Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Aid-governance'
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1
Akramov, Kamiljon T. "Governance and foreign aid allocation." Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 2006. http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgsd_issertations/RGSD202/.
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2
Thuy, Vi Tran. "Aid effectiveness and good governance reform." Thesis, Thuy, Vi Tran (2013) Aid effectiveness and good governance reform. Masters by Coursework thesis, Murdoch University, 2013. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41701/.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the effectiveness of ODA investment in good governance reform in aid recipient countries. The emergence of good governance-related aid since the 1990s has marked a turning point in development discourse. Under this new aid regime, no matter how donors see good governance reform, as an objective or conditionality, their primary purpose is to build a modern state with a transparent, responsive, accountable, effective and efficient governmental system. The common rationale of donor community is that good governance reform will increase aid effectiveness, as it will lead to an enabling environment for economic development and poverty reduction. This perception of donors influences their approaches to good governance reform. From a critical engagement with donors’ advocacy of good governance reforms, this paper goes on to argue that donors’ interventions in practice does not necessarily result in positive development outcomes, but sometimes in fact decreases the quality of already poor-performing institutions. The shortfalls regarding the political commitment of aid recipients and capacity building approach of donors in good governance reform are clearly visible. The case study of the Supporting Public Administration Reform Project (2007-2010) in Vietnam further enhances this argument. In order to increase the effectiveness of ODA investment in aid recipients, it is vital to focus attention on the development and engagement of civil society, not only in the implementation and oversight of international development assistance programs, but for the benefit of home-grown socio-economic development initiatives.
3
RINALDI, DAVID. "GOVERNANCE AND SELECTIVITY IN MULTILATERAL AID ALLOCATION." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1930.
Full textAbstract:
La tesi si incentra sulle questioni legate alla distribuzione degli aiuti multilaterali allo sviluppo; in particolare due temi sono affrontati: la selettività degli aiuti e la qualità della governance. L’elaborato si basa sulla letteratura concernente l’efficacia e la distribuzione degli aiuti ed unisce quest’ultima alla letteratura sulla political economy delle organizzazioni internazionali e sulla good governance. Attraverso un’analisi econometrica si intende capire se le organizzazioni multilaterali hanno a cuore la qualità della governance del paese ricevente al momento dell’allocazione degli aiuti. Con un modello GMM-Diff che adopera sia strumenti interni che esterni, si evidenzia come l’interesse per la governance da parte delle istituzioni multilaterali non sia solo retorica, come invece appare da uno studio preliminare. Inoltre, attraverso l’analisi di un panel a tre dimensioni, la tesi monitora l’applicazione della selettività degli aiuti. Viene rigettata l’ipotesi di un aumento della selettività e si evidenziano margini per un miglioramento dell’efficacia allocativa degli aiuti. Le agenzie multilaterali devono cercare di distribuire gli aiuti con criteri diversi da quelli di natura geopolitica.The thesis examines the allocation of multilateral aid flows with respect to two current issues of the development agenda: the selectivity of aid and the quality of governance. The dissertation brings together three strands of the relevant literature: firstly, the reference literature relating to aid effectiveness and aid allocation, which is then followed by the literature on good governance and, lastly, on the political economy of international organizations. We carry out an econometric study to understand whether international organizations care about the recipients’ performance on governance. With a GMM-Diff methodology using both internal and external instruments we show that the focus on governance by multilateral bodies is not only rhetoric, as it appears at first glance. Moreover, we explore how the selectivity of multilateral aid varies over time by employing a three-dimensional panel. Our analysis rejects the hypothesis of increasing selectivity and confirms that there is room to improve on the allocation of aid. Multilateral institutions need to strengthen their efforts to allocate aid on criteria other than political-strategic ones.
4
RINALDI, DAVID. "GOVERNANCE AND SELECTIVITY IN MULTILATERAL AID ALLOCATION." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1930.
Full textAbstract:
La tesi si incentra sulle questioni legate alla distribuzione degli aiuti multilaterali allo sviluppo; in particolare due temi sono affrontati: la selettività degli aiuti e la qualità della governance. L’elaborato si basa sulla letteratura concernente l’efficacia e la distribuzione degli aiuti ed unisce quest’ultima alla letteratura sulla political economy delle organizzazioni internazionali e sulla good governance. Attraverso un’analisi econometrica si intende capire se le organizzazioni multilaterali hanno a cuore la qualità della governance del paese ricevente al momento dell’allocazione degli aiuti. Con un modello GMM-Diff che adopera sia strumenti interni che esterni, si evidenzia come l’interesse per la governance da parte delle istituzioni multilaterali non sia solo retorica, come invece appare da uno studio preliminare. Inoltre, attraverso l’analisi di un panel a tre dimensioni, la tesi monitora l’applicazione della selettività degli aiuti. Viene rigettata l’ipotesi di un aumento della selettività e si evidenziano margini per un miglioramento dell’efficacia allocativa degli aiuti. Le agenzie multilaterali devono cercare di distribuire gli aiuti con criteri diversi da quelli di natura geopolitica.The thesis examines the allocation of multilateral aid flows with respect to two current issues of the development agenda: the selectivity of aid and the quality of governance. The dissertation brings together three strands of the relevant literature: firstly, the reference literature relating to aid effectiveness and aid allocation, which is then followed by the literature on good governance and, lastly, on the political economy of international organizations. We carry out an econometric study to understand whether international organizations care about the recipients’ performance on governance. With a GMM-Diff methodology using both internal and external instruments we show that the focus on governance by multilateral bodies is not only rhetoric, as it appears at first glance. Moreover, we explore how the selectivity of multilateral aid varies over time by employing a three-dimensional panel. Our analysis rejects the hypothesis of increasing selectivity and confirms that there is room to improve on the allocation of aid. Multilateral institutions need to strengthen their efforts to allocate aid on criteria other than political-strategic ones.
5
Nilsson, Claes. "Good governance in development-aid : making democracy-reforms sustainable." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3841.
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February through March, 2005, I conducted a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Lao PDR together with a fellow-student. We were interested in a project in Laos called GPAR Luang Prabang, in which Sida, UNDP and the Lao Government are trying to improve the governance system in Laos. Luang Prabang is the province in the northern parts of Laos where the good governance-project were being implemented.
The main interest in this study concerns democracy aid in the shape of good governance and local ownership in development aid. Good governance is a highly debated topic in aid-literature, both because of the explosion of good governance projects the last ten or so years and because of the ambiguity that lies in the concept good governance. Different aid-actors give different meanings to good governance. Two definitions stand out: First there is the “narrow” definition that focuses on the economical steering of a country’s resources. The second, or “broad” definition of good governance, focuses on democratic aspects of the concept. Areas like participation, transparency, accountability and rule of law are high-lighted here. Different actors in the aid-society thus have different definitions of the concept.
Whether democracy aid works and becomes sustainable relies, according to the literature, on how well the partners in an aid-project can foster local ownership. Ownership means that the recipient is in control of the policy process, from highlighting a problem to implementing the solutions. The starting point in this thesis is the question whether the ambiguity in good governance- definitions constrains ownership in the policy process. Also, in democracy aid there is an interesting paradox: How can a project that aims at changing political power-structures be driven by those who have the most to gain from these structures? My study shows that when the partners in an aid-project are unable to settle for one definition of good governance, ownership is hard to reach. If the partners can not reach an agreement at an early stage in the process, ownership will suffer and sustainability will be hard to reach.February through March, 2005, I conducted a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Lao PDR together with a fellow-student. We were interested in a project in Laos called GPAR Luang Prabang, in which Sida, UNDP and the Lao Government are trying to improve the governance system in Laos. Luang Prabang is the province in the northern parts of Laos where the good governance-project were being implemented.The main interest in this study concerns democracy aid in the shape of good governance and local ownership in development aid. Good governance is a highly debated topic in aid-literature, both because of the explosion of good governance projects the last ten or so years and because of the ambiguity that lies in the concept good governance. Different aid-actors give different meanings to good governance. Two definitions stand out: First there is the “narrow” definition that focuses on the economical steering of a country’s resources. The second, or “broad” definition of good governance, focuses on democratic aspects of the concept. Areas like participation, transparency, accountability and rule of law are high-lighted here. Different actors in the aid-society thus have different definitions of the concept. Whether democracy aid works and becomes sustainable relies, according to the literature, on how well the partners in an aid-project can foster local ownership. Ownership means that the recipient is in control of the policy process, from highlighting a problem to implementing the solutions. The starting point in this thesis is the question whether the ambiguity in good governance- definitions constrains ownership in the policy process. Also, in democracy aid there is an interesting paradox: How can a project that aims at changing political power-structures be driven by those who have the most to gain from these structures? My study shows that when the partners in an aid-project are unable to settle for one definition of good governance, ownership is hard to reach. If the partners can not reach an agreement at an early stage in the process, ownership will suffer and sustainability will be hard to reach.
6
Gary, Aurore. "Foreign aid and governance : to what extent political institutions matter." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010090.
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L’efficacité de l’aide au développement est aujourd’hui largement débattue au sein de la communauté des donateurs et dans la littérature académique (Rajan and Subramanian, 2008). Le contexte institutionnel des pays récipiendaires est au cœur de ce débat puisqu’il conditionnerait l’efficacité de l’aide en termes de croissance économique (Dalgaard and Hansen (2001), Collier and Dollar (2002) and Burnside and Dollar, 2004). L’aide serait efficace dans les pays pauvres et bien gouvernés. L’objet de ce travail de recherche est d’expliquer l’apparition de critères institutionnels dans l’allocation de l’aide au développement et de déterminer leurs effets en matière d’efficacité de l’aide. Il vise donc à appréhender le rôle joué par la gouvernance dans les pays receveurs (pays en développement) et dans les pays donateurs (pays de l’OCDE essentiellement) à la fois dans l’allocation et dans l’efficacité de l’aide au développement. Ce travail tente donc de répondre à plusieurs interrogations : (1) la reconnaissance de la nature institutionnelle de l’aide est-elle appropriée ? (2) l’aide est-elle- intrinsèquement politique ? (3) quelles sont les implications économiques de l’aide allouée selon des critères institutionnels ?The recognition that political institutions matter is relatively recent and is the result of several interacting factors. The purpose of our research is to explain how foreign aid is related to governance issues both in recipient countries (developing countries) and in donor countries. Development aid is provided by: bilateral donors (29 DAC3 donors and 19 non-DAC donors), multilateral donors and private donors (e.g. Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation). Foreign aid differs according to the intended purposes: reforming national policies (economic policies or other types) and political institutions, and providing humanitarian assistance. The focus of our dissertation is on the emergence of non-strictly economic criteria (mainly institutional criteria) within the donor community as well as their impact on aid allocation and effectiveness. Therefore, we will address several questions: (1) Is the recognition of the institutional nature of aid appropriate?(2) Is aid political? (3) What are the economic implications of political aid (or aid based on institutional performance) ?
7
Hanke, Philip Cosmo <1983>. "Regulating State Aid: Inter-jurisdictional competition, public choice, and corporate governance." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6692/1/Hanke_Philip_tesi.pdf.
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Depending on the regulatory regime they are subject to, governments may or may not be allowed to hand out state aid to private firms. The economic justification for state aid can address several issues present in the competition for capital and the competition for transfers from the state.
First, there are principal-agent problems involved at several stages. Self-interested politicians might enter state aid deals that are the result of extensive rent-seeking activities of organized interest groups. Thus the institutional design of political systems will have an effect on the propensity of a jurisdiction to award state aid.
Secondly, fierce competition for firm locations can lead to over-spending. This effect is stronger if the politicians do not take into account the entirety of the costs created by their participation in the firm location race.
Thirdly, state aid deals can be incomplete and not in the interest of the citizens. This applies if there are no sanctions if firms do not meet their obligations from receiving aid, such as creating a certain number of jobs or not relocating again for a certain amount of time.
The separation of ownership and control in modern corporations leads to principal-agent problems on the side of the aid recipient as well. Managers might receive personal benefits from subsidies, the use of which is sometimes less monitored than private finance. This can eventually be to the detriment of the shareholders.
Overall, it can be concluded that state aid control should also serve the purpose of regulating the contracting between governments and firms. An extended mandate for supervision by the European Commission could include requirements to disincentive the misuse of state aid. The Commission should also focus on the corporate governance regime in place in the jurisdiction that awards the aid as well as in the recipient firm.
8
Hanke, Philip Cosmo <1983>. "Regulating State Aid: Inter-jurisdictional competition, public choice, and corporate governance." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6692/.
Full textAbstract:
Depending on the regulatory regime they are subject to, governments may or may not be allowed to hand out state aid to private firms. The economic justification for state aid can address several issues present in the competition for capital and the competition for transfers from the state.
First, there are principal-agent problems involved at several stages. Self-interested politicians might enter state aid deals that are the result of extensive rent-seeking activities of organized interest groups. Thus the institutional design of political systems will have an effect on the propensity of a jurisdiction to award state aid.
Secondly, fierce competition for firm locations can lead to over-spending. This effect is stronger if the politicians do not take into account the entirety of the costs created by their participation in the firm location race.
Thirdly, state aid deals can be incomplete and not in the interest of the citizens. This applies if there are no sanctions if firms do not meet their obligations from receiving aid, such as creating a certain number of jobs or not relocating again for a certain amount of time.
The separation of ownership and control in modern corporations leads to principal-agent problems on the side of the aid recipient as well. Managers might receive personal benefits from subsidies, the use of which is sometimes less monitored than private finance. This can eventually be to the detriment of the shareholders.
Overall, it can be concluded that state aid control should also serve the purpose of regulating the contracting between governments and firms. An extended mandate for supervision by the European Commission could include requirements to disincentive the misuse of state aid. The Commission should also focus on the corporate governance regime in place in the jurisdiction that awards the aid as well as in the recipient firm.
9
Jaspars, Susanne Sophia Elisabeth. "Food aid, power and profit : an historical analysis of the relation between food aid and governance in Sudan." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.687688.
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Sudan represents one of the world's most severe protracted crises and the country is one of the world's longest-running and largest recipients of food aid. The recent Darfur conflict led to the World Food Programme's largest operation globally. Yet by 2014 international agencies had only limited access to war-affected populations and had decreased food aid despite ongoing conflict, and the Sudan government had come to control who received food aid. Malnutrition levels remained high. This thesis argues that the 'actually existing development' resulting from long-term food aid has benefited the Sudan government and private sector but abandons populations to become resilient to permanent emergency. Using concepts of governmentality and genealogy, the thesis explores how food aid regimes of practices have co-evolved with local governance. It analyses the links between practices, their underlying concepts and assumptions, the truths they produce, and the actual as well as intended effects. The focus is on their effects on human behaviour, power relations and political economy, and the implications for local livelihoods. Methods included examining policy documents, project reports, and interviews with government officials, aid workers, traders, transporters and beneficiaries in Khartoum and North Darfur. Shifts between regimes of practices were brought about by changes in global politics, food crises, the failures of food aid practices and reactions by the Sudan government, which led to a gradual depoliticisation and neoliberalisation of food security and nutrition. In fifty years, food aid has rarely had the effect of saving lives and supporting livelihoods, but the consequences for Sudan's political economy and its aid system have been enormous. The thesis analyses these political and economic consequences and how long-term food aid has led to the Sudan government's own food aid apparatus. The research contributes to knowledge about the political economy of aid and highlights the need for radical reform of the aid industry.
10
Markgraf, Claire Teresa McCarville. "Governance and aid allocation in the International Development Association (IDA) : revisiting assessing aid in the twenty-first century." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/90210.
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Thesis: M.C.P., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, 2014.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 83-90).
This paper examines the relationship between governance and the foreign aid allocation of a World Bank agency, the International Development Association. In particular, the study investigates whether this major multilateral program's financial support for the development of the world's poorest countries consistently prioritizes good governance. A new dataset from the first decade of the twenty-first century, 2003-12, is used in three econometric estimation models to determine whether the quality of governance in recipient countries has had implications for aid allocation decisions. As in much of the literature in this area, the results are mixed. This finding itself raises important questions both about the relevance of a country's governance to aid allocation decisions and about the usefulness of good governance as a metric by which aid organizations are judged.
by Claire Teresa McCarville Markgraf.
M.C.P.
11
Nanivazo, Malokele. "FOREIGN AID FOR TRADE POLICY REFORMS." OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/399.
Full textAbstract:
The goal of this dissertation is to investigate how foreign aid can be used as means to induce a recipient country to engage in trade policy reforms. For this purpose, we develop a two-good and two-country model where the donor commits to give foreign aid in the first period and disburses in the second period. The donor`s commitment for foreign aid is based on an equation where the volume of foreign aid is a function of the recipient tariff rate. We analyze the donor and the recipient actions in two types of game: a passive donor game and an active donor game. The active donor game has two sub-games: a simultaneous game and a sequential game. This dissertation is composed of two theoretical chapters and one empirical chapter. The two theoretical chapters use a similar theoretical model but they differ on the assumptions we make the recipient country economy. In the first chapter, we assume that the recipient country government is lobbied by interest groups that own its stock of capital. We find evidence that the donor can, under certain conditions, influence the recipient`s trade policy even when interest groups lobby the government. In the second chapter, we assume that the recipient country has borrowing constraints because it faces a quantitative restriction on its borrowing set by the international credit markets. Our results suggest that the recipient engages in trade liberalization depending on the type of games that the recipient and the donor participate. In the third chapter, we ask two questions: First, is the allocation of aid based on trade policy reforms; particularly, trade liberalization? Second, does foreign aid spur economic growth when we take into account the allocation of foreign aid based on trade liberalization? For this purpose, we use a panel data set of 137 countries from 1995 to 2009 which we estimate using the system GMM estimator. We find evidence of a negative relationship between trade liberalization and foreign aid. Our results suggest that foreign aid spurs economic growth.
12
Abunnur, Abdelmonaem. "ESSAYS ON FOREIGN AID EFFECTIVENESS: THE ROLE OF MONITORING PROCEDURES IN IMPROVING AID EFFECTIVENESS AND THE IMPACT OF AID-RECIPIENT GOVERNANCE ON AID ALLOCATION AND WELFARE IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES." OpenSIUC, 2016. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1286.
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This dissertation presents three essays on foreign aid effectiveness. Chapter 1 presents the role of monitoring procedures in improving the effectiveness of foreign aid. It analyzes how monitoring procedures influence the government’s effort and improve the effectiveness of foreign aid. The chapter considers two cases, the case in which the donor has unrestricted aid budget and the case where the donor has a fixed aid budget. The main concern in this chapter is determining the optimal contract for the donor that maximizes the effectiveness of the aid given her aid budget when she dealing with aid-recipients in the presence of moral hazard problem. The model analyzes the monitoring procedures between two players, donor and recipient in a one-shot game. It assumes that the decision to monitor and the choice of the recipient's action are taken simultaneously. It suggests that with a fixed aid budget the donor is unlikely to invest heavily in monitoring cost and reward payment since the primary purpose of such aid is to help the poor in the recipient country. The reward payment which provides incentives for the recipient to work does indeed have a stronger effect on the likelihood of project success. It also shows that both the probability of monitoring and the optimal reward respond differently to change in monitoring cost. Chapter 2 studies the effect of aid-recipient governance on the allocation of foreign aid. It examines the hypothesis that better governance can reduce aid transaction cost which increases the assistance received by developing countries. The following questions were the main concern of this chapter, does better governance increase the amount of foreign aid delivered to developing countries? Do donors consider the levels of recipient’s governance when they allocate their funding? The chapter adopts annual data on a group of 67 developing countries covering Africa, and South Asia for the period from 2003 to 2014. It shows a positive relationship between two of our six governance indicators and the quantity of foreign aid. In fact, only control of corruption and voice and accountability have statistically significant effect on the amount of aid. It also shows that control variables have important effect in the determinate of foreign aid expect GDP per capita. Chapter 3 studies the impact of aid-recipient governance on aggregate welfare in developing countries. It investigates whether the effect of foreign aid on human development depends on the level of governance in recipient countries. These relationships are explored in an econometric analysis, 2SLS estimation, of panel data for the period from 2003 to 2014 in a sample of 67 developing countries. Our hypothesis is that better governance provides a better environment for foreign aid donor to achieve their goals. The main findings show that aid has a positive impact on human development only when it interacts with two out of the six indicators of governance: control of corruption and political stability. Aid by itself and military expenditures have a negative impact on the human development index.
13
Plänitz, Erik. "EU Development Aid and Good Governance : An analysis with reference to Zimbabwe." Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-3825.
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The European Union is the greatest donor of the world. Until 2002, the south African country Zimbabwe was a recipient of European development aid. Due to major disagreements over key issues, such as human rights and democratic principles, theEuropean Union has partially suspended official development cooperation in 2002. Zimbabwe has not longer fulfilled the criterions of Good Governance, which isdemanded by the European Union. In order to restore the respect for human rights and ademocratic way of governance, the EU has posed sanctions and resolutions. This study provides a study of the outcomes of these repressive measures. Have the sanctions led to a better governance performance in Zimbabwe? Before the terms Governance and Good Governance will be explained into detail, the first part of the thesis is spotting out the European Union as a normative actor.
14
Coll, Morell Josep Maria. "Aid Valuenomics: The Institutionalization of the Linkages among Culture, Entrepreneurship and Endogenous Development. A New Governance of an Innovative International Aid System." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/96377.
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Sesenta
años
de
ayuda
al
desarrollo
no
han
funcionado
para
aliviar
la
pobreza
en
los
países
menos
desarrollados.
La
ambiciosa
retórica
oficial
de
los
donantes
sí
que
ha
sido
eficaz
en
la
creación
de
un
mercado
de
la
ayuda
que
se
nutre
de
las
motivaciones
altruísticamente
impuras
que
buscan
llevar
a
cabo
sus
propios
intereses,
reflejados
en
los
objetivos
políticos
y
económicos
de
las
naciones-‐estado
en
su
dominio
de
la
política
exterior.
En
el
intento
de
proveer
los
flujos
de
ayuda
a
los
países
socios
en
el
Sur,
la
función
objetivo
de
las
agencias
de
ayuda
se
ha
enfocado
a
maximizar
su
presupuesto
y
no
el
servicio.
Los
incentivos
para
hacer
más
eficaz
la
ayuda
no
se
encuentran
en
su
lugar
y
las
fuerzas
que
empujan
a
nuevos
donantes
para
entrar
en
la
cadena
de
valor
no
captan
los
beneficiarios
teóricos
del
sistema,
los
mismos
pobres.
Sin
embargo,
los
nuevos
donantes
emergentes
del
Sur
y
una
creciente
muestra
de
nuevas
iniciativas
orientadas
al
mercado
están
allanando
el
camino
para
un
nuevo
orden
de
la
arquitectura
de
la
cooperación
al
desarrollo
internacional.
Los
Estados
Miembros
de
la
Unión
Europea
destinan
parte
de
su
cuota
a
la
Comisión
Europea
al
presupuesto
de
ayuda
al
desarrollo
a
terceros
países.
Como
resultado
de
ello,
la
Comisión
Europea
se
ha
convertido
en
uno
de
los
principales
actores
y
organismos
donantes
en
la
asignación
de
recursos
para
el
desarrollo
de
países
de
bajos
ingresos.
Sin
embargo,
la
política
comunitaria
de
desarrollo
es
un
instrumento
de
la
política
exterior
de
la
Comisión
Europea,
que
gira
en
torno
a
la
promoción
de
la
integración
económica
mediante
la
liberalización
del
comercio.
En
lugar
de
adoptar
un
enfoque
exclusivo
y
a
medida
de
las
necesidades
de
cooperación
al
desarrollo
de
los
países
socios
del
Sur,
la
CE
sigue
un
modelo
estándar
de
cooperación
que
se
caracteriza
por
una
relación
asimétrica
paternalista
en
el
que
el
donante
tiene
como
objetivo
maximizar
sus
intereses
e
imponer
su
enfoque
exógeno
basado
en
la
oferta.
Tanzania
es
uno
de
los
más
queridos
por
los
donantes
en
África.
Este
país
es
a
menudo
referenciado
como
ejemplo
de
buena
coordinación
de
la
ayuda
y
del
principio
de
propiedad
entre
la
comunidad
de
donantes
y
el
gobierno
receptor.
Grandes
cantidades
en
flujos
de
ayuda
han
contribuido
a
generar
un
ambiente
de
estabilidad
macroeconómica
y
de
crecimiento
económico
sostenido.
Sin
embargo,
las
tasas
de
pobreza
han
sólo
disminuido
ligeramente,
mucho
menos
de
lo
esperado,
en
un
ambiente
dónde
la
corrupción
es
rampante.
La
CE,
junto
con
sus
socios
de
desarrollo,
no
da
prioridad
a
las
necesidades
de
la
mayoría
pobre,
quienes
prácticamente
viven
y
trabajan
en
el
sector
rural.
El
Gobierno,
en
lugar
de
acercarse
a
los
beneficiarios
locales
objetivos
de
sus
programas
de
desarrollo,
se
ha
volcado
a
las
recompensas
más
prometedoras
de
la
adopción
del
modelo
de
desarrollo
de
los
donantes,
de
su
enfoque
para
el
desarrollo
y
sus
recetas
políticas.
Por
lo
tanto,
la
brecha
entre
donantes-‐receptores
y
los
pobres
es
aún
mayor.
El
mito
de
la
propiedad
genuina
es
sólo
una
utopía.
Los
micro
emprendedores
de
la
región
de
Dodoma,
un
zona
rural
tradicional
del
interior
de
Tanzania,
luchan
para
ganarse
la
vida
en
un
contexto
inestable,
afectado
por
la
escasez
de
lluvias,
la
falta
de
crédito,
la
infraestructura
deficiente
(o
inexistente)
de
mercados
y
la
baja
capacidad
empresarial.
A
pesar
de
la
diversidad
y
cantidad
de
instituciones
oficiales
que
trabajan
para
el
desarrollo
de
la
zona,
los
grupos
sociales
informales,
semi-‐aislados,
no
mantienen
relaciones
sistemáticas
de
cooperación.
Sin
embargo,
estas
comunidades
comparten
un
sistema
de
valores
que
tiene
el
potencial
de
absorber
nuevos
conocimientos
e
innovaciones
tecnológicas
a
través
de
la
activación
de
sus
valores
de
motivación.
La
motivación
adecuada
de
los
emprendedores
locales
debe
seguir
un
enfoque
de
comunicación
lateral
para
la
transferencia
de
conocimientos
dentro
de
la
generación
de
un
entorno
de
innovación
que
fomente
una
economía
del
aprendizaje.
La
inclusión
del
sistema
de
valores
local
tiene
repercusiones
importantes
para
las
teorías
de
desarrollo
económico
y
las
políticas
de
desarrollo,
que
más
bien
se
han
centrado
en
variables
exógenas.
En
cambio,
el
modelo
de
desarrollo
endógeno
afirma
que
los
valores
culturales
son
un
factor
fundamental
para
fomentar
el
espíritu
emprendedor
y
desencadenar
el
desarrollo
económico.Sixty years of development aid have not worked out to alleviate poverty in least developed countries as expected. The over ambitious official rhetoric of aid donors has been effective in creating an aid market that is fuelled by impurely altruistic motivations that seek to accomplish self-‐interested political and economic goals of nations-‐states in its foreign policy domain. In the attempt to deliver aid flows to partner countries in the South, aid agencies’ objective function has focused to maximize its budget rather than the service. The incentives to make aid more effective are not in place and the forces that push new donors to enter the value chain do not capture the theoretical beneficiaries of the system, the poor. However, new emerging drivers from the South and a sample of market-‐oriented initiatives are paving the way for a new order of the current international aid architecture. The European Union’s Member States combine part of its share to the European Commission to jointly state and deliver development aid to third countries. As a result, the European Commission has converted into one of the biggest actors and donor agencies in allocating resources for the development of low-‐income countries. However, the EC development policy is an instrument of the overall EC foreign policy, which hinges on the promotion of economic integration through trade liberalization. Instead of adopting a single, tailored development cooperation approach to developing countries, the EC follows a standard model of cooperation that is characterized by an asymmetric paternalistic relationship in which the donor seeks to maximize its interest and impose its supply-‐driven and exogenous approach. Tanzania is one of the donor darlings in Africa. This country is often held as an example of good aid coordination and ownership between the donor community and the recipient government. Large amounts of aid flows have contributed to generate an environment of macroeconomic stability and long-‐sustained economic growth. However, poverty rates have only fallen slightly, much lesser than expected and corruption is rampant. The EC, along with her development partners, does not prioritize the needs of the poor majority, which mostly live and work in the rural sector. The Government, instead of approaching to the local intended beneficiaries of its development programs, has fallen to the promising rewards of adopting the leading donor-‐driven approach of its development partners and its policy recipes. Therefore, the gap between the donors-‐recipient and the poor is even bigger. The myth of genuine ownership is just an utopia. The small-‐scale entrepreneurs of Dodoma region, a traditional semi-‐arid rural area in the inland of Tanzania, struggle to make their living in a context affected by unstable shortage of rainfall, lack of credit, poor market infrastructure and low entrepreneurial skills. Despite the diversity and quantity of formal institutions that work for the development of the area, semi-‐isolated informal social groups do not maintain systematic relations of cooperation with them. Nevertheless, these communities share a value system that has the potential to absorb new knowledge and technology innovations throughout the activation of motivational values. The proper motivation of local entrepreneurs must follow a lateral communication approach of knowledge transfers within the generation of an innovation environment that fosters a learning economy. The inclusion of the local value system renders relevant implications for economic development theories and development policies, which have rather focused on exogenous variables. Instead, the Endogenous Development Model claims that cultural values are a critical factor for boosting entrepreneurship and unleashing economic development.
15
Nkomana, Nqaba. "Good governance and democracy as political conditionalities for foreign aid: the case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Full textAbstract:
This study was an investigation of the relationship between political conditionality and self-determination using Zimbabwe as a case study. The Zimbabwean land issue illustrates the challenges posed by external influences on supposedly autonomous domestic policy decision-making processes.
16
de, Renzio Paolo. "Buying better governance : the political economy of budget reforms in aid-dependent countries, 1997-2007." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a56c6b13-dfce-4337-bc35-eded2b8f6954.
Full textAbstract:
The quality of governance and institutions is increasingly seen as a fundamental factor in shaping the development prospects of poor countries. As a consequence, donor agencies have increasingly allocated resources to providing technical assistance for improving governance standards in such countries, with mixed results. This thesis investigates the domestic and external factors affecting the outcomes of reforms aimed at improving the quality of government budget institutions across a sample of 16 aid-dependent countries. It provides a new definition of the quality of budget institutions, and develops an analytical framework that identifies the key factors at play in the political economy of budget reforms. The analysis starts with a medium-N ‘pattern finding’ approach, based on a new dataset tracking changes in the quality of budget institutions over the period 2001 to 2007. This is followed by a small-N ‘process tracing’ approach, with in-depth case studies of Mozambique and Burkina Faso (with additional evidence from Tanzania), looking at both overall reform trajectories and four specific budget reform areas. The results show that among domestic factors, economic and political stability are preconditions for successful budget reforms. A minimum degree of government leadership and commitment to reforms is also a very important factor shaping budget reform outcomes, alongside the centralisation of budget institutions. Surprisingly, among external factors, the level of technical assistance and the use of so-called programme aid modalities were less important than the overall fragmentation of aid flows and the ways in which technical assistance is delivered in influencing budget reform outcomes. Donors’ hopes of ‘buying’ better budget governance, therefore, are more likely to be enhanced not by additional resources, but by better behaviour. Moreover, such strategy is likely to work only in countries with enough capacity and interest in reforms.
17
Moshonas, Stylianos. "Beyond the governance state : aid relations and state reforms in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616641.
Full textAbstract:
The Democratic Republic of Congo has been engaged since 2001 in a triple transition process towards liberalisation, democratisation, and peace. Throughout this movement, external actors (donors, international financial institutions, the UN system, aid agencies) have played a leading role, effectively setting the orientations and modalities of this transition, including their institutional dimension. Congolese actors have not been passively subjected to this process, however, but have potently shaped it in various ways. This thesis sets out to investigate the relationship between international aid partners and various Congolese actors. It examines this relationship as an aspect of the state reform process, with particular reference to the administration. The thesis argues that the pace and nature of reform has been compromised by the contradictions inherent within the process itself, as advocated by international partners, and by the ability of Congolese power holders to accommodate and co-opt such reforms in line with their own political strategies. This situation is not unprecedented, as shown by an incursion into Zaire's politico-administrative history, especially during the decades of structural adjustment. An examination of the politics of administrative reform in the last decade, as well as the compromises generated in other reform areas, poignantly illustrate the accommodative dynamics arising out of the political strategies of donors and the Congolese authorities. On the one hand, donors have been content pushing forward a vast array of state reforms, but have been reluctant to follow them through; additionally, they have misconceived Congolese social and political dynamics, and have been prone to tacitly accommodate poor results and inconclusive outcomes. The Congolese authorities - and especially the presidency - have navigated reforms following political strategies often aligned to preoccupations of political expediency and power consolidation which the democratisation context has exacerbated. These features of the aid relationship in Congo provide strong grounds for a critique of dominant tropes of interpretation of the Congo's reform landscape, which revolve around the absence of political will, inadequate ownership, or reform failure. Instead, much of the above points towards the fact that the nature of the relations tying the Congo to its international partners is better grasped as one of accommodation and compromise: despite the dismay of donors, this situation - which is partly of their own making - has not led to withdrawal, suggesting that continued engagement rests on the strategic importance of Congo, in terms of security and the safeguarding of past and present involvement - ranging from the securing of stability to the definition of development policies.
18
Gauck, Jennifer. "Reforming Peru's political institutions : the role of good governance aid as a driver of change." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/49509/.
Full textAbstract:
Decades-long debates over the quality, quantity and purpose of development aid have led to a renewed emphasis on whether, and under what circumstances, aid is effective in achieving development outcomes. There is significant policy consensus that aid is most effective in environments with “good” governance, which the United Nations defines as processes of decision making and implementation that are effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive, and accountable and transparent. Aid donors fund numerous projects aimed at strengthening good governance in recipient countries, often through reforms of political institutions. Yet many aid donors fail to theorize about the process or mechanism through which good governance aid drives institutional change, and in doing so often ignore the impact that other drivers of change may have on the implicitly assumed direct causal relationship between aid and improved governance in political institutions. This thesis explores the role of aid in shifting institutions toward the ideal of good governance through an analysis that embeds this aid within a larger context that takes into account the role of other drivers of change. It compares good governance-related changes within Peru’s judicial institutions and Comptroller (Auditor) General over a 30-year period, from 1980-2010, examining the main actors and factors that drove or influenced changes in institutional accountability, transparency, effectiveness and efficiency, asking how they drove these changes and overcame resistance to reforms. Building upon this within-case analysis, this thesis then compares across cases to develop conclusions about the necessary and sufficient conditions that resulted in positive good governance-related changes. It concludes with a discussion of the opportunities for, and limitations of, good governance aid as a driver of change in political institutions.
19
Langlois, Francis. "Gravity, good governance, political affinity, economic interests and food aid : do categories and delivery modes matter?" Thesis, Université Laval, 2011. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2011/27727/27727.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Puisque les programmes d’aide alimentaire peuvent atténuer les conséquences malheureuses des pénuries alimentaires survenant dans certains pays, leur importance est capitale. Mais, quelles sont les facteurs conditionnant le volume d’aide alimentaire envoyé aux pays potentiellement receveurs ? Cette étude novatrice répondra à ces questions en appliquant le modèle gravitationnel, habituellement utilisé pour expliquer le commerce international, au schème de distribution de l’aide alimentaire internationale. En effet, en considérant les 15 plus gros programmes nationaux de dons alimentaires, cette étude teste l’impact de la distance entre les donateurs et les receveurs ainsi que celui de la population de ces derniers sur la décision d’envoyer ou non de l’aide alimentaire. De plus, ce mémoire exposera de nouvelles hypothèses jusqu'à présent omises par la littérature et proposera une méthodologie plus efficace pour étudier le phénomène. Entre autres, nous trouvons que la gravité, la bonne gouvernance, les besoins, les affinités politiques et les intérêts économiques influencent l’élaboration du schème de distribution de l’aide alimentaire, mais que leur influence varie selon la catégorie et le moyen de livraison de l’aide alimentaire. De plus, nous trouvons que lorsque les donneurs donnent de la nourriture de leur propre production, ils prennent moins en compte le fait qu’ils aident un pays ami ou un pays économiquement fermé puisqu’ils aident leur propre économie.Since food aid can mitigate the unfortunate consequences of food shortages in certain countries, the importance of such programs is crucial. However, what are the factors conditioning the volume of food aid sent to potential recipient countries? This innovative study will answer this question by applying the gravity model, often used to explain international trade patterns in distribution of international food aid. Indeed, in considering the 15 largest national programs of food donations, this study will test the impact of the distance between donators and receivers, as well as the impact of the populations of each, on the decision to send or not to send food aid. In addition, this thesis will outline new hypotheses that have been hitherto omitted from the literature, and will propose a more efficient methodology to study the phenomenon. Among others we find that gravity, good governance, needs, political affinity and economic interests matter in the food aid distribution patterns but that their influence vary across food aid categories and delivery modes. We also find that when donors give food from their own production they are less fussy about whether they are helping a friendly country or an economically closed country because in fact they are helping their own economy.
20
Gezimati, Robinson. "Good governance as key to the flow of foreign development aid: the sub-Saharan Africa perspective." Thesis, University Of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29947.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this study was to evaluate the importance of good governance to the flow of foreign
development aid. The researcher used the sub-Saharan Africa region to accomplish the aim of his study.
The study examined the extent to which foreign development aid has been targeted at countries with
sound governance systems, that is, strong institutions and policies. This study therefore determined
whether the flow of foreign development aid in sub-Saharan African developing countries has changed
since the endorsement of the “Monterrey Consensus” by targeting those countries with sound economic
institutions and policy environments. Empirical and theoretical literature was reviewed on foreign development aid as well as governance systems especially the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG), which was discussed and used in this study as the governance indicator system. The study’s results and findings were deduced from secondary data which addressed the governance indicators in sub-Saharan Africa for 2010 to 2015, gathered from the IIAG assessment reports of 12 selected sub-Saharan African countries as well as the amount of foreign development aid received by each of the countries during the same period gathered from OECD and World Bank statistics. Additionally, inferential analysis was undertaken using the Spearman’s correlation test as well as a multiple linear regression analysis to establish the relationships and/or impact of the governance indicators on the flow of foreign development aid to sub-Saharan Africa. The study concluded that the combined effect of all the governance indicators have a statistical significant effect on the flow of foreign development aid to developing countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Individually, Participation and Human Rights indicators as well as Sustainable Economic Opportunities indicators have a positive effect or impact on the flow of foreign development aid in sub-Saharan African countries, with Sustainable Economic Opportunities indicators having the highest impact. However, Safety and Rule of Law indicators were discovered to have a negative effect on the flow of foreign development aid in sub-Saharan Africa whilst Human Development indicators were discovered not to have any effect or impact. On the other hand, the study also noted that in further determining allocations funding agencies may consider a country’s Safety and Rule of Law indicators as well as Human Development indicators whilst Participation and Human Rights indicators and Sustainable Economic Opportunity indicators were seen not have any significant effect on determination of funding allocations.
21
Menard, Audrey-Rose. "Essays on aid development." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAB018/document.
Full textAbstract:
L'objectif de cette thèse est d'élargir le champ d'étude relatif à l'aide étrangère, en examinant aussi bien les conséquences des flux d'aide sur les pays en développement que les implications et tenants des politiques d'aide pour les économies développées. Dans le Chapitre 1, nous montrons que l’aide peut améliorer les institutions politiques lorsqu'elle est allouée par des agences multilatérales. Ses bénéfices sont d'autant plus notables que l'économie de l'Etat récipiendaire se délie des rentes pétrolières. Le Chapitre 2 révèle qu’aucune relation causale n’existe entre l’aide et la corruption au sein des Etats bénéficiaires. Le Chapitre 3 montre que l’aide améliore l'efficience technique avec laquelle les Etats bénéficiaires assurent leur production nationale, d'autant plus que les pays bénéficiaires se démocratisent et contrôlent leur inflation. Le Chapitre 4 révèle que les politiques d'aide, de migrations et de chômage sont intimement imbriquées. En particulier, la décision d'allouer des fonds d'aide étrangère est tributaire de la santé économique des Etats émetteurs (le taux de chômage) et soumise aux pressions des flux migratoiresThe objective of this dissertation is to contribute to the existing knowledge about foreign aid, either about its consequences on the developing world or about its implications for developed economies. Chapter 1 shows that aid improves public institutions when aid is allocated by multilateral agencies. The benefits of aid are even more valuable in countries not reliant on their oil resources rents. In Chapter 2 we analyse the possible Granger causal relationships running between foreign aid and corruption in developing countries. Our data reveal that aid does not result in more or less corruption, and reversely corruption does not exert a significant influence on future assistance. In Chapter 3 we evidence that foreign assistance enhances the recipient country's efficiency of production, in particular when the country has democratic and macroeconomic sound institutions. Chapter 4 reports our data analysis on donors' domestic policies. Aid, migration and unemployment policies are recognized to be tightly connected for OECD donors. Specifically, aid policies are partly shaped by the burden of unemployment and the stock of migrants observed in the donor country
22
Kuder, Jeanette Louise. "The formulation of primary education policy in Tanzania within a global governance approach to aid and development." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.409521.
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23
Fuentes, Vilma Elisa. "The political effects of disaster and foreign aid national and subnational governance in Honduras after Hurricane Mitch /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0000683.
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24
Airey, Siobhán. "Auras of Legality - The Jurisdiction and Governance Signature of the International Governance of Official Development Assistance." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40067.
Full textAbstract:
Official Development Assistance (ODA) or international development aid (defined as the transfer of official financing to promote the development and welfare of developing countries), is a highly influential and politically sensitive area of international relations. Though it is not governed by any international legal agreement, it displays remarkable cohesion across the major Northern donors in its modalities of governance, the coherence in its normative aims and in its institutional reform agenda. In order to understand why, this project focuses on the central, if overlooked, role of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and its Development Assistance Committee (DAC) as the key institutional locus of the international governance of ODA by donors.
This project examines the legal nature of the international governance of ODA, tracing and critically analysing the link between the governance of ODA and governance by ODA. It demonstrates how the legal form of the international governance of ODA is central to the reach and effectiveness of the legal and institutional reform agenda promoted via ODA at national and international levels, and to contouring the legal and political subjectivities of donors and aid-recipient states in ways that escape formal legal and democratic recognition.
Finding that mainstream legal analytical methods fail to fully capture the legal-juridical quality of the international governance framework of ODA, and the particular role of law therein, I develop a new analytical lens based on the concepts of ‘jurisdiction’ (as juris dictio) and the ‘signature.’ This lens reveals how ODA creates a distinct jurisdiction with its own internal legal logic, where donor and aid-recipient subjectivities and relations of authority are continually constructed and maintained by international governance instruments and practices developed during colonial and imperial governance eras under the League of Nations and Marshall Plan institutions. I demonstrate how this jurisdictional space is augmented by key legal, policy, bureaucratic and technocratic instruments of governance by the OECD and DAC, through patterns of juridification and reiteration.
25
Harrison, Brennan Kate Geraldine McClymont. "The world bank and the rhetoric of social accountability in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4d3d8e55-086c-4b0a-b1fa-9925bf429437.
Full textAbstract:
Following the controversial Federal election in Ethiopia in 2005, in which the ruling party regained power amidst allegations of state-sanctioned violence, the World Bank, along with other bilateral donors, stopped providing Direct Budget Support. In 2006, the Bank formed an agreement with the Ethiopian Government for an International Development Association (IDA) grant for the Protection of Basic Services. The project design for the grant was one of the most complex in the Bank's operations worldwide and featured a component for the implementation of social accountability, financed by a Multi-donor Trust Fund. This thesis critically examines the evolution within the Bank of this policy of 'social accountability' in relation to aid. Situated within the literature on the re-politicisation of aid, it questions the plausibility of implementing such a policy in Ethiopia where the dominant party was seeking ways to extend its power over society. Fieldwork for this thesis was conducted at the World Bank in Washington D.C. and in Ethiopia: in Addis Ababa, and in the region of Tigray. The evidence assembled in this thesis is drawn from 135 semi-structured interviews and a range of primary source documents. Using an historical method, this thesis argues that the primary purpose of social accountability was rhetorical and the deployment of this language by actors was cynical. Not only did donors have a limited purchase on a complex social reality in Ethiopia, but they also tolerated the misuse of social accountability by the dominant party to extend the power of the state. What was produced in Ethiopia was radically outside of what donors imagined, although they were remarkably relaxed about this fact. This thesis challenges the conventional assumptions that actors in aid negotiations are rational and that aid programs involve the imposition of rationalising high-modernist schemes.
26
Schilcher, Daniela, and n/a. "Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states." University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals.
The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament.
Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control.
Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).
27
Engels, Jan Niklas. "The rhetoric of multilateral foreign aid assessing the importance of governance as a lending criterion of the World Bank /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB8885145.
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Barnes, Amy. "The politics of the idea of partnership : from contemporary aid policy to local health governance in practice in Zambia." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4423/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the idea of partnership in contemporary aid policy and practice. Drawing on a multi-disciplinary body of literature that is broadly ‘constructivist’ in orientation, and using the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, the health Sector-Wide Approach (SWAp) and the health sector in Zambia as case studies, the research uniquely explores how (and why) the idea of partnership is a pervasive feature in aid policy, and how this relates to and shapes local practice, including the practice of politics that this enjoins. Drawing on textual analysis of policy documents and on qualitative field research conducted in Zambia between November 2008 and July 2009, the thesis provides a number of important and novel insights. Firstly, it shows how the idea of partnership began its contemporary life in the socio-political relations of aid institutions and in the context of an aid crisis in the 1990s. Secondly, it shows how the idea travelled ideationally and geographically, through an elite network of aid agency actors (cf. Mosse, 2007), eventually becoming an expected and symbolic motif of aid policy. Thirdly, the thesis suggests why partnership remains a pervasive policy idea; featuring in SWAp and Global Fund policy because it symbolically conceals the existence of different perspectives about the right relations of health and developmental governance. Fourthly, and at the same time, the thesis shows how partnership is dominantly constructed in aid policy in a depoliticised way – as a technical and economic way to organise action – due to the prevailing power of donor governments and aid agencies in the socio-political processes that produce aid policy and the context of inequality in which aid is governed. Finally, the thesis shows how the depoliticisation of policy is ‘unravelled’ in the health sector in Zambia as partnership is translated, in and through the politics of collaboration, contestation, and compromise (Mosse, 2007, p.2, 2005a p.645; Rossi, 2006; Bending and Rosendo, 2006). This shapes, contorts and constrains local health governance in diverse and unexpected ways.
29
Bolton, Matthew. "Governance and post-statist security : the politics of US and Norwegian foreign aid for demining in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Sudan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2337/.
Full textAbstract:
While governance has traditionally been the realm of states, new "Emerging Political Complexes," as Mark Duffield calls them, incorporate networks of public and private actors. These networks of governance come in two competing ideal types: a) strategic-commercial complexes, shaped by particularist interests, that provide protection to a select few, whether citizens of a great power or 'the client', and b) human security-civil society complexes, shaped by norms, ideals and more global notions of public interest, that aim to extend protection to whole populations. This PhD examines the effects and impact of these two approaches in managing and neutralizing the threat of landmines and unexploded ordnance. At the donor level, it compares the US and Norway, arguing that Norway, working with NGOs, churches and other small states, has been at the forefront of efforts to ban landmines and cluster munitions, whereas the US has resisted tight regulation. Moreover, US funding of clearance and mitigation programs was shaped by narrow strategic interests and favored a commercially-driven process. In contrast, Norway's programs, implemented through international NGOs, were shaped more by more global conceptions of interest and normative commitments to humanitarianism, multilateralism and international law. At the level of implementation in mine and ordnance-affected countries - Afghanistan, Bosnia and Sudan - the PhD argues that Norwegian long-term grants to international NGOs produced demining that, while more expensive and slower, was better targeted on humanitarian priorities, safer and of better quality. Such programs also attempted to build inclusive institutions and resist the politics of violence. In contrast, US efforts, often driven by strategic concems and tendered out to commercial companies, were cheaper and faster but also less safe and of lower quality. These companies were also embedded in the political economy of war and may have contributed to the fragmentation of the public monopoly on force.
30
Engels, Jan Niklas. "The rethoric of multilateral foreign aid assessing the importance of good governance as a lending criterion of the world bank /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB8848626.
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Westerlund, Olivia Banks. "The Effectiveness of Foreign Aid on Corruption Eradication in Developing Countries’ Institutions. : A Qualitative Case Study Related to International Relations Studies with A Focus on A West African Country: Nigeria." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-82554.
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Abstract. Foreign aid's effectiveness on eradicating corruption is a fragile yet complex topic to research in International Relations. Some scholars argue that economic aid should not be given without specific conditions, while some argue that aid should be given with strict or specific rules to recipient countries. Par contra my research is aimed at examining one recipient country: Nigeria, as a case study which is considered amongst the most corrupt countries in the world yet are highly enriched in natural resources, such as being the major oil-producing country in Africa that boosts the country's GDP per capita through the export trade with foreign countries. And most foreign donor countries allocate economic aid to Nigeria because they are dependent on the country's trade on natural resources. In this research, I used two conceptualised variables of corruption; bribery and facilitate payment, which is considered the most common corruption trends in the Nigerian society, with the aim of analysing the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's (UNODC) twelve-month survey report conducted in December 2019 in Nigeria. Alongside with the London 2016 Anti-Corruption Summit report, the current agenda agreed by forty countries with over six hundred commitments, which Nigeria participated in—hence creating the national anti-corruption programmes that the current President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari implemented as a commitment to the Summit. Consequently using legitimacy and governance perspectives to analyse the efficacy of aid in Nigeria's institution, and evaluating the country's alliance of economic aid in combating corruption, whilst identifying the state's level of governance towards anti-corruption policies to eradicate corruption. The findings show that the level of corruption in Nigeria is still very much high within the public sectors and shows that three in four citizens encounter a form of corruption such as bribery, daily with a civilian who demands a bribe in exchange for their services. And facilitation payment is considered a common activity of Nigerian citizens to speed up legal procedures with the governmental institutions. Even though the Nigerian government claims that the national anti-corruption policies are effective, the survey still shows that there less amount of reported official persons in the conduct of corruption and also the policies doesn't show a trend that the official persons do abide by the policies because the rate of transparency within the institutions is very much low. Yet these official persons intend to be in denial of collecting bribes or participating in any form of corruption.
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Fisher, Jonathan. "International perceptions and African agency : Uganda and its donors 1986-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:92fb2d83-7c05-4d64-a147-23f40c3a5df4.
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This thesis investigates the place of African states in the international system and seeks to understand what space exists for aid-dependent governments to exercise agency in relations with donors. In exploring these issues I focus on the case of Uganda’s NRM regime which has enjoyed very substantial international support despite its increasingly authoritarian nature, destabilising regional policy and questionable human rights record. The two central questions posed are therefore: ‘why has Uganda benefited from such uncritical international support and what role has the NRM regime itself played in bringing about this situation?’ The thesis also compares Uganda’s experience to those of Ethiopia, Kenya and Rwanda to demonstrate the broader relevance of these questions. I argue that donors have taken a lenient approach to Uganda because they perceive it as valuable as an economic success story, an ally in the ‘War on Terror’ and a guarantor of regional stability. The study stresses, however, that these perceptions are just that: perceptions. They do not necessarily reflect reality nor are they formed without input from Africa, as some inadvertently suggest. Indeed, the principal contention of this thesis is that these three donor perceptions of Uganda have been actively constructed, moulded, managed and bolstered by Kampala itself in an effort to shore-up international support. Using a variety of ‘image management’ strategies the regime has succeeded in convincing its donors to see it as a valuable ally worth supporting. The same is true of the Rwandan and Ethiopian governments, I suggest, but not of the Kenyan. In doing so, the thesis contends, Kampala has carved out a subtle but substantial degree of agency in relations with donors and this raises important questions for scholars and policy-makers.
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Ioannou-Naoum, Maria. "Theorizing the External Actorness of the European Union in Global Development Governance : The Case of Aid Effectiveness in Post-Cotonou Development Policy." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43197.
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The European Union (EU) is the world’s leading development donor, playing a pivotal role in shaping development norms. This paper aims to investigate the extent to which the EU has been effective in its external aid actorness towards global poverty eradication during the post-Cotonou negotiation period (2000-2020). The theoretical framework of Sjöstedt’s (1977) Actorness Theory is constructed upon the premises of Social Constructivism. To operationalize “actorness”, Brattberg and Rhinard’s (2012) criteria of context, coherence, consistency, and capability are utilized. The research triangulates the methods of Discourse Historical Analysis and Thematic Content Analysis to assess the EU’s nom-setting policy discourse. The analysis suggests that the Union scores highly in the context and capability criteria, as it is recognized as a legitimate development actor and possesses mechanisms to reach aid agreements, while lacks coherence and consistency due to inadequate policy implementation and commitment to McKee et al.’s (2020) Aid Quality Index. The thesis concludes that the EU’s aid effectiveness has decreased due to its actorness being increasingly linked to foreign policy considerations in response to emerging challenges in development cooperation. The research underlines the significance of analysing the empirical linkage between EU’s actorness and effectiveness for the field of International Relations.
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Rinaldo, Robin. "Vinnare och förlorare på biståndsarenan? : En analys av EU:s biståndsflöden." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34810.
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Aid effectiveness is a reoccuring theme in the social sciences. Maybe rightfully so, as development is slow in many parts of the developing world. Core literature on the matter seems to suggest that aid effectiveness is contingent on recipients’ level of corruption. Assuming this to be true, I examine the EU’s disbursements of Official Development Assistance over the past decade by running regressions: is there a relationship between the level of aid received, and a country’s level of corruption? As the EU is one of the largest donors of foreign aid globally, and has the power to shape the global foreign aid agenda, this question puts to the test whether the EU is leading the way, or rather is an obstacle in front. My findings suggest that corruption is not a determinant for aid. The EU thus fails to provide the much needed incentive for reforming political structures and fighting corruption in the developing countries.
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Palmgren, Anna, and Åsa Lundberg. "The Paris Declaration - A Paradigm Shift At All Levels? : Swedish Non-Governmental Organisations' Roles in Development Aid Policy." Thesis, Linköping University, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-17054.
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In order to make development aid more efficient, a large number of donors, including Sweden, signed the so called Paris Declaration in 2005. The Declaration gives the partner countries more responsibility for their own development and aims to make he development aid provided by donor countries more measurable. It has been referred to as a paradigm shift within this policy area due to its far‐reaching goals.
The Declaration has consequences for all actors in the development aid community, and this thesis aims at outlining and analyzing the effects of the Declaration on the Swedish non‐governmental organisations which hold a frame agreement with the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA). As an increasing part of evelopment aid is being channelled through NGOs and they hold an important role in the area, they are interesting subjects of study.
The analysis is conducted from a society‐centred governance perspective, which focuses on how different actors in society shape public policy. The perspective hallenges the view on the state as dominating unilaterally and takes into account the diversity of actors involved in policy‐making, such as NGOs.
The result of the study is, among other things, that the character of the relationships and interactions between Swedish NGOs and SIDA varies, and can be described as either a more traditional hierarchical model or co‐governing. Furthermore, the Paris Declaration is perceived by the NGOs as being a step in the right direction rather than a paradigm shift at all level.
För att göra utvecklingsbistånd effektivare, undertecknade ett stort antal givare, däribland Sverige, den så kallade Parisdeklarationen 2005. Deklarationen ger samarbetsländerna ett större ansvar för sin egen utveckling och syftar till att göra biståndet från givarländerna mer mätbart. Man har kallat detta ett paradigmskifte inom området på grund av sina långtgående mål.
Deklarationen har konsekvenser för alla aktörer inom området utvecklingsbistånd, och denna uppsats syftar till att beskriva och analysera de effekter som deklarationen har på de svenska icke‐statliga organisationer som har ett ramavtal med SIDA. Eftersom en allt större del av utvecklingsbiståndet kanaliseras genom enskilda organisationer och de innehar en viktig roll i området, är de intressanta att studera.
Analysen görs utifrån ett samhällsorienterat governance perspektiv som fokuserar på hur olika aktörer i samhället utformar den offentliga politiken. Perspektivet utmaningar uppfattningen om att staten ensidigt dominerar och tar hänsyn till mångfalden av aktörer i det politiska beslutsfattandet, till exempel icke‐statliga organisationer.
Resultaten av undersökningen är bland annat att karaktären av de relationer och interaktioner mellan svenska icke‐statliga organisationer och SIDA varierar, och kan beskrivas som traditionellt hierarkisk, eller samarbetsbaserad (co‐governing). Vidare uppfattas Parisdeklarationen av icke‐statliga organisationer som ett steg i rätt riktning, snarare än ett paradigmskifte på alla nivåer.
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Olivius, Elisabeth. "Governing Refugees through Gender Equality : Care, Control, Emancipation." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-96379.
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In recent decades, international feminist activism and research has had significant success in pushing gender issues onto the international agenda and into global governance institutions and processes. The goal of gender equality is now widely accepted and codified in international legal instruments. While this appears to be a remarkable global success for feminism, widespread gender inequalities persist around the globe. This paradox has led scholars to question the extent to which feminist concepts and goals can retain their transformative potential when they are institutionalized in global governance institutions and processes. This thesis examines the institutionalization of feminist ideas in global governance through an analysis of how, and with what effects, gender equality norms are constructed, interpreted and applied in the global governance of refugees: a field that has thus far received little attention in the growing literature on feminism, gender and global governance. This aim is pursued through a case study of humanitarian aid practices in refugee camps in Bangladesh and Thailand. The study is based on interviews with humanitarian workers in these two contexts, and its theoretical framework is informed by postcolonial feminist theory and Foucauldian thought on power and governing. These analytical perspectives allows the thesis to capture how gender equality norms operate as governing tools, and situate the politics of gender equality in refugee camps in the context of global relations of power and marginalization. The findings of this thesis show that in the global governance of refugees, gender equality is rarely treated as a goal in its own right. The construction, interpretation and application of gender equality norms is mediated and shaped by the dominant governing projects in this field. Gender equality norms are either advocated on the basis of their usefulness as means for the efficient management of refugee situations, or as necessary components of a process of modernization and development of the regions from which refugees originate. These governing projects significantly limit the forms of social change and the forms of agency that are enabled. Nevertheless, gender equality norms do contribute to opening up new opportunities for refugee women and destabilizing local gendered relations of power, and they are appropriated and used by refugees in ways that challenge and go beyond humanitarian agendas.
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Common, Kaitlin Rebekah. "China in Africa. An assessment of China's role in developing infrastructure and providing aid to development projects. An imperialist model of governance? Or is China redefining the way we assess international relations?" Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/104062.
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"The original meaning of imperialism was a simple one: 'imperial government,' that is, empire in the classical sense (such as existed in ancient Rome, China, and Greece). In more recent times, imperialism has become synonymous with western hegemony in Africa and Asia from the 18th through the 20th centuries and with the spreading cultural influence of the United States" (Webster 2021). The aim of this thesis is to explore whether imperialism can be applied to China's foreign policy agenda through the apparatus of infrastructure. Using Kenya as a case study, it will assess how development, aid conditionality and employment play key roles in China's foreign policy model in Africa. The thesis will assess the role that China has in Kenya's development and adds to a growing field of literature that analyses the role of the Belt and Road Initiative in tackling the infrastructure deficit prevalent in Africa. It will conclude by identifying that gap that exists in China's infrastructure model and that imperialism is not an accurate definition of China's foreign policy agenda.Master of Arts
China is rising as one of the leading powers in the international system and therefore it is important to contextualise its role in the world. China is often viewed by western powers as an adversary and a state that should be recognised as a threat. Infrastructure is an important part of any states' economy and has a significant impact on economic development. This thesis intends to assess China's role in funding infrastructure and development projects in developing nations particularly across Africa, and specifically focus on Kenya as a case study to look at China's role and assess what kind of foreign policy is being pursued. By using the theory of imperialism, this thesis will analyse initiatives being pursued by China and why labelling it with the term imperial is not an accurate representation of its foreign policy agenda.
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Hogg, Jonny. "DANGEROUS TIMES, DANGEROUS PLACES: HOW POLITICS IMPACTS HUMANITARIAN WORKER SECURITY IN DR CONGO." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-394003.
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DR Congo has experienced more than two decades of conflict and profound political upheaval, sparking humanitarian crises which have seen large-scale relief efforts to alleviate them. Aid workers and UN staff working there have been caught up in the violence, sometimes with deadly results and major disruption to aid operations. Nonetheless there has been a tendency to assume that most security incidents involving aid workers are a result either of pure criminality, or because the victims happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. Is that really the case however, or are humanitarian workers perceived as political actors, and thus vulnerable to politically motivated violence? This dissertation conducts an empirical data study of attacks against humanitarian actors, UN workers and peacekeepers between 2006-2018, mapping them against political developments. Following previous work by Hoelscher, Mikllian & Nygard, this research tests what impact the nature of the conflict or the change of peacekeeping mandate has on both aid-worker and UN personnel security, as well as exploring the different risks faced by national and international staff working for international NGOs. It also, using an interpretivist lens first proposed by Labonte & Edgerton, explores the role of the Congolese state in aid-worker security, testing whether relations between the host government and aid providers can impact individual aid-worker security on the ground. The results indicate that both conflict intensity and elections cycles could impact on rates of attacks against aid-workers, as well as clearly demonstrating that national staff are far more exposed to risk of attack, and that fatalities of UN staff since the peacekeeping mission (MONUSCO) in DRC received its more aggressive mandate in 2013 have risen sharply. The research also raises questions about the potential threat posed by the Congolese state to aid-worker security, given the nature of statehood in DRC, its motives and perceptions of aid operations, and the state’s role as both the main belligerent and security provider in zones where humanitarian workers chiefly operate.
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Akouri, Elie. "Styrmodeller, etiska utmaningar och migrationspolitiska dilemman : En kritisk fallstudie om den syriska flyktingsituationen i Libanon, etiska begränsningar och internationell inblandning." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-161699.
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This paper is characterized as a critical case study aimed to scrutinize the continuous situation regarding Syrian refugees in Lebanon from an ethical theoretical approach. Mainly, two specific theoretical models regarding ethics in migration and a theoretical standpoint regarding ethics in migration are presented as the theoretical and scientific framework. Arash Abizadeh’s two models, known as the state sovereignty model and the liberal model are implemented in order to understand and to pinpoint the course of the Lebanese situation. Additional, Joseph Carens’ theory concerning ethics in migration is implemented parallel with the two models, to enhance the analytical tools and to introduce a normative perspective. Regarding the empirical result, three distinct perspectives are utilized in order to cope with the situation on a fair and nuanced ground. The Syrian refugees themselves, international involvement and the Lebanese government are presented as the empirical pathways throughout this paper. Concluding results of this paper tends to pinpoint uncertainty and unawareness to be the key factors in explaining the actions of the Lebanese government. Based on the theoretical framework presented in this paper, there is an established tendency to conclude that Syrian refugees has not been treated accordingly to ethical concepts. Because of the distinct ideal differences between the two theoretical models, the results tend to be more evident. The Lebanese government has initially tended to affiliate itself with the liberal model. However, as time has progressed the government has acted accordingly to the state sovereignty model, with not acknowledging ethical limitations in its decision making. While remaining in the grasp of the state sovereignty model, the government and the civil society has begun lighting sparks in actions that have been taken. These actions tend to recognize ethical limitations, thus moving Lebanon towards the liberal model, but far from being completely implemented. In summary, Lebanon’s situation has brought it to a tendency to conduct temporary policies in an increasingly permanent situation.
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Raouf, Mohammad Edris. "Gouvernance des coopératives agricoles dans une économie en reconstruction après conflit armé : le cas de l’Afghanistan." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018MON30092.
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Le pays étant ravagé par la guerre l’Afghanistan s’est donné pour objectif de développer son secteur agricole de manière pérenne en s’appuyant sur les structures coopératives. Au terme de cette période de post-conflit le constat est que cet objectif est très partiellement atteint et l’objet de cet écrit et d’envisager intellectuellement les moyens d’inverser cette tendance. L’objectif principal de cette thèse est d’analyser de manière empirique et théorique le mode de gouvernance des coopératives agricoles afghanes, de comprendre comment est appréhendée la notion de coopérative par les différents acteurs et d’étudier l’impact qu’a pu avoir l’aide étrangère dans ce secteur et dans le contexte de l’agriculture Afghane. Ainsi, des solutions envisageables pour améliorer le mode de gouvernance de ces coopératives pourront être trouvées pour les conforter et éviter la faillite de ces structures. Les principaux axes abordés seront : la détermination de la capacité des coopératives, les exigences nécessaires au niveau de leur gouvernance, les rapports de coopération à développer entre les différents acteurs de la filière et la bonne utilisation des aides étrangères. Sera également abordé l’étude des facteurs susceptibles d’entraver le développement et la pérennité des coopératives mais proposer une stratégie pour renforcer leurs actions en Afghanistan.Le cadre conceptuel de cette thèse est de créer un lien entre les différents acteurs du secteur coopératif afin de définir une démarche collective dans la mise en place d’un mode de gouvernance des coopératives pour les rendre opérationnelles et plus efficaces. Les propositions relatives au renforcement et à la mise en œuvre d’une gouvernance des coopératives s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une nécessité qui demande une reforme institutionnelle et complète du secteur coopératif tout en développant la pertinence de la gouvernance coopérative, cette thèse souligne l’importance de combiner plusieurs facteurs : la théorie de l’action collective, la théorie des parties prenantes, l’économie institutionnelle - tout cela fait partie de l’économie organisationnelle moderne. Quelques observations importantes tirées de l’analyse de différentes données et d’études de cas peuvent être répertoriées dans cinq domaines : premièrement : les coopératives ont une organisation économique spécifique qui allie à la fois les caractéristiques d’une organisation démocratique et celles d’une entreprise commerciale, cette organisation doit être gérée en maintenant un équilibre entre ces caractéristiques. Deuxièmement : L’implication d’un trop grand nombre de ministères voire d’un nombre important de départements d’un même ministère font que les coopératives agricoles afghanes sont marginalisées. Troisièmement : L’institut de formation au sein de la DACD (Direction du Développement des Coopératives Agricoles) une direction du Ministère de l’Agriculture et qui ont la responsabilité des formations n’ont d’autres soutien de leur tutelle que les salaires des professeurs et du personnel et souvent recrutés sans les qualifications, l’expérience et les compétences nécessaires. Cet ensemble de choses affaibli d’autant plus le système. Quatrièmement : alors que l’aide internationale était disponible au début de la nouvelle république au terme des différents conflits et de la guerre civile, l’absence d’un plan bien défini et d’une coordination entre les parties pour son utilisation, cette opportunité a été perdue. Cinquièmement : l’idée de créer des coopératives avec un objet bien défini tel que précisé dans le projet de loi de 2013 ne peut être que difficilement mis en œuvre par une absence d’économies d’échelle et une faiblesse des gammesGiven the fact that the war-ravaged country of Afghanistan has committed itself to sustainable rural and agricultural development through the cooperative route, the present dissertation, seeing lackluster performance of agricultural cooperatives in the post-conflict era, decided to attempt to reverse this trend at least in terms of intellectual discourse. The main objective of this thesis is to analyze, both theoretically and empirically, the condition of governance structure in Afghan agricultural cooperatives, to understand the cooperatives from the viewpoint of their stakeholders and also to study the role of foreign aid into the cooperatives in the current context of Afghan agriculture. Accordingly, attempts are made to achieve a better governance of the Afghan agricultural cooperatives, which will make them robust thus avoiding large-scale failure of such organizations. The core issues addressed are: ascertain suitability of cooperatives, requirements in terms of governance structure, stakeholder cooperation and effective utilization of foreign aid so as to achieve cooperative success, and factors that constrain smooth functioning of agricultural cooperatives and evolving appropriate strategy to strengthen agriculture cooperative in Afghanistan.The conceptual framework of this dissertation hinges on building a bridge between stakeholder cooperation and cooperative governance through a collective action route, so as to make cooperatives operational and effective in reality. So, the essential contribution of this dissertation is to provide this linkage between stakeholder and collective action theories to evolve an appropriate governance structure. The recommendations for strengthening and activating the cooperative governance structure are provided within a framework of demand for and supply of required institutional changes for comprehensive cooperative sector reforms.While elaborating on the relevance of cooperative governance, this dissertation highlights the importance of combining several perspectives: collective action theory, stakeholder theory, institutional economics - all are now-a-days parts of the modern organizational economics. From the analysis of agricultural sector, basic weaknesses in the availability of physical as well as institutional infrastructure comes to the fore, thus necessitating building up of grass root cooperatives becomes the mainstay of the Afghan development strategy in the eyes of the national government as well as its international supporters. A few important observations emanated from analysis of primary and secondary data and case studies can be summarized under 5 broad areas. First, cooperatives being a special type of business organization demanding perfect synchronization between attributes of a democratic association and those of a business enterprise, both these attributes need to be promoted carefully while maintaining the necessary balance. Second, involvement of too many Ministries and even too many Departments within the same Ministry seems to be implicitly pauperizing the Afghan agricultural cooperatives. Third, the Cooperative Institute Department of Directorate of Agriculture Cooperative Development (DACD) being under pressure with no support other than grant of mere salaries to its faculty and staff, who are again recruited often without the necessary qualification, experience and skills, has further weakened the system. Fourth, while foreign aid became absolutely necessary at the beginning of the new Republic after the prolonged Civil War and conflict, in the absence of a well thought out plan and coordination for its use, its full potential is hardly being realized. Fifth, the idea of establishment of single commodity cooperatives favored under the Draft Law of 2013 has a serious limitation in the absence of suitable scale and scope economies
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D'ERRICO, ALESSANDRO. "BLACK SANDS: SECURITY AND HUMANITARIAN AID IN CONTEMPORARY LIBYA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/597644.
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.How do Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) interact with global and local (non)state actors in fragile contexts? Which types of governance outcomes does this interaction produce? These aspects remain substantially under researched. None of the strands identified in the literature is substantially able to answer such questions. Moreover, how NGOs make sense of the changes, conflicts, cooperative relationships taking place within governance structures, what roles do NGOs play in the processes through which structures regulate the provision of services, is more assumed than researched.
To fill this gap, this dissertation intends to contribute to the research on decision-making within NGOs. I provide a theoretical model taken from the economics of organizations that helps understanding the decision-making process, and highlights the presence of a set of factors that are common, relevant and interconnected for NGOs, creating a typology of organizations that allows me to formulate clear propositions regarding the potential programming trajectories, depending on the combination of two major intra-organizational conditions. Lastly, both the theoretical framework and the typology allow me to explore which types of (intended) consequences different routines have for governance structures.
I will start creating an overarching political economic framework that highlights the existence of multiple institutional sets and their co-existence/competition in civil wars. These institutional settings are plugged into strategic complexes – networks that connect multiple actors that provide the institutional constraints and opportunities of action for humanitarian aid. Lastly, these networks constitute the arena – the social space – in which humanitarian aid is negotiated, and in which its language can be used for legitimation purposes, while simultaneously advancing individual interests and objectives
Against such structural constraints, NGO programming has to take into account both internal normative commitments and financial security concerns. Principles so determine the identity of NGOs, their long term objectives, goals and commitments. But the external environment determine their financial constraints. The unfolding of this decision-making, and the role of different normative and/or material factors at each stage can be captured through the framework of organizational learning.
Basing on interviews conducted in Tunis between November 2016 and March 2017 and on the analysis of secondary sources, this dissertation configures as a Small N Case Study in which I reconstruct the decision-making of three International Humanitarian NGOs – the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), International Medical Corps and Mediciens Sans Frontiers Holland (MSFH). Through this process, I outline how such actors have organized their programming in the period between 2011 and 2016 in the post-Revolutionary Libya.
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Awidesian, Sevag. "Styrning i det praktiska sociala arbetet : En kvalitativ studie om socialsekreterares upplevelser av styrning i sin arbetsvardag." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Socialt arbete, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-46464.
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The Swedish welfare society can be advocated as a social safety net with the intention of giving citizens fair living conditions. However, the welfare system has recently undergone fundamental changes regarding its organization and steering within the social image work, where its impact is considered to have received far too little attention. The overall purpose of the study is to study social workers 'experiences of steering within the social services' exercise of authority. The empirical data has been considered in qualitative interviews and has brought significant knowledge and information about the subject area. The results have shown an overall control within the social authority work, which normalizes and constitutes an impact on how the practical work is conducted and how the feeling of the social work is treated. However, the results of the study have shown various causal explanations that are rooted in trust from the management team, work motives and also the social worker's individual professional experience and competence. Based on the study's analysis, four central themes have been identified and presented as both causal explanations and prerequisites for practical social authority work. These are explained as; steering and the social secretary's work situation, trust-based governance, social work - a knowledge-based practice and steering as instruments.Det svenska välfärdssamhället kan hävdas inbegripa som ett socialt skyddsnät med intention av att medborgarna får skäliga levnadsförhållanden. Välfärdsystemet har dock på senare tid genomgått grundläggande förändringar avseende dess organisering och styrning inom det sociala myndighetsarbetet, där dess påverkan allt för lite anses uppmärksammats. Studiens övergripande syfte är att studera socialarbetares upplevelser av styrning inom socialtjänstens myndighetsutövning. Empirin utgörs av kvalitativa intervjuer och har bringat betydande kunskaper och belysning av ämnesområdet. Resultatet har påvisat en överlagd styrning inom det sociala myndighetsarbetet, som normaliserats och utgör påverkan på hur det praktiska arbetet bedrivs och hur känslan av det sociala arbetet behandlas. Vidare har studiens resultat påvisat diverse orsaksförklaringar som bottnar i konstadsfrågor, tillit från ledningsgruppen, arbetsmotiv men också socialsekreterares individuella yrkeserfarenhet- och kompetens. Utifrån studiens analys har fyra centrala teman identifierats och framställts som både orsaksförklaring och förutsättning för ett praktiskt socialt myndighetsarbete. Dessa förklaras som; styrning och socialsekreterares arbetssituation, brist på tillit, socialt arbete – en kunskapsbaserad praktik och styrning som instrument.
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Leclercq, Sidney. "Resilience of Fragility: International Statebuilding Subversion at the Intersection of Politics and Technicality." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/258442.
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For the past two decades, statebuilding has been the object of a growing attention from practitioners and scholars alike. ‘International statebuilding’, as its dominant approach or model guiding the practices of national and international actors, has sparked numerous discussions and debates, mostly around its effectiveness (i.e. if it works) and deficiencies (i.e. why it often fails). Surprisingly, little efforts have been made to investigate what international statebuilding, in the multiple ways it is mobilized by various actors, actually produces on the political dynamics of the ‘fragile’ contexts it is supposed to support and reinforce. Using an instrumentation perspective, this dissertation addresses this gap by exploring the relationship between the micro-dynamics of the uses of international statebuilding instruments and the fragility of contexts. This exploration is articulated around five essays and as many angles to this relationship. Using the case of Hamas, Essay I explores the European Union’s (EU) terrorist labelling policy by questioning the nature and modalities of the enlisting process, its use as foreign policy tool and its consequences on its other agendas, especially its international statebuilding efforts in Palestine. Essay II examines a Belgian good governance incentive mechanism and sheds the light on the tension between the claimed apolitical and objective nature of the instrument and the politicization potential embedded in its design and modalities, naturally leading to a convoluted implementation. Essay III analyses the localization dynamics of transitional justice in Burundi and unveils the nature, diversity and rationale behind transitional justice subversion techniques mobilized by national and international actors, which have produced a triple form of injustice. Essay IV widens this scope in Burundi, developing the argument that the authoritarian trend observed in the 2010-2015 period did not only occur against international statebuilding but also through self-reinforcing subversion tactics of its appropriation. Finally, essay V deepens the reflection on appropriation by attempting to build a theory of regime consolidation through international statebuilding subversion tactics. Overall, the incremental theory building reflection of the essays converges towards the assembling of a comprehensive framework of the in-betweens of the normative diffusion of liberal democracy, the inner-workings of its operationalization through the resort to the international statebuilding instrument and the intermediary constraints or objectives of actors not only interfering with its genuine realization but also contributing to its antipode of regime consolidation, conflict dynamics and authoritarianism.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Toutaou, Mohamed. "Le droit au développement : perspectives à partir du droit international de l'environnement." Thesis, La Rochelle, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LAROD037.
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Le droit au développement est lié à l’idéologie du développement ; à bien des égards il apparaît comme une revendication d’un nouvel ordre juridique international. Cependant face aux nouveaux défis mondiaux portés par le droit international de l’environnement, le droit au développement voit ses fondements remis en question et peu à peu dominés par le concept de développement durable. Il est alors nourri par les nouvelles perspectives apportées par le droit à un environnement sain, en lien avec les enjeux éthiques portés par les droits de l’homme. La cohérence des politiques de développement ne peut être réalisée sans considération pour les droits humains et donc sans prise en considération de ses conditions de vie environnementales. Pour atteindre les objectifs d’une société internationale équitable, il faut redonner une priorité aux droits fondamentaux au sein même de la démarche de développement durable. La prise de conscience tardive des risques pesant sur l’environnement a conduit à faire peser des menaces sur la sécurité internationale et il est donc à présent nécessaire de repenser le droit au développement par rapport à la question, émergente sur la scène internationale, de la sécurité environnementale. Une nouvelle architecture de gouvernance environnementale internationale apparaît comme indispensable pour la réalisation du droit au développement et pour offrir plus largement d’autres perspectives de développement au-delà d’une approche strictement économique. Une réflexion institutionnelle menée sur la création d’une organisation mondiale de l’environnement permet d’envisager un ordre public écologique international construit dans une démarche collective plus solidaire et cohérente par rapport aux réalités écologiques, économiques et socialesThe right to development is linked to the ideology of development and appears as a claiming of a new international legal order. But, facing new global stakes raised by international environmental law, the right to development sees its foundations questioned and little by little demined, by the concept of sustainable development. It is then fed by the new perspectives brought by the right to a healthy environment in connection with the ethical stakes carried by human rights. The coherence of development policies cannot be realized without taking into consideration human rights and thus without taking into consideration its environmental living conditions. To reach the goals of a fair international company, it is necessary to restore a priority in the fundamental rights within the approach of sustainable development. The late awareness of the risks pressing on the environment led to make press threats on the international security and it is necessary thus at the moment to rethink the right for the development with regard to the emergent question on the international scene of the environmental security. New architecture of international environmental governance appears as essential for the realization of the right to development and to offer more widely other perspectives of development beyond a strictly economic approach. An institutional reflection led on the creation of a world environmental organization allows to envisage an international ecological order built in a more united and more coherent joint representation with regard to the ecological, economic and social realities
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Kombo, Brice. "Coopération décentralisée et Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement : enjeux et perspectives dans l'espace francophone subsaharien." Thesis, Reims, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012REIMD001/document.
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La nécessaire lutte contre la pauvreté découle d'un constat troublant : la richesse combinée des quinze personnes les plus riches de la planète est supérieure à la valeur annuelle cumulée de la production de biens /services de l'ensemble des pays de l'Afrique subsaharienne. 20% de la population mondiale consomme plus de 80% des ressources disponibles sur la surface de la terre. Ce double constat révèle l'ampleur des efforts à accomplir pour répondre au défi des objectifs du millénaire pour le développement (OMD). La responsabilité des Etats est évidemment engagée mais les solutions sont plus à rechercher au niveau des villes et des territoires. Au plus proche des habitants, les autorités locales peuvent et doivent jouer un rôle de catalyseur du développement. Il revient aux citoyens des territoires confrontés aux problèmes de sous-développement d'imaginer et de proposer ces solutions locales. La coopération décentralisée contribue à la recherche et à l'invention de telles politiques territoriales : cadre de dialogue privilégié entre gouvernements locaux. Définie comme un partenariat entre autorités locales de nationalités différentes, cette coopération décentralisée permet un partage d'expériences – micro finance, décentralisation, bonne gouvernance etc. En clair, tous les espoirs peuvent s'inviter dans la symbiose « Coopération décentralisée et Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement», en tenant compte de leurs enjeux et perspectives dans l'espace francophone subsaharienThe necessary struggle against poverty comes from an elementary remark observation: the combined wealth of the 15 richest people in the planet exceeds the total annual value of the production of the properties / services of all the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. 20 % of the world population consumes more than 80 % of the resources available on the surface of the earth. This observation reminds the magnitude of the efforts which remain to carry out to answer the challenge of the millennium through the OMD. The responsibility of States is obviously engaged but the solutions are more to look for at the level of cities and territories. In the closest to the inhabitants, the local authorities can and have to play a role of catalyst of the development. It is up to the citizens of territories confronted with the problems of underdevelopment to imagine and to propose these local solutions. The decentralized cooperation contributes to the search and the invention of such territorial policies, because it is a frame of privileged dialogue between local governments. Defined as a partnership between local authorities of different nationalities, it allows a sharing of experiences - microfinances, decentralization, good governance etc.- Clearly, all the hopes can invite itself in the symbiosis "Decentralized Cooperation and Objectives of the Millennium for the Development by taking into account their stakes and perspectives in the Sub-Saharan French-Speaking Space"
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Prata, Inês Faustino. "Coerência das políticas : o desafio do desenvolvimento." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3747.
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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação InternacionalPara a prossecução dos Objectivos de Desenvolvimento do Milénio (ODM), que se assumem como o maior desafio global da cooperação do século XXI, é imprescindível ter em conta todo o conjunto de políticas nacionais e internacionais com impactos nos países em desenvolvimento, no sentido de estruturar eficaz e eficientemente as políticas de cooperação e desenvolvimento. Particularmente, muitas são as contradições que se verificam na definição e execução das políticas europeias que produzem impactos negativos nesses países, representando elevados custos económicos para os mesmos e para os próprios doadores e respectivos contribuintes. Neste sentido, o conceito de Coerência das Políticas para o Desenvolvimento (CPD) surge como um instrumento de alinhamento das políticas de diversas áreas com os objectivos de Desenvolvimento, contribuindo para a erradicação da pobreza e a promoção da eficácia da Ajuda. O Projecto Enhancing Policy Coherence: Making Development Work Better, em Portugal, Coerência.pt - O Desafio do Desenvolvimento, executado pelo Instituto Marquês de Valle Flôr (IMVF), visa exactamente promover a CPD através da sensibilização, monitorização e mobilização dos decisores políticos, funcionários públicos, ONGD e da opinião pública em geral.
In order to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), which are the main international challenge of development cooperation for the 21st century, it is crucial to take into account the group of national and international policies with impacts on the developing countries, in order to structure effectively and efficiently the development and cooperation policies. Particularly, there are plenty of contradictions regarding European policies with negative impacts for the developing countries and economic costs for those and for the donors themselves. In that sense, the concept of Policy Coherence for Development (PCD) emerged as an instrument of alignment between the policies of different areas with the development aims, contributing to the eradication of poverty and to the promotion of aid effectiveness. The Project Enhancing Policy Coherence: Making Development Work Better, in Portugal, Coerência.pt - O Desafio do Desenvolvimento, carried out by Instituto Marquês de Valle Flôr (IMVF), aims exactly to promote PCD through the awareness, monitoring and mobilization of policy makers, civil servants, NGOD and general public opinion.
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An, Yinan. "Building Smart Cities and Intelligent Societies in Australia with the Aid of Internet of Things, Big Data and Artificial Intelligence." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/23029.
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Countries around the world are facing urban planning challenges in fast-growing areas. As a developed country, Australia has a sound social system, with laws, rules and regulations. Rapid growth has brought new development opportunities, but also accompanied by serious social planning and decision-making issues. In some fast-growing areas, investments for infrastructure cannot keep up with the rapid population growth due to inaccurate data and other factors. As a result, sometimes it’s becoming very hard and challenging for the government to make the best decision for investments in order to achieve the maximum potential. Embracing emerging technologies, to build smart cities in Australia, to improve governance and decision making has become critical. This thesis explores challenges we are facing in fast-growing areas in Australia and how emerging technology-aided strategy making, community consultation and smart governance can help building a smart city. We demonstrate in-depth in how emerging technologies like Internet of Things and Big Data can improve a city’s operation efficiency and assisting decision-makers to solve challenging leadership, planning and decision-making issues. This thesis demonstrates by using these technologies how a planning decision or a community consultation which currently take months to process could be reduced to days, or how an operational decision which currently takes a week could be reduced to a day.
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Kim, Florence. "La diplomatie des sociétés civiles dans le bassin méditerranéen." Thesis, Paris 11, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA111011.
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Les échecs successifs des partenariats et tentatives de coopération dans la zone méditerranéenne ont montré les limites aux modèles diplomatiques employés jusqu’à présent et ont révélé le besoin de renouveler la participation des divers acteurs en présence. Dès lors, il s’est agi de déplacer le centre de gravité de l’activité diplomatique en Méditerranée afin d’élaborer un modèle de « diplomatie collective durable », par lequel la région pourrait servir de vecteur de modélisation pour les régionalisations actuelles ou futures, seules véritables réponses à une mondialisation croissante. Par le biais de l’analyse historique et contemporaine de l’exercice de la diplomatie ainsi que de l’évolution de la définition de la politique étrangère et grâce à l’exposé de l’effervescence intellectuelle autour de l’ouverture de l’activité diplomatique à des acteurs non gouvernementaux, il a été permis de présenter l’articulation entre les notions de diplomatie et de Société civile dans l’histoire et dans la théorie et d’en exposer les manifestations sur le terrain de la zone méditerranéenne. De ces manifestations, il a été conclu à un véritable état de fait de la diplomatie des Sociétés civiles. Face à cette phénoménologie de la diplomatie des Sociétés civiles dans les relations internationales, encouragée par les instances supranationales notamment, a été étudiée l’existence de l’insertion formelle de la Société civile dans l’ordre international afin d’envisager les divers fondements juridiques de sa participation. Dès lors, des textes internationaux ont servi aux recherches et ont permis de retracer l’évolution des relations internationales initialement exclusivement statocentrées mais qui se sont progressivement ouvertes à de nouveaux acteurs. Par ailleurs, il a été essentiel de procéder à la détermination du sujet de cette insertion à l’ordre juridique international et d’identifier l’existence d’une « Société civile internationale », simple acteur des relations internationales ou véritable sujet de droit international. Étant donnée la particularité de la région étudiée et les nécessités spécifiques qui en découlent, la zone a révélé un vrai potentiel afin d’intégrer voire d’institutionnaliser ce renouvellement diplomatique. Véritable modélisation régionale, la Méditerranée pourrait servir de laboratoire aux propositions contenues dans la thèse et qui tendraient à faire d’elle une zone pacifiée et stabiliséeThe consecutive failures of the successive cooperation and partnerships in the Mediterranean region have shown the limitations of the current diplomatic models and has also revealed the need to renew the participation of various actors on the international stage. Therefore, the dissertation has aimed to move the center of gravity of the diplomatic activity in the Mediterranean (mainly intergovernmental) in order to develop a model of “collective sustainable diplomacy” by which the region could serve as a model for current or future regionalizations, sole real answers to the increasing globalization. Through historical and contemporary analysis of the practice of diplomacy by civil societies and also through the presentation of the intellectual ferment allowing the expansion of diplomacy to non-state actors, it has been possible to show the signs of an existing diplomacy by these actors on the Mediterranean field. Facing this phenomenon of a less intergovernmental diplomacy, greatly encouraged by supranational organizations, we studied the existence of its formal insertion in the international legal order and presented various legal bases of the participation of civil societies to the diplomatic process. This analysis revealed the lack of a legal status of the so-called “international civil society” and highlighted the denial by the states of an official diplomatic action of this actor. This conclusion led to elaborate a Mediterranean model of action, integrating all stakeholders for a more collective and thus, sustainable diplomacy. Given the peculiarity and special needs of the study area, the Mediterranean has revealed a real potential to integrate, nay, institutionalize this diplomatic renewal. As a real regional modeling, the Mediterranean region could be used as a laboratory for the proposals contained in the dissertation, which could tend to make it a pacified and stabilized region
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Komlavi, Kokou. "L'impact de la mise en oeuvre de la conditionnalité démocratique de l'aide européenne sur la politique au Togo et au Zimbabwe." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO30035.
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On Constate aujourd’hui une avancée significative du processus de démocratisation au Togo et au Zimbabwe grâce à la politique de la conditionnalité démocratique de l’aide européenne au développement et aux sanctions financières édictées contre ces pays. C’est la synergie des forces externes et internes qui a contribué au changement de politique au Togo et au Zimbabwe. La mobilisation de la société civile a également été utile. Cependant, le système politique produit par la politique de la conditionnalité n’est que de façade car les résultats obtenus ne sont pas à la hauteur des attentes. Le bilan est mitigé. Les réformes entreprises au Togo et au Zimbabwe ne sont qu’apparentes. La dépendance de l’aide a engendré la corruption, les dettes, et a sapé les investissements. Tant que des solutions appropriées n’auront pas été trouvées à l’aspiration démocratique des peuples africains en tenant compte de leurs réalités sociales, culturelles, économiques et politiques ; les crises sociopolitiques risquent de perdurer sur le continent. L’Afrique a besoin aujourd’hui d’une institution forte capable de concilier la démocratie et le développement. Elle a aussi besoin de l’indépendance budgétaire et monétaireToday there is a significant advance in the democratization process in Togo and Zimbabwe because of the political democratic conditionality for EU development aid and financial sanctions imposed against the country. It is the synergy of internal and external forces that contributed to the change in policy in Togo and Zimbabwe. The mobilization of civil society has been helpful. However, the political system produced by policy conditionality is only façade since the results are not up to what was expected. The results are mixed. The reforms undertaken in Togo and Zimbabwe are only apparent. In addition, aid dependence has fostered corruption, debt, and undermined investment. Unless appropriate solutions can be found to the democratic aspirations of the African peoples, taking into account their social, cultural, economic and political realities; sociopolitical crises are likely to persist on the continent. Africa today needs a strong institution capable of reconciling democracy and development. It also needs fiscal and monetary independence
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Dusepulchre, Gaëlle. "Politique européenne de coopération au développement et relations extérieures: des droits de l'homme à la bonne gouvernance, impact de l'interdépendance du droit et du politique sur le choix des instruments de régulation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210587.
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L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir :la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements.The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy :conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.
Doctorat en droit
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished