field cannot be taken for granted in software markets. Therefore, non-intrusive public policies that currently prevail at the European level in terms, for instance, of the promotion of open standards or in terms of campaigns aimed at informing IT decision-makers, are likely to be welfare enhancing.

Continuing with the theme of what worked to initiate change and improvement in a partnership setting, this chapter highlights a “comparative international research approach” and two major research projects that were successfully conducted by members of a partnership between a college and a school district. The first project is an American-Slovenian research venture focused on comparing and analyzing teaching of American and Slovene preservice teachers in their respective partnership school settings. The second research venture is a U.S. government funded, race-to-the-top partnership project entitled CLIPS – Career Ladder Innovator Programs and System. The grant project involved veteran teachers and was aimed at advancing newer professional positions for teachers – teacher-leader innovator, master teacher, and researcher. The two research ventures and their investigative designs are offered as springboards and templates for others to adapt and use to achieve their partnership goals during this new era of change in education.

Chapter 5 examines Chinese servants who were exempted from the exclusion laws and granted temporary admission as laborers. It argues that immigration officials implemented post-entry controls that were aimed at containment rather than protection. Following the passage of the 1882 Chinese Restriction Act, immigration officials brokered special arrangements that allowed white employers to continue to enter the country with Chinese servants in their employ, so long as they took out surety bonds that indemnified the government against the possibility that their Chinese servants might leave their service and remain in the United States on an unauthorized basis. The temporary admission of Chinese servants and their bonded condition offered an incipient version of a guestworker program. Chinese immigrant servants who lived in the United States legally—as well as birthright American citizens of Chinese descent—were also subject to various requirements by immigration officials that reinforced these workers’ dependency on white employers. The testimony of white employers was a crucial factor in determining whether Chinese servants would be credentialed as authorized residents. This was essential to avoiding deportation but also to being allowed to depart and reenter the United States.

This chapter is dedicated to analyses of examples of executive-generated fuzziness in the context of implementation. It offers examples of the ways executives can create further nodes of fuzziness, by crafting the implementation of the law, be it fuzzy or relatively clear, in ways that further fuzzy-up the law. Under the classical vision of executive action, implementation and enforcement are straightforward, easily apprehended processes that follow the legislative mandate and are applied by authorized regulators. The well-developed body of research on the gap between law-on-the-books and law-in-action overviewed in this chapter more than challenges this vision. Either as proof of government failure, or, opposingly, as an indication of well-thought-out responsive action aimed to achieve optimal results, all action located in this gap is fuzzy. Using examples from the UK and the US in the fields of emergency and air pollution law, I discuss three practices that challenge the classical understanding of the nature of implementation: selective enforcement; creative compliance; and the non-application of law ('pastiche law'). The focus here is, then, on the behaviour of the executive and the ways it applies a power granted to it in ways that frustrate the law without moving into the sphere of illegality.

Turkey has benefitted from financial assistance of the EU in order to enhance the institutional capacity and the quality of legislation in different areas since 2001. It is aimed that Turkey could integrate easily to common policies when she became a full member of the EU via projects funded by the EU. In this context, financial assistance is distributed to both public and private sectors and also non-governmental organizations via Central Finance and Contracts Unit (CFCU), National Agency, Agriculture and Rural Development Support Institution (ARDSI), and Ministries. At least 50% or all of the funds in some projects have been taken from the EU. After recognition of Turkey as a candidate country by the EU in December 1999, accession negotiations started between Turkey and the EU in October 2005. Therefore, the study covers the period of 2000-2015. The method of STEEPLED Analysis was used in the study. EU grant projects implemented in the last 15 years were investigated various point of view (Social, Technological, Economics, Environmental, Politics, Legal, European and Demographic) and in the light of the findings, contribution of the EU grant schemes to the local/regional development, employment, environmental conservation and reduction of poverty were determined.

This paper presents an analysis of the role of decentralised institutions to understand the learning and challenges of the grass-roots-led pandemic response of Kerala. The study is based on interviews with experts and frontline workers to ensure the representation of all stakeholders dealing with the outbreak, from the state level to the household level, and a review of published government orders, health guidelines, and news articles. The outcome of the study shows that along with the decentralised system of governance, the strong grass-roots-level network of Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA) workers, volunteer groups, and Kudumbashree members played a pivotal role in pandemic management in the state. The efficient functioning of local bodies in the state, experience gained from successive disasters, and the Nipah outbreak naturally aided grass-roots-level actions. The lessons others can draw from Kerala are the importance of public expenditure on health, investment for building social capital, and developing the local self-delivery system.