Journal articles on the topic 'Agricultural workers’ strikes'

AbstractThis article examines the collapse of the citrus industry in València, Spain during the last years of World War I. In it, I argue that the strikes represent a key moment in the proletarianization of the region's agricultural working classes. By 1914, citrus had become one of Spain's most profitable exports, and prior to the 1917 crash, the landed and monied interests in control of the industry had enforced the notion of inter-class cooperation, which broke down under the economic stress of the War. In the wake of the collapse and the strikes that followed, workers began to organize in earnest and began to work towards improving working conditions and establishing fairer work contracts.

In the late 1970s, the future of organized labor in the fields of California had never looked brighter. A decade of boycotts, strikes, and marches had generated public and political pressure that culminated in the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act—“the best labor law in the country,” the United Farm Workers’ chief negotiator triumphantly proclaimed in June 1975. Soon thereafter, the Teamsters agreed to withdraw and cede organizing in the fields to Cesar Chávez's union, ending a costly and violent rivalry.

AbstractThis article explores one of the earliest large-scale uses of biocidal agro-chemicals in Latin America, the United Fruit Company's hand-spraying of its banana plantations to control sigitoka disease from 1938 to 1962. After discussing the environmental context of sigatoka and the early development and implications of the spray technology, the essay focuses on the thousands of workers who applied the chemicals. Using Costa Rica as a case study, it explores workers' sense of the personal costs of their work as well as their ambiguous relationship to the larger banana workers' union movement. Because of differences in ethnicity, age, and masculine status, pesticide workers were not part of the labor movement's militant core, but their participation in strikes gave unions great power for a time. This power, along with workers' individual job actions, forced fundamental changes in the pesticide program, demonstrating the importance of integrating labor into the study of environmental change in agricultural capitalism.

The law of 21 March 1884, which legalized the formation of syndicats for the defence of ‘economic, industrial, commercial and agricultural interests’, was not intended to apply to civil servants. They were not thought to have such interests. There was, it is true, some dispute as to which categories of public employees were covered by this legal prohibition, and the Chamber of Deputies maintained in 1894 that the law applied to workers in industrial enterprises run by the state. But governments steadfastly refused to allow postal officials or schoolteachers, for instance, the right to form syndicats. They did not, however, contest their right to form associations under the law of 1 July 1901, and conflict became acute in the period after 1905 as these associations began to transform themselves into syndicats or to claim rights associated with the syndicat The postal strikes in Paris in 1909 and the rail strike of 1910 were particular causes célèbres

The analysis of the neoliberal restructuring of Chilean port cities and their hinterland suggests there was a functional coupling of neoliberalisation, precarisation, reterritorialisation, extraction, and logistics. To address this process properly, we expanded the boundaries of our analytical scale to include not only the port city, but also its hinterland, and be able to examine the flow of commodities and labour. The analysis demonstrated that the effects of neoliberal restructuring of Valparaíso and its hinterland has had interconnected ambivalent effects. Although social and economic restructuring of agricultural hinterland and port terminals in Chile increased land and port productivity and economic competitiveness, this pattern of capitalist modernisation benefitted neither the increasing masses of temporary precarious workers in the countryside nor port cities such as Valparaíso, marked by territorial inequality, socioecological damage, urban poverty, and a growing sense of closure of the littoral and reduced access to the ocean. These negative externalities and frictions have triggered local political controversies, commercial and economic disputes, labour strikes, and urban and socio-territorial conflicts.

The South African labor market was recently characterized by violent and hostile labor strikes by workers demanding exorbitant wage increases. These demands and violent protests overflowed to the agricultural sector, followed by an announcement of a 51% increase in the agricultural minimum wage. Labor costs form an integral part of a producers production costs and labor increases will therefore directly affect the profitability of producers. The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect higher wages have on the South African maize sector. Furthermore, to determine whether there is a relationship between higher labor cost and increased mechanization in the maize sector. Quantitative and qualitative research techniques were utilized to address the research problem. The findings of the study include that the higher wages do not have a significant effect on the maize sector as it is less dependent on manual labor and therefore more tolerant to wage increases. Furthermore, it was determined that there is a relationship between the maize sectors level of mechanization and the impact of higher wages. It was found that the maize sector is more developed and mechanized than other agricultural sectors. Notwithstanding, it is recommended that the sector should maintain the investment in mechanization to increase global competitiveness.

AbstractUsing a variety of new sources directly pertaining to different types of rural estate, and contrary to interpretations of rural Chile as a traditional society unaffected by economic modernisation, this article analyses the transition of the hacienda system in central Chile towards agrarian capitalism during the period of export-led growth from the 1860s to 1930. It argues that the expansion of the ‘landowner enterprise’, along with developments in mechanisation and irrigation, resulted in the marginalisation of the precarious ‘peasant enterprises’ operated by tenants and the gradual proletarianisation of the agricultural workforce. The development of agrarian capitalism transformed the collective action of rural workers, which assumed modern forms such as strikes and unionisation, and thus became significant in national politics. The first wave of rural conflicts, which took place in the early 1920s, can therefore be understood as the response of the emerging rural working class to the agrarian expansion that Chile experienced as part of the process of capitalist modernisation.

The food crisis in Vienna in 1916–1918, the capital of Austria-Hungary in the last years of the First World War, is considered. It was at the final stage of the First World War that one of the most acute problems that arose in every belligerent country – food. It became impossible to ignore the deficit, which both the imperial and the city authorities tried to do in the first two years of the Great War. The scarcity of the most essential food was highlighted by such veils as endless queues in city markets, the growth of crime and child theft. By 1917, the food crisis in Vienna entered an acute phase. The main reasons for the crisis were: disruption of transport links, narrowing of cultivated areas due to the lack of male workers, procurement of food for the front, unfavorable market conditions for suppliers of agricultural products. The processes caused by martial law have led to an exorbitant rise in the cost of living, shortages, speculation on the black market. The gov-ernment, in turn, did not have a specific plan to deal with an acute shortage of material resources, shortages, rising prices, but at the same time significantly limited the rights and powers of citizens. In these conditions, there was a weakening of the physical strength and morale of the urban popu-lation, which led to massive strikes and demonstrations.

A peculiar phenomenon of post-war life in the Ukrainian SSR was the return of Ukrainian emigrants. Some of them were hoping to improve the economic situation, in particular, to obtain stable earnings and housing. The other part showed active pro-Soviet position. There were analyzed newspapers articles in the of the USSR 1950’s and 1960’s. This was the period of the most intensive movement of the return. The author analyzes the origin, age, social status, political preferences and activity of the re-emigrants from the point of view of the biographical component. It is established that it was residents of Western Ukrainian lands who left from Ukraine before the Second World War the most. Ukrainians went to Europe and America: France, the United States, Canada, but the largest number of them turned out to be in the countries of Latin America, in particular, in Argentina. These were mainly family people who leaved Motherland with their families and had a goal to acquire own land and engage in farming on it. However, the success in agriculture in Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil in those who returned was insignificant due to the difficult working conditions in an unusual climate. Many people were forced to leave the land and work in cities at different jobs. Agricultural workers, workers in industry and services dominated among the re-emirates. Many participated in strikes, the trade union movement, cultural organizations that had contacts with the USSR. It was determined that they were mostly family people, had several children, lived together in the countries from which they returned, and in Ukraine. Bachelors were those who returned from Canada and the United States. Relatively few tried to settle there where they were from. These were elderly people. Most showed mobility and the ability to break with their usual way of life and moved to different regions of the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR, preferred life in cities. It is necessary to understand the specifics of the Soviet press, it was very ideologized, did not told about negatives of the process of re-emigration and all its features. However, thanks to her, we can get an idea about re-emigrant portrait: the majority of there had a pro-Soviet position, were an industrious part of society, preferred working professions and sought to get an education.

Due to the production of food and cattle fattening, the Slavonian and Srijem peasants were in the centre of interest of both the state authorities and the partisan movement during the Second World War. Both sides were very preoccupied with finding a way to win them over or force them to give the surplus to one or the other. Unwillingness to cooperate with the state authorities and partisans put the peasant’s both life and property in danger. Sowing, harvesting and other agricultural work were often only possible with an armed escort. The wheat harvests in the Slavonian and Srijem fields in 1942, 1943 and 1944 was followed by the destruction of crops, i.e. burning of wheat and the destruction of threshers. Despite such conditions, the local population managed to meet their needs, and therefore there was no famine. Due to the destruction of transport infrastructure and means of transport, in attacks by partisans and later by the Western Allies’ air force, it was difficult to transport the collected food. The population of Slavonian cities, especially workers and low-income civil servants, were in a difficult position due to irregular and scarce supplies in approvisations; and therefore, they were forced to purchase the basic foodstuffs on the “black market” at extremely high prices. The daily life became even more difficult in 1944 due to air strikes by the Western Allies and the Red Army air force. The paper gives a brief overview of these issue in the cities, mostly with examples from Brod na Savi / Slavonski Brod, and as for rural areas, mostly with examples from the mountain areas and to a lesser ex-tent from the plains, eastern Slavonia and Srijem.

In the second half of the XIX century Western Ukrainian lands suitable for agricultural development could not provide their inhabitants with adequate well-being. Moreover, famine often prevailed in the region, and poverty raged. Ukrainians, who made up the majority of the rural population of the region, were particularly affected: almost 80% [7, p. 4]. Government statistics at the time tried to prove that all conditions were created for Western Ukrainian peasants to ensure their well-being. At the same time, for example, the following figures were used: peasants owned 62.2% of the land area, while large landowners, mostly Austrians, Poles, Germans, Jews and other peoples, only 37.8% of agricultural land. It would seem that Ukrainian peasant farms, which had the majority of arable land in their use, could prosper. However, the other side of this statistic was not mentioned: first of all, it was hidden that the best lands belonged to the owners of large farms. In addition, there were 3,734 communities in the areas used by the majority of peasants. Therefore, if we compare the size of the area of a large landowner and the average peasant economy, the peasant economy was 320 times smaller than the agricultural land of a large landowner. At the end of the 40s of the XIX century in almost all European countries the economic crisis deepened, mass strikes began. Governments became increasingly helpless, unable to control the situation. Political demands began to be put forward more and more often to the economic demands of the workers and peasants. The spirit of revolution hovered in the air. And soon it began. The revolutionary events that swept Europe in the spring of 1948 brought the peoples of Europe hope for a better future. The consequence of this revolutionary upsurge was the abolition of serfdom in the Austrian Empire, which also ruled Western Ukraine. First of all, the Ukrainian intelligentsia, which was based on priests, teachers, and lawyers, began active social and political work. However, the majority of the population still stayed away from politics: neither its general education nor their financial situation contributed to participation in the national movement. That is, the «Spring of Nations» still did not contribute to the «mass, widespread awakening of the national consciousness of the Ukrainian people of Galicia, Bukovina, Transcarpathia» [17, p. 15]. This required a lot of effort, first of all to inform the nation competently and politically about what educated people had to do [22].

In the writing on institutional organisation and collective strike action among agricultural workers in Lowland Scotland during the early twentieth century until the outbreak of the Second World War, Richard Anthony has provided an extensive discussion on farm servants.2 However, in general, little attention has been given to casually employed workers. One such group, known as the Achill workers or the Irish ‘tattie howkers’, employed to harvest the potato crop in south-western and central Scotland, attempted to organise themselves and pursued collective strike action on a number of occasions. That group, which comprised some 1,500 to 2,000 workers, undertook strike action in 1907. That action was followed by intensive campaigns in 1918, 1919, 1920, 1921, and 1938; a further attempted strike was also reported in 1912. Much of their collective action was assisted by institutional support from unions which were already organising workers. But workers also attempted to organise themselves with the assistance of these existing unions in the years 1918 to 1921, 1925, 1926 and 1929, and to form their own union in 1909, 1910 and 1938. This paper will examine these attempts during this period.

The article analyzes relationship that developed in the first half of the 1920s between two elected central party structures, the Central Control Commission and the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (B), during acute socio-political crisis in Soviet Russia. The country was engulfed by peasant uprisings and workers' strikes; struggle of groups within the ruling RCP (B) escalated. The leaders of the ruling party saw crisis recovery in rejection of the “war communism” policy and transition to the New Economic Policy. Special attention is paid to the fact that it was G. I. Zinoviev, who, in V. I. Lenin’s absence at the Council of People's Commissars (due to illness), initiated a number of initiatives on division of functions and powers of the Politburo members of the Central Committee of the RCP (B) on May 18, 1923, which marked the beginning of gradual transfer of powers from the Council of People's Commissars (Soviet government) to the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (B). This is evidenced by the published document “On the future work of the Politburo and its cooperation with the Central Committee,” which was prepared by G. E. Zinoviev and sent to General Secretary J. V. Stalin. Drawing on documents from the fonds of the Russian Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), the author explores causes of confrontation that emerged in that period in the highest party echelon, such as gradual departure from active political activity of the leader of the RCP (B) V. I. Lenin, his search for his successor; emerging struggle of members the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (B) for political legacy of the dying leader; attempts of G. E. Zinoviev, L. D. Trotsky, and J. V. Stalin to gain additional powers in solving most important state affairs. It follows from the documents that V. I. Lenin and his associates from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (B) attracted administrative resources of both the Central Control Commission of the RCP (B) and the organs of the Soviet special services (CHEKA—GPU—OGPU) to achieve their goals. The article suggests that G. E. Zinoviev's proposal (document no. 1) on reauthorization in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (B) came from the party leader V. I. Lenin in order to weaken positions of two most active rivals for supreme power in Soviet Russia: L. D. Trotsky and J. V. Stalin. According to the author, in result of this “multimove game” G. E. Zinoviev, most personally loyal to Lenin, if “youngest” in terms of experience in the Politburo of the Central Committee, became eligible to claim the role of his legitimate successor. From a formal point of view, this goal was achieved by G. E. Zinoviev, because it was he who, during the redistribution of powers between the members of the Politburo of the Central Committee, was entrusted with issues of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs and representing Soviet Russia at the international arena (document no. 2).

As a part of the study, an analysis of Russian and international experience in the transfer of digital technologies to agriculture was carried out. It allowed the authors to generalize the prerequisites for the transition of the industry to digital form, highlight the problems that impede its transformation, and formulate the basic requirements for the digital environment. It is shown that the process of introducing digital technologies into agriculture should not be limited only to technological re-equipment of the production sphere. It is necessary to strike a balance between the constantly growing level of domestic demand for qualified personnel and the quality of professional skills and competencies of agricultural workers in high technology. It is concluded that in the context of the transition from the traditional model to the “digital” one, it is necessary to ensure a continuous increase in investment in education, to make changes in the structure of specialties of higher educational institutions in the agricultural field, and to bring the subject area of research projects in the field of ICT as close as possible to goals and objectives facing the real sector of the economy.

While Mexico’s agricultural exports have rapidly expanded over the past two decades, a strike by farmworkers in San Quintín, Baja California, in 2015 drew attention to the labor problems and workers’ demands in the industry. In response, foreign agribusiness corporations implemented private labor standards through fair-trade labels to address these problems in their global produce supply chains. Based on ethnographic research, I argue that these private standards fail to improve farmworkers’ labor conditions and instead serve to “fairwash” fresh produce and to prevent union organizing even when rights under Mexican law are violated. While fair-trade programs provide little empowerment to agricultural workers, I document how farmworkers have developed alternative visions of food justice through independent labor organizing.

This study compares the level of awareness and adoption of innovative agricultural technologies among members and non-members of cooperative societies. This is to direct policies on the diffusion and adoption of agricultural technologies to facilitate increased food production as Nigeria’s economy strives for post-COVID-19 survival and recovery. A multistage technique was used to select a sample of 320 constituting 160 cooperative members and 160 non-cooperative members. Structured questionnaires were used to collect primary data, which was then analysed using both descriptive (Mean, standard deviation) and inferential (regression, ANOVA) statistics. The results suggest that awareness and adoption of new agricultural technologies are higher among members of cooperatives compared to non-members. This study advocates that cooperative societies are veritable vehicles for innovation diffusion. Some challenges of the farmers were explored, and the study recommended that new technologies should be introduced through cooperatives using Small Plots Adoption trial (SPAT) and increased deployment of extension workers to farmers. Furthermore, Cooperative farmers and non-cooperative farmers should be persuaded by the extension workers in ADP to attend agricultural exhibitions where the farm outputs of new technologies are displayed together with the outputs of the old technologies so that they can see the obvious difference and adopt the new technologies.

The article reveals the violent nature of the so-called «socialist transformations» carried out by the Soviet totalitarian system, which were the most clearly manifested in the nationalization of agriculture in the production region. Over the centuries, a single-person farm type of management developed in the western Ukrainian region, and the peasant cherished private ownership of land as the highest value. The purpose of the forced collectivization of the western Ukrainian countryside was to strike a blow at the wealthy and middle-class economy, to socialize them and thereby undermine the basic social base of the national liberation insurgent movement. The peasantry was attracted to the collective farms by methods of economic coercion, intimidation and resettlement from the farms and as a result of other repressive measures. The peculiarity of obtaining agricultural production was that one, being carried out mainly by workers sent from the eastern regions. Due to the fact that the proper material and technical base was not laid for collectivization in its first years, internal tension grew in the village, which, at the same time as the destruction of the traditional system, led to the undermining of agricultural production and the impoverishment of the population. For a long time, the ideas of violent collectivization brought to Ukrainian territory from outside were not accepted and supported by the main mass of rural workers. The establishment of Soviet power in the Western Ukrainian region was carried out by traditional forced command-administrative and repressive-punitive methods already tested in the pre-war period, completely ignoring the local socio-economic and spiritual-cultural specifics, relying on the repressive machine and the military forces support.

Abstract In Southern California, regional and national myths of agrarian life as pastoral became entwined with paternalistic policy and racialized visions of the Mexican laborer. Re-worked in the context of the New Deal and increasing strike activity across California after 1928, these rural myths and policies shaped plans for the resettlement of Mexican-American workers in self-sustaining villages within Los Angeles County. Under the direction of government officials, reformers, and employers, these plans articulated diverse ideologies and agendas: the New Dealer’s commitment to reform and rehabilitation through planning and paternalism, and the employer’s drive to segregate and racialize labor under a pastoral ideal. Yet the village schemes foundered; weakened by employers’ lack of commitment to worker welfare and fears of rural sedition, by the inconsistencies of the New Deal rehabilitation policy, and by an inability to manipulate the realities of agribusiness. This failure bore testimony to the mythic nature of an agrarian tradition in California.

Creating social connections and fostering engagement in communities is a growing challenge for community work. Planners, social workers, and community activists are starting to look towards the arts and storytelling as a way to promote community capacity. A community in Lopez Island, Washington, facing sustainable housing and agricultural issues brought in a two-day storytelling and theatre program to build capacity for their ecosocial work. This research describes facilitator engagement methodology and pilots a community capacity survey to evaluate the experience of workshop participants. Preliminary results show that the storytelling program makes strides in deepening connections to others and generating authentic dialogue. Participants reported both positive experiences of building trust and negative feelings of vulnerability. As funding can be a major barrier for community groups to incorporate arts programs, this research introduces a preliminary survey that communities can adapt and improve upon to help them start gathering evidence-based data for assessing measures of community capacity. Though the facilitators brought unique theatrical and choreographic skills to the programming, planners and social workers can take away for practice a simple storytelling exercise that participants enthusiastically expressed fostered listening, trust, and connection.

The article examines the process of establishing a food dictatorship by the Bolshevik authorities against the Ukrainian rural population, which led to the starvation of millions of Ukrainians in 1921–1923. But the most vulnerable were the Bolsheviks’ procurement and export of peasant bread and food to Russia. Using coercive harsh methods, the procurement campaign was carried out in the drought-stricken southern regions of Ukraine. This criminal action was led by O. Shlichter and M. Vladimirov sent by the Russian government in accordance with numerous government orders and directives involving the poorest sections of the peasantry and specially trained military units. In the spring of 1921, wealthy peasants had almost no grain left, and the need for a solution to the food problem by the Bolshevik government only grew. In order to eliminate the resistance of the peasants, which the Bolsheviks regarded as political banditry, the idea of the so-called stratification of the village into separate classes (poor semi-proletarians, middle peasants, kulaks) was introduced by mobilizing tens of thousands of workers in industrial centers. The People’s Commissar for Land Affairs of the USSR D. Manuilskii consciously pursued a predatory policy of destroying productive farms. Attempts by the Ukrainian leadership to stop harvesting bread in Ukraine have failed several times at a time when about 4 million people are on hunger strike in the country. The actions of the Bolshevik government contradicted the realities of peasant life at the time, as did the entire population, which suffered from famine and crop failure, backed by numerous taxes, the forcible confiscation of the last peasant food supplies, and military aggression. After the official recognition of the critical state of agriculture and famine in Ukraine, no assistance was provided by the government other than permission to appeal to the international community.

Many scholars have recently attempted to think critically about the archive, to conceive of it not simply as a neutral repository of information but also as governed by often indiscernible laws and intricate relations of desire and power. Certainly the scholarly products of detailed archival research are themselves the result of complicated archival negotiations, sortings, and withholdings. I wish to focus here on what I will call archival withholding—the attempt to disrupt the transmission function of the archive—in the context of the Western American Jewish archives that I work on; I will leave lingering the question of what, if anything, lends a Jewish, or “ethnic,” specificity to such withholding. The materials at issue—archives and cemeteries related to rural Jewish settlers in the American West in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century—might strike some as incongruous, since Jewish American settlement is generally associated with East Coast urban centers and not with smalltown agricultural America. But in fact the American West is littered with traces of Jewish settlements and (often short-lived) agricultural communities, and a considerable amount of work documents this topic. Just as there were ethnicities of all sorts in the rural American West—Chinese workers and African Americans have certainly been given deserved attention—so there were Jewish settlers.

The instability of the social and economic development of post-Soviet Russia and the serious social costs of the reform course of its leadership have put forward among the priorities of Russian sociology the study of adaptation of various social groups to these reforms. Taking into account the duration of the formation of adaptation practices and their consolidation in the mass consciousness at the level of behavioral codes, this problem requires consideration on the historical material of Soviet and pre-Soviet Russia. This circumstance, as well as the lack of study of these subjects on the example of workers of the mining Urals at the turn of XIXth – XXth centuries due to the choice of research topics. All strategies of adaptation of the Ural workers considered in the article were divided into active and passive models of adaptation. The first includes various attempts to improve the production activities of their enterprises, including the introduction of working control over them, Handicrafts and secondary employment in agricultural work. The main manifestations of the passive version of social and economic adaptation were the appeal of the Ural workers to the past, the desire to preserve the various elements of the binding relationship and paternalistic attitudes of mass consciousness. In real life, the most widespread were mixed forms of adaptation behavior of workers in the Urals. Among the main adaptive factors, the influence of the features of the mining system, the psychology of local workers and the socio-cultural mechanism of «archaization of consciousness» are singled out. The latter two, in turn, made it difficult to modernize the mining industry of the region. Due to the lack of the necessary database to assess the level of efficiency of the adaptation process of the Ural workers to solve this problem, we use the criterion of its confrontational, equilibrium or harmonious nature. Taking into account the insufficiency of unambiguously active forms of adaptation and the mass character of Patriarchal and paternalistic practices, the conflict nature of land relations, the high level of the strike movement, including factory terror, we can talk about the predominance of the first option and therefore consider the socio-economic adaptation of the workers of the mining Urals to be of little success.

This article briefly diagnoses the rapid growth of the production of soya in Argentina over the last twelve years, taking into account the geographic areas of expansion, as well as the social, economic, environmental and political consequences, and placing this phenomenon in the broader international context. Official statistics, bibliographic sources, and news reporting have been used in preparing the article. Also field work in rural areas has been conducted, including participation in several social events along with interviews with key informants. In Argentina, the nineties were synonymous with privatization, the regressive redistribution of wealth, the concentration of economic and political power, the demise of the railway network, external indebtedness, impoverishment, unemployment, de-industrialization and re-primarization of the economy, among many others plagues. Regarding the latter, the return to the primary economy includes more agriculture than livestock in rural production, with a 50% of the cultivated area occupied by soya crops. The critical point for the consolidation of the fast expansion of soya in the country was the 1996/97 campaign. During this campaign, the first transgenic soya seeds tolerant to glyphosate were released, along with the spread of direct sowing. The remarkable expansion of the area under cultivation made Argentina the third biggest world producer of grains after the U.S. and Brazil, and the world's leading exporter of soy oil. Uncontrolled expansion of soya crops has generated huge profits for transnational business and even for medium and small farmers, as well as those with interests in financial speculation ( seed pools). At the same time, it has increased unemployment and an exodus to the cities, where the declining industrial sector cannot absorb the surplus rural population. Besides, it has produced soil deterioration, watershed damage, destruction of fauna and large forests, and so on. Furthermore, the shift to soya production by many rural enterprises has resulted in a dramatic reduction of the production of food stuffs to meet domestic needs. In March this year the government announced an increase in export taxes, affecting principally soya exports. The interest groups affected complained and launched a strike, including blocking of highways and disrupting the normal supply of the domestic market (this resulting in food stuff shortages in the cities and increasing speculation about drastic economic instability). Rural institutions representing diverse actors that formerly had conflicting interests, united to launch this strike, which has deeply affected public confidence in the government. The conflict expressed rural entrepreneurs’ interests rather than the needs of rural workers, and it has worsened the economic and political stability characterizing the country in the years following the 2001–2002 crisis. Debate on this issue filled the front pages of the newspapers for many months, but it never dealt with issues of the working conditions of rural labor, the need for the production of food to alleviate hunger, solutions to the problem of unemployment, or the future of the soils and destruction of wildlife. Rather, with the large majority of media supporting rural institutions’ interests, the logic that prevailed was that of the right to property. In face of this, a small segment of the society endorses the need to socialize the means of production to achieve food sovereignty, to improve living conditions for workers, and secure the proper management of natural resources. Only these people raised the issue of socialization of the means of production as the only way to oppose not only the expansion of soya crops, but also capital which, as asserted by Marx, strikes at the same time against earth and humans, which in the end are the real bases of production.

This research is based on the descriptive and analytical methodology. The importance of studying labor laws and labor unions in Japan between 1889 and 1946 constitutions is because Japan was out of a feudal phase, and had no idea about the factory system and industrialization in their modern sense before the Meiji era. Generally, its labor system used to be mostly familial, and the economic system was based on agriculture. This called for the enactment of legislations and laws appropriate for the coming phase in Meiji era. Thus, this paper examines the role of Meiji government in enacting labor legislations and laws when he came to power in 1896, and his new constitution in 1889 and the civil code of 1896. It further examines the way Meiji government and the following Japanese governments until the end of World War II did not abide by Meiji laws and stipulations of the constitution with their abusive actions in ending the workers’ strikes and disputes, with the inequality between genders in labor and wages, and the use of child labor in factories in an inhuman way. The paper clarifies the role of the American occupation of Japan (1945-1952) after dissolving Meiji constitution and legislations and the government measures that followed them to enact new legislations, laws and constitution for Japan on November 3, 1946, which was active in May 3, 1947. The paper has concluded that the American occupation policy of Japan was able to avoid the dissidence of millions of Japanese workers, whose level of livelihood was deteriorating after their country lost the war, and convert them from a dissident group against the occupation to a peaceful group which did not target the occupation in their future goals.

Human being has experienced several series of pandemics throughout life‘s history. The serious impacts of the pandemic are experiencing towards different sectors include threatening global food security. The consequences of the COVID-19 outbreak have affected people’s productivity in daily life. The disruptive effect gives a major strike on the food supply chain which is one of the most vital areas of the economy. Prior to the outbreak of Covid 19, this paper will be discussing the factors and effects of the pandemic on global food security. Due to the income decline, it leads to difficulty accessing healthy and nutritious food. Implementation of Movement Control Order (MCO) has affected the agriculture productivity sector as well. At the early stage of the pandemic, panic buying becomes a new trend among the consumers to ensure the food supply keeps available. The declination of purchasing power is another effect, particularly from the low-income community. The risk of virus infection is reported to be high among the food supply chain workers due to negligence towards Standard Operating Procedure (SOP). Lastly, this pandemic also affected mostly community dietary routine patterns. To write this paper, the researchers are genuinely depending on the secondary sources from recent academic journals and trusted websites to vast up the discussion. It is hoped that this paper provides good ideas for other researchers to vast up another scope of discussion in the future.

Based on the records of management documentation, periodicals, memoirs of contemporaries, the article presents an overall picture of the daily life of virgin lands (tselina). The study showed that upon arrival to the new land volunteers were often forced to live in the severe conditions of lack of infrastructure. They had to live in tents or field trailers. At the same time, settlers themselves could improve their living conditions by building state-farm (sovkhoz) settlements. Such work required a lot of effort. The average working time was 12–14 hours a day, regardless of the age, length of service and experience of a volunteer who arrived to the virgin lands. Earnings ranged between 500–1400 rubles per month in average. Food supply system in the new land development areas was essential to support the physical strength of the volunteers. However, as contemporaries remember, the food was unsatisfactory. The diet, as a rule, was monotonous, in view of which workers often staged strikes. In the end, gradually the infrastructure in the virgin lands acquired the level usual for the Central Russia. In particular, leisure time outside the virgin lands was spent in cinemas, clubs, libraries, amateur circles, holding sports competitions. However, social security was in poor condition as well as medical care. Not all medical centers worked; there was a constant lack of doctors, which led to increased injuries. Many volunteers who came to the new lands had no experience in agriculture – in this regard, medicine played an important role in the daily life of virgin lands. New settlers also faced a number of problems, which led to disruption of the usual daily life. In particular, cases of hooliganism caused by alcoholism, fights with lethal outcomes were frequent in the new lands. The indigenous population was often hostile to visitors. In addition, the residents of virgin lands were harmed by the military, who conducted nuclear weapons tests in the vicinity of new farms. In the end, the new settlers were able to cope with the difficulties they were facing and in a short time established a large-scale production of grain crops. Due to this, the country was able to temporarily overcome the food issue that had become urgent in the post-war period. Key words: living conditions, working process, wages, leisure, daily life, virgin and fallow lands.

This paper examines the profound effect of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on poverty reduction, water and sanitation in the context of the pandemic era in Nigeria. As high-profile academia and bureaucrats seek to navigate the intricate landscape of development policy and practice, understanding the interplay between the SDGs, pandemic challenges, and Nigeria's socio-economic fabric becomes paramount. The study adopted documentary research design method through a comprehensive review of existing literature and empirical analysis. Findings from the study show that, good strides have been made in the domestication process of the SDGs in Nigeria. Nigeria has developed its home-grown ‘Integrated Sustainable Development Goals (SDG Model) the model includes; empowerment, conditional cash transfers and vocational training, trader-moni, Market-moni, ANCOR borrowers programme of CBN. Finding from the study shows that between 2015–2021, over 10.5 million Nigerians were lifted out of poverty through empowerment, conditional cash transfers and vocational training, President Muhammadu Buhari revealed that, government has lifted 10.5 million Nigerians out of poverty in the last two years. Buhari revealed that, those lifted out of poverty include farmers, artisans, market women, and small-scale traders. Finding from the study shows that, Seven hundred thirty-two (732) waters and sanitation related projects were executed, while Finding from the study shows that, 616 classrooms and other educational facilities were built or renovated. It was further showing that, a key challenge confronting the country has to do with Out-of- School-Children, a demographic challenge that relates to interplay between employment (SDG-8), education (SDG-4), poverty (SDG-1) and the digital economy (SDG-17). The study recommends thatThe government should encourage Sustainable Development Initiatives. The government should integrate sustainable development practices into policies and initiatives related to poverty reduction, water, and sanitation. Promote the use of renewable energy, encourage sustainable agricultural practices, and prioritize the conservation of natural resources. The government should support the development of eco-friendly technologies and solutions to minimize the environmental impact of development efforts. The government should expand social protection programs to support vulnerable populations, including the poor, elderly, and informal workers, by providing cash transfers, food assistance, and healthcare services. Implement targeted programs that reach those most in need, using technology and data to identify and assist marginalized communities Keywords: Sustainable Development Goals, United Nations, Covid-19 pandemic, poverty reduction, water and sanitation, Nigeria.

AbstractIntroductionDuring the night of February 27 and the early morning of February 28, 2010, 15 coastal municipalities situated in two French departments, Vendée and Charente-Maritime, were violently stricken by a severe windstorm named “Xynthia.” This storm caused the death of 12 individuals in Charente-Maritime and 29 people in Vendée. Houses, agricultural fields, and shellfish companies were severely flooded with seawater. Several thousand people temporarily had to leave their homes. The objective of this study was to estimate the short-term mental health impact of Xynthia, in terms of psychotropic drug delivery, on the resident population of the 15 coastal municipalities severely hit by the flooding.MethodsThe French national health insurance database was used to calculate a daily number of new psychotropic treatments from September 1, 2008 through December 24, 2010. New treatments were calculated for each of the following European Pharmaceutical Marketing Research Association (EphMRA) classes: tranquilizers (N05C), hypnotics (N05B), and antidepressants (N06A). A period of three weeks following the storm was defined as the exposure period. A generalized additive model with a Poisson distribution that allows for over-dispersion was used to analyze the correlation between the Xynthia variable and the number of new psychotropic treatments.ResultsWith a relative risk (RR) of 1.54 (95% CI, 1.39-1.62) corresponding to an estimate of 409 new deliveries of psychotropic drugs during the three weeks following the storm, this study confirms the importance of the psychological impact of Xynthia. This impact is seen on all three classes of psychotropic drugs studied. The impact is greater for tranquilizers (RR of 1.78; 95% CI, 1.59-1.89) than for hypnotics (RR of 1.53; 95% CI, 1.31-1.67) and antidepressants (RR of 1.26; 95% CI, 1.06-1.40). The RR was higher for females than for males.ConclusionThis study shows the importance of the psychological impact of the storm as observed clinically by health workers who intervened in the field during the aftermath of Xynthia. It confirms that administrative databases can be used to show a health impact of a disaster even at a local level. This is one more step in the direction of a comprehensive strategy of collecting information to allow the assessment of the health impact of an extreme event, the detection of vulnerable populations, and the orientation of the short-, mid- and long-term public health response.MotreffY, PirardP, GoriaS, LabradorB, Gourier-FréryC, NicolauJ, Le TertreA, Chan-CheeC. Increase in psychotropic drug deliveries after the Xynthia storm, France, 2010. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2013;28(5):1-6.

The use of replacement workers during strikes has been a cause for concern in recent years. Since industrial action often becomes violent, the question that arises is whether the use of replacement labour can be one of the factors that contributes to the eruption of such violence. This article investigates whether there is a link between the use of replacement labour and the eruption of violence during a strike. In doing this, the author refers to certain instances where such use has resulted in friction between striking employees and replacement workers. Strikers believe that the use of such workers robs them of their weaponry of strike. The argument goes on to say that such use enables the employer to not commit faithfully to negotiations because he or she does not feel the economic harm that the employees want to inflict, as he or she is able to continue with production or delivery, while the former suffer from the “no work no pay” rule. The article argues that in the presence of the provision in the Labour Relations Act that permits employers to use such workers, the relations between employers and unions will remain unhealthy, if not tense. The article further argues that such use will have the effect of protracting negotiations and delay dispute settlements. As a result, it is suggested that the relevant clause be removed from the Labour Relations Act.

The purpose of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (the LRA) is to advance economic development, social justice, labour peace and democratization of the workplace. The primary objects of the LRA, inter alia, include the following: “to provide a framework within which employees and their trade unions, employers and employer’s organisations can (i) collectively bargain to determine wages, terms and conditions of employment, and other matters of mutual interest; and (ii) formulate industrial policy”, and “to promote orderly collective bargaining [and] (ii) collective bargaining at sectoral level”. The LRA in its purpose provision also makes provision for the advancement of the effective resolution of labour disputes and employee participation in decision-making in the workplace. Central to collective bargaining is the right to strike and the recourse to lock-out, respectively available to employees and employers. The collective-bargaining system has since 2007 become increasingly adversarial as “a decline in negotiating capacity, the re-emergence of non-workplace issues negotiations, and the rise of general mistrust between the parties” as the key factors contributing to the worsening of the collective bargaining is evident. The focus on strikes, has unfortunately, not been positive, as some industries have been plagued by violent, and/or unprotected and sometimes protected strike action that carries on for long periods of time. The focus of this case note is, however, not to look at the latter categories of strikes but rather to discuss a very contentious issue related to strike action: What constitutes mutual interest with reference to strikes? Two recent cases (Pikitup (SOC) Ltd v SA Municipal Workers Union on behalf of Members (2014) 35 ILJ 983 (LAC); and Vanachem Vanadium Products (Pty) Ltd v National Union of Metal Workers of SA Case No J 658/14) will be evaluated against the backdrop of existing literature and case law on this issue.

Lightning is the discharge of an electric charge forming in the atmosphere between the earth and clouds which travels downward in a branching pattern. It is estimated that there are some 1800 active thunderstorms at any given moment. Lightning may injure or kill a person by a direct strike, a side-flash or conduction through another object. Agricultural workers are at risk in developing and underdeveloped countries, as are those engaging in sporting activities elsewhere. Fatalities resulting from lightning strikes may not show specific symptoms at autopsy, but there may be symptoms of burns on clothes and body and fernlike marks specific to lightning strikes on their bodies. Other signs are acute kidney failure, cardiac arrhythmias and deaths, and while internal organs may show oedema, congestion, etc, this is not in itself sufficient to establish causation. When diagnosing death from a lightning strike, it is essential to examine the deceased’s clothes, their external body and carry out a crime scene investigation. We report a series of three cases of death from a lightning strike in previously healthy men engaged in their daily activities.

After the repeal of Prohibition in 1933, Pennsylvania adopted one of the nation's strongest governmental monopolies for the sale of wine and spirits. Since 1980, three Republican governors--Dick Thornburgh, Tom Ridge, and Tom Corbett--have tried to privatize the state's monopoly. Despite supportfrom more than 60% of the public, they failed. James Q. Wilson's work on client politics, where costs are widely distributed and benefits are narrowly concentrated, partly explains why the state's liquor policy is difficult to change. In addition, unionized workers in the state-owned liquor stores, the primary beneficiaries of the policy, are supported by the Democrats in the General Assembly. Moreover, the Republican governors were supported by only about half the Republican lawmakers, who were divided among themselves. So far the potential beneficiaries of privatization have been unorganized and on the sidelines. The evidence suggests that governors acting alone cannot change policy. Client politics and morality politics are likely to continue to block major reforms until or unless the issue is moved into the area of interest group politics that Wilson describes.

The mining sector is one of the contributors to the South African economy and improving productivity is important if it is to remain competitive in the global marketplace. Thus, the technologies that will be created by the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) are important to the mining sector. However, if this leads to mining companies being less reliant on labour, then these changes will have a negative impact on the jobs of mineworkers.This article looks at the legal framework that governs the mining sector in South Africa in the context of 4IR. The Labour Relations Act (LRA) provides for collective bargaining and strike action, but collective bargaining in the South African mining sector is failing and has not produced the desired result. Strike action has become more common and strikes are often violent and unprotected. Secondly, occupational health and safety risks are present in the mines despite protective legislation – namely, the Mine Health and Safety Act (MHSA). Workers experience harsh working conditions underground. Lastly, workers’ skills need to be developed if they are to retain their jobs in 4IR. In terms of legislation, workers should receive training if such training is available for their sector. Consideration urgently needs to be given to the impact on and relevance of 4IR to the labour legal framework in the mining sector. Furthermore, changes to the law in readiness for 4IR and its impact on the workforce in the mines should be considered.

Traditionally human rights have been divided into three generations. First generation rights, often referred to as civil/political rights, deal with issues of liberty and protect individuals from state interference. Examples of such rights include freedom of speech, freedom of religion and the right to life. Second generation rights are socio-economic in nature and protect rights such as housing, education and health care, while third generation rights are collective rights, for example the right to self determination and the right todevelopment. Socio-economic rights and collective rights do not have the same status as civil and political rights in international law. They are usually included in supplementary international documents, are ratified by fewer states and are subject to states’ economic constraints. The right to strike has often been described as a socio-economic right since it has been used to improve economic conditions for workers, such as wages, reasonable working conditions and a better standard of living (Novitz International Protection of the Right to Strike: A Comparative Study of Standards Set by the International Labour Organization and the Council of Europe (April 1998) published Oxford PhD 102; and see also Pillay “The Contemporary Protection of Social, Cultural Economic and Cultural Rights in International Law” http://www.communitylawcentre.org.za/ser/docs_2002/socio-economic_rights_in_international_law.pdf). The purpose of this note is to highlight the importance of the right to strike within the human rights framework. It proposes to do so in two ways. First, by showing that criticisms levelled against socio-economic rights are unwarranted and inapplicable to strikes and, secondly, by demonstrating that the right to strike is in fact a civil and/or political right, deserving of greater protection under international law.

Workers shut down production and transportation of strawberries during the peak of the 2015 harvest in San Quintín, Mexico, which supplies winter berries to US markets. In the years since the strike, strike-settlement wage increases have eroded, commitments to register workers in the national social security system fell far short, and no workers gained representation by a union in collective bargaining with their employer. This case analyses the limited strike outcomes and persistent gaps in labour law compliance based on interviews and observation in 2019 and 2020. Building on the power resources approach, it highlights the historical character of structural power. Falling short of achieving strike demands underscored constraints on workers’ disruptive capacity. The case suggests that reading structural power as a dynamic complex of actions by employers, national states and workers enhances the concept’s ability to predict effects of collective action on social relations of production. KEYWORDS: Mexico; agriculture; supply chains; bargaining power; structural power

Abstract Background Ethiopia has made great strides in malaria control over the last two decades. However, this progress has not been uniform and one concern has been reported high rates of malaria transmission in large agricultural development areas in western Ethiopia. Improved vector control is one way this transmission might be addressed, but little is known about malaria vectors in this part of the country. Methods To better understand the vector species involved in malaria transmission and their behaviour, human landing collections were conducted in Dangur woreda, Benishangul-Gumuz, between July and December 2017. This period encompasses the months with the highest rain and the peak mosquito population. Mosquitoes were identified to species and tested for the presence of Plasmodium sporozoites. Results The predominant species of the Anopheles collected was Anopheles arabiensis (1,733; i.e. 61.3 % of the entire Anopheles), which was also the only species identified with sporozoites (Plasmodium falciparum and Plasmodium vivax). Anopheles arabiensis was collected as early in the evening as 18:00 h-19:00 h, and host-seeking continued until 5:00 h-6:00 h. Nearly equal numbers were collected indoors and outdoors. The calculated entomological inoculation rate for An. arabiensis for the study period was 1.41 infectious bites per month. More An. arabiensis were collected inside and outside worker’s shelters than in fields where workers were working at night. Conclusions Anopheles arabiensis is likely to be the primary vector of malaria in the agricultural development areas studied. High rates of human biting took place inside and outdoor near workers’ residential housing. Improved and targeted vector control in this area might considerably reduce malaria transmission.

On December 30, 1930, agricultural workers on the Pesillo hacienda in the canton of Cayambe, in the northern Ecuador highlands, rose up in protest against abuses they faced at the hands of their bosses. Local governmental officials reported that no one was working as the strike spread across the hacienda and threatened to engulf neighboring properties. Pesillo's newly formed peasant union El Inca, as well as Tierra Libre from the neighboring Moyurco hacienda, presented a list of 17 demands which focused almost exclusively on issues of working conditions, indebtedness, and salaries. They demanded that the patrones (bosses) fire mayordomos (overseers) who mistreated workers, raise their daily salary to forty centavos, recognize an eight-hour work day, pay women for their labor, and establish a school for their children.

This study examines the employment elasticity of growth at the sectoral level using the KLEMS database for the period 1980–1981 to 2018–2019. After estimating elasticity, we employ the dynamic ordinary least square (DOLS) technique to investigate its determinants. The elasticity for the overall period falls between 0.91 and −0.039. Elasticity estimation at the sub-period level varies across three different sub-periods. Agriculture, hunting, forestry and fishing, and mining and quarrying observed negative elasticity of −0.58 and −0.63, respectively, whereas services and construction show the highest positive elasticity. The DOLS estimation shows that in the full panel, labour quality and wages positively impact employment elasticity of growth, whereas the dummy representing the reforms of 1991 negatively impacts employment elasticity. The magnitude of the coefficient of the workers involved in strikes and lockouts and days lost due to strikes is zero although it is significant. The sectoral analysis shows that the sign and significance of the coefficients vary across the industries except for labour quality. Labour quality is positively significant for almost all the industries in both equations. Wages and employment elasticity observe unique patterns, for example relatively highest and lowest-paying sectors observe reduced employment elasticity. Finally, we suggest that specific policy formulation and efforts are needed to be in place to promote quality of labour and relish real demographic dividends.

Protest action is not a new phenomenon in democratic South Africa. In the 1980s and 1990s, many stay-aways were used by workers to demonstrate opposition to government policy. However, the Industrial Court was disinclined to grant such actions protection and, as a result, they were deemed unlawful under the Labour Relations Act 28 of 1956 (1956 LRA). Unlike protest action, strike action was regulated and defined under the 1956 LRA. Nonetheless, the International Labour Organisation (ILO)’s Fact-Finding and Conciliation Commission on Freedom of Association criticised the narrow definition of “strike” in the 1956 LRA, stating that employees should be permitted to strike in protest against the government’s economic and social policies.Under the democratic dispensation, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution) clearly provides that everyone has the right, peacefully and unarmed, to assemble, to demonstrate, to picket and to present petitions (s 17) and that employees have the right to strike (s 23(2)(c)). The term “assemble” in section 17 of the Constitution has been interpreted to cover meetings, pickets, protest marches and demonstrations that are aimed at expressing a common opinion. Based on these constitutional provisions, employees can therefore use economic power to support their various demands. In terms of section 1 of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA), one of the aims of this Act is “to advance economic development, social justice, labour peace and the democratization of the workplace”. Among other measures, this is done through allowing employees and their organisations the right to engage in protest action. While a strike is focused on “matters of mutual interest” between employees and their employer, protest action is focused on the “socio-economic interests” of employees (s 213 of the LRA). Strike action is the most common and better understood of the two actions, while protest action is often misconstrued. Protest action assists employees, their trade unions and federations to play an important wider role in society. Through protest action, employees can influence policy decisions in society. Section 77 of the LRA gives effect to and regulates the right to engage in protest action.South Africa has experienced many protests and as a result, the country has been referred to as “the protest capital of the world”. Federations of trade unions such as the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have over the years organised a number of protests, including those against labour broking and high tolls. Protests are used for various reasons, including those related to service delivery. However, the focus in this discussion is on protests regulated by the LRA. Given the number of protests that take place in South Africa, it is important that the concept of protest action, and the nature and scope of the right to engage in protest action as regulated by section 77 of the LRA, be properly understood. The discussion focuses on COSATU v Business Unity of South Africa ((2021) 42 ILJ 490 (LAC)), which deals with the interpretation of section 77 of the LRA.

Purpose When the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic seriously hit the USA, a lot of cities/states announced their lockdowns, in some cases forbidding employees to go to work. But workers in the so called “essential sectors” were exempt from the order, and on the contrary were required to remain on the job in order to maintain the services and functions considered vital to the community. If they have not been paid well in comparison to those in the other sectors, there would be a stronger case for granting them a special hazard pay during the pandemic. This paper aims to design a way to measure the “importance” or being “essential” of the different sectors in the economy, and then investigates whether the actual pay of the workers in these sectors is consistent with the measured importance. Design/methodology/approach At least two policy issues emerged from such an arrangement: (1) How can one define the “essential sectors” objectively instead of the authorities preparing a list according to their administrative procedure? (2) How well have been the workers in the essential sectors paid before the pandemic strike? The concept of a revised Leontief forward linkage effect will be used in an input–output model to gauge the relative “importance” of the different sectors in the US economy. Then the measured importance will be compared with the average compensation of the employees in these sectors. Findings It is found that for some sectors such as agriculture, retail trade, and repair and installation of machinery and equipment the ratio of workers' compensation relative to the national average is substantially lower than the relative importance of the sectors employing them. That is, many of them have been substantially underpaid in spite of their importance. Research limitations/implications The scope of this study is limited to one country, the USA, but the methodology can be applied to other countries as well. Originality/value This study is an original research that contributes to an improved understanding of the importance of the workers engaged in different sectors in the USA during COVID-19.

Namibia’s public and private sectors have encountered substantial industrial or strike action. This article highlights the agency problem that arises between trade union leaders or bargaining agents and the employees or the workers they represent during collective bargaining. The agency problem is a conflict of interest inherent in any relationship where one party is expected to act in another’s best interests. How to ensure that the agent acts solely in the interest of the principal is a challenge. The agency problem can occur in companies, non-governmental organisations, professional institutions, governmental bodies or trade unions. Namibian labour laws provide for freedom of association, which includes the freedom to form and join trade unions, and also entrenches fundamental labour rights and protections, and regulates collective labour relations among others. However, the legal framework is silent as to what happens if union leaders or representatives act in bad faith and sign collective agreements that are not in the best interest of their members. This contribution argues that trade union representatives should be held accountable for failing to deliver on their mandates. Compromised trade union leadership or political intrigue in unionism needs to be addressed to minimise the agency problem in industrial action in future. Labour law practitioners should explore effective strategies to address this conundrum and ensure that the best interests of workers are upheld by trade union leaders. Trade unions must be transformative socio-economic movements to remain relevant and sustainable in Namibia or elsewhere. This can be achieved through law reform and by integrating the principles of the law of agency in labour laws to enforce trade union leadership accountability.

AbstractMany plants possess immense pharmacological properties because of the presence of various therapeutic bioactive secondary metabolites that are of great importance in many pharmaceutical industries. Therefore, to strike a balance between meeting industry demands and conserving natural habitats, medicinal plants are being cultivated on a large scale. However, to enhance the yield and simultaneously manage the various pest infestations, agrochemicals are being routinely used that have a detrimental impact on the whole ecosystem, ranging from biodiversity loss to water pollution, soil degradation, nutrient imbalance and enormous health hazards to both consumers and agricultural workers. To address the challenges, biological eco-friendly alternatives are being looked upon with high hopes where endophytes pitch in as key players due to their tight association with the host plants. The intricate interplay between plants and endophytic microorganisms has emerged as a captivating subject of scientific investigation, with profound implications for the sustainable biosynthesis of pharmaceutically important secondary metabolites. This review delves into the hidden world of the "secret wedlock" between plants and endophytes, elucidating their multifaceted interactions that underpin the synthesis of bioactive compounds with medicinal significance in their plant hosts. Here, we briefly review endophytic diversity association with medicinal plants and highlight the potential role of core endomicrobiome. We also propose that successful implementation of in situ microbiome manipulation through high-end techniques can pave the way towards a more sustainable and pharmaceutically enriched future.

Abstract Background In 2021, a once-in-a-century heavy rainstorm suddenly attacked Zhengzhou, an important inland city in northern China. However, there have been no studies on the psychological health of disaster-stricken residents. This study is the first to comprehensively report on the mental health status and related factors of local ordinary residents after the heavy rainstorm. Objective The purpose of this study is to investigate the mental health status and related influencing factors of local ordinary residents after the flood disaster, and to provide reference for government departments to formulate disaster psychological intervention countermeasures based on evidence-driven strategies. Methods The snowball sampling technique was used in this study, and measurement tools of Rainstorm Exposure Questionnaire, Subjective Perception of Rainstorm, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Checklist-Civilian version (PCL-C), Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale-21 (DAS-21) and Chinese version of Social Support Rating Scale (SSRS) were used to evaluate the rainstorm exposure, subjective perception of the rainstorm, psychological symptoms and social support of the disaster-stricken residents within a week after the rainstorm. Logistic regression analysis was used to examine the psychological status and related factors of local residents after the rainstorm disaster. Results A total of 469 valid samples were obtained in this study. All the subjects were in the disaster area and experienced the rainstorm personally, with normal intelligence. The statistical results showed that 25.37% people had experienced at least three rainstorm-related stresses, nearly 20.26% people had post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms, and 39.3%, 53.92% and 65.83% people had depression, anxiety and stress symptoms, respectively. Multivariable logistic regression analyses indicated that female (all p < 0.05), the divorced, agricultural workers/farmers (all p < 0.05), students (all p < 0.05), people experiencing at least three rainstorm-related stresses (p < 0.05 or p < 0.01), people with lower satisfaction at the social flood fighting measures (p < 0.05 or p < 0.01) and people with low social support (p < 0.05 or p < 0.01) were all independent risk factors for poor psychological health, and college education or above (p < 0.05 or p < 0.01), the lower degree of worrying about themselves (all p < 0.01), family members (all p < 0.01) and family property (all p < 0.01) were all related to higher psychological health among flood survivors after the disaster. Conclusions Rainstorm could cause local residents to have various degrees of psychological symptoms. This study identified factors associated with the psychological health of disaster-stricken residents, which could be used to develop psychological interventions in improving psychological health of local residents.

Мақала революцияға дейінгі кезеңдегі ұлттық жұмысшы кадрлардың тарихын Қазақстанның Ұлттық индустриялық кадрлары тарихының маңызды кезеңдерінің бірі ретінде қарастырылады. Қазақ жұмысшы кадрларын қалыптастыру процесі дәл 1917 жылғы Қазан төңкерісіне дейін басталғаны белгілі, қазақтың дәстүрлі қоғамының стратификациясы барысында кедейленген шаруаның белгілі бір бөлігі жұмыс іздеп жергілікті темір жолдар, балық аулау және өнеркәсіптік кәсіпорындар салуға бағытталды. Бұл ретте олар туған ауылымен экономикалық байланысты үзбеді және ауыл шаруашылығы жұмыстарына қатысу үшін қажеттілігіне қарай сол жерлеріне қайта оралды. Салалық бөліністе қазақтың көптеген жұмысшылары тұз, балық аулау және тау-кен өндірісінде жұмыс істеді. Білікті еңбек қажет болған өңдеу өнеркәсібінде олардың саны өте төмен болды. Сонымен қатар, қазақтар құрамында білікті кадрлар аз болды. Олар негізінен қосалқы жұмыстармен, біліктілігі жоқ еңбекпен айналысты және сәйкесінше аз жалақы алды. Ауыр еңбек жағдайлары, төмен жалақы, көптеген айыппұлдар, алдау, есеп айырысу, яғни рұқсат беру, билік пен кәсіпорын әкімшілігінің озбырлығы жергілікті жұмысшыларды өздерінің экономикалық және саяси жағдайларын жақсарту үшін күресуге итермеледі. ХІХ ғасырдың екінші жартысы мен ХХ ғасырдың басында қазақ жұмысшылары да стихиялық, ұйымдастырылмаған сипаттағы өңірдегі жұмысшы қозғалысына қатысты. Мысалы, қазақ жұмысшылары белсенді қатысқан Қазақстандағы ең ірі ереуіл 1905-1907 жылдардағы орыс революциясы жылдарында Успен кенішінде болды. Түйінді сөздер: Қазақстан, қазақ жұмысшылары, Ресей империясы, шаруа, кәсіпшілік, өнеркәсіп, теміржол көлігі. Статья рассматривает историю национальных рабочих кадров в дореволюционный период, как один из важнейших этапов истории национальных индустриальных кадров Казахстана. Известно, что процесс формирования казахских рабочих кадров начался именно до Октябрьской революции 1917 г. когда в ходе расслоения казахского традиционного общества, определенная часть обедневших шаруа в поисках работы направлялась на строительство местных железных дорог, промыслы и промышленные предприятия. При этом они не разрывали экономические связи с родным аулом и возвращались туда по мере необходимости для участия в сельскохозяйственных работах. Это широко распространенное явление называлось отходничество. В отраслевом разрезе достаточно большое количество казахских рабочих было занято на соляных, рыбных промыслах и в горнодобывающем производстве. В обрабатывающей промышленности, где требовался квалифицированный труд, их численность была незначительной. В составе казахов мало было квалифицированных кадров. Они занимались главным образом подсобными работами, неквалифицированным трудом и соответственно получали скудное жалование. Тяжелые условия труда, низкая зарплата, много- численные штрафы, обман, обсчет, т.е. вседозволенность, произвол властей и администрации предприятий толкали местных рабочих на борьбу за улучшения своего экономического и политического положения. Во второй половине ХІХ века и начале XX века в рабочем движении в регионе, имевшем стихийный, неорганизованный характер участвовали и казахские рабочие. Например, самая крупная забастовка в Казахстане, где активно участвовали казахские рабочие, произошла на Успенском руднике в годы русской революции 1905-1907 гг. Ключевые слова: Казахстан, казахские рабочие, Российская империя, шаруа, промыслы, промышленность, железнодорожный транспорт. The article considers the history of national workers in the pre-revolutionary period as one of the most important stages in the history of national industrial personnel in Kazakhstan. It is known that the process of formation of Kazakh workers began precisely before the October Revolution of 1917, when, in the course of the stratification of the Kazakh traditional society, a certain part of the impoverished sharua, in search of work, had to go to the construction of local railways, crafts and industrial enterprises. At the same time, they did not break economic ties with their native aul and returned there as needed to participate in agricultural work. This widespread phenomenon was called otkhodnichestvo. In the sectoral context, a fairly large number of Kazakh workers were employed in the salt, fisheries and mining industries. In the manufacturing industry, where skilled labor was required, their numbers were negligible. There were few qualified personnel among the Kazakhs. They were mainly engaged in auxiliary work, unskilled labor and, accordingly, received meager salaries. Difficult working conditions, low wages, numerous fines, fraud, cheating, i.e. permissiveness, arbitrariness of the authorities and the administration of enterprises pushed local workers to fight for the improvement of their economic and political situation. In the second half of the 19th century and early of the 20th century, Kazakh workers also participated in the labor movement in the region, which had a spontaneous, unorganized character. For example, the largest strike in Kazakhstan, where Kazakh workers actively participated, took place at the Uspensky mine during the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. Keywords: Kazakhstan, Kazakh workers, Russian Empire, sharua, crafts, industry, railway transport.

The employment relationship is by its very nature premised on the foundation of inherent inequality between the employer and the employee. The employer by virtue of the resources at its disposal is in a stronger position than the employee. One of the strong criticisms levelled against the common law has always been its indifference to this unequal division of power. The common law tends to deal with a contract of employment on the basis that it is an agreement entered into voluntarily and on equal footing bythe employer and the employee. Unsurprisingly, the common law regards terms that regulate the employment relationship as being freely entered into by the contracting parties. This assumption overlooks the inherent inequality that characterizes the employment relationship. It is on account of this assumption that the common law can be mostly associated with unfairness when it comes to the employment relationship. Nowhere is this assumption clearer than in cases of dismissal. In relation to dismissal all that the common law demands is that the dismissal must be lawful. This requirement is easily met if the employer merely provides the employee with a notice of the dismissal. Under the common law there is no mention of fairness as a requirement for a dismissal. In order to address the deficiencies of the common law, the legislature has enacted labour legislation like the Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995, hereinafter “the LRA”) which seeks to bring in some equilibrium in the employment relationship. It must also be said that the LRA provides partiesinvolved in the employment relationship with a framework within which employment issues must be addressed. This has resulted in a situation where in some instances there is a collision between the common law and the LRA. The critical question that emerges is whether the rights and remedies of the employees in the event of a breach of contract must be exclusively determined within the framework of the LRA. If the answer is in the affirmative then it means that the common law has lost some of its relevance in employment issues. This case note seeks to analyse the tension between the common law and the LRA in the context of employees withholding their labour on account of a breach of contract by the employer. It also seeks to analyse the implications of the approach adopted by the Labour Appeal Court in National Union of Mine Workers on behalf of Employees v Commission for Conciliation Mediation and Arbitration ((2011) 32 ILJ 2104 (LAC)).

An absence of adequate legislation in South Africa resulted in inequality in the workplace and in society in general. The new constitutional democracy with a Bill of Rights intended to address this by promulgated legislation, and today the South African Constitutional and legislative provisions promoting equality are viewed as amongst the most progressive in the world. In regard to persons with disabilities, this progressive legislation, aimed to protect against discrimination, still seems to fail the very people it intended to promote and protect.The legislation created awareness of the need for equality and the right of workers to employment and to decent working conditions. The right to equality is accorded to everybody through the Constitution of South Africa. The Bill of Rights is based on the notion of equality before the law, and the prohibition of discrimination on various grounds.Despite this, the perception exists that persons with disabilities as a minority group are still being marginalized and are restricted in their right to exercise the right to participate and make a meaningful contribution to the labour market. This not only seems to be in contradiction with the constitutional right to choose an occupation, but has wider social and economic consequences. The ethos of equality legislation is to ensure that the workplace is representative of the society we live in. It is understandable that labour as a social phenomenon is not only concerned with workplace-related issues but with aspects encompassing the whole of the socio-political and economic scene.South African labour legislation promulgated over the last two decades strives to align with the conventions and recommendations of the International Labour Organisations and in terms of the obligations of South Africa as a member state. However, the question prevails: is the legislation adequate to address the discrimination and inequality experienced by persons with disability? If so, why do statistics indicate such high unemployment amongst this group? Yet, there is a growing awareness that persons with disabilities represent enormous untapped economic potential.According to the ILO report on The Right to Decent Work of Persons with Disabilities (1997), much has been accomplished in the international arena in recent years to improve the lives of disabled persons in the workplace.This article will attempt to evaluate the efficacy of South African legislation in the promotion and integration of persons with disabilities in the labour market.

Photo by Jo-Anne McArthur on Unsplash ABSTRACT The UK-based campaign group Scrap Factory Farming has launched a legal challenge against industrial animal agriculture; the challenge is in the process of judicial review. While a fringe movement, Scrap Factory Farming has already accrued some serious backers, including the legal team of Michael Mansfield QC. The premise is that factory farming is a danger not just to animals or the environment but also to human health. According to its stated goals, governments should be given until 2025 to phase out industrialized “concentrated animal feeding organizations” (CAFOs) in favor of more sustainable and safer agriculture. This paper will discuss the bioethical issues involved in Scrap Factory Farming’s legal challenge and argue that an overhaul of factory farming is long overdue. INTRODUCTION A CAFO is a subset of animal feeding operations that has a highly concentrated animal population. CAFOs house at least 1000 beef cows, 2500 pigs, or 125,000 chickens for at least 45 days a year. The animals are often confined in pens or cages to use minimal energy, allowing them to put on as much weight as possible in as short a time. The animals are killed early relative to their total lifespans because the return on investment (the amount of meat produced compared to animal feed) is a curve of diminishing returns. CAFOs’ primary goal is efficiency: fifty billion animals are “processed” in CAFOs every year. The bioethical questions raised by CAFOs include whether it is acceptable to kill the animals, and if so, under what circumstances, whether the animals have rights, and what animal welfare standards should apply. While there are laws and standards in place, they tend to reflect the farm lobby and fail to consider broader animal ethics. Another critical issue applicable to industrial animal agriculture is the problem of the just distribution of scarce resources. There is a finite amount of food that the world can produce, which is, for the moment, approximately enough to go around.[1] The issue is how it goes around. Despite there being enough calories and nutrients on the planet to give all a comfortable life, these calories and nutrients are distributed such that there is excess and waste in much of the global North and rampant starvation and malnutrition in the global South. The problem of distribution can be solved in two ways: either by efficient and just distribution or by increasing net production (either increase productivity or decrease waste) so that even an inefficient and unjust distribution system will probably meet the minimum nutritional standards for all humans. This essay explores four bioethical fields (animal ethics, climate ethics, workers’ rights, and just distribution) as they relate to current industrial agriculture and CAFOs. l. Animal Ethics Two central paradigms characterize animal ethics: welfarism and animal rights. These roughly correspond to the classical frameworks of utilitarianism and deontology. Welfarists[2] hold the common-sense position that animals must be treated well and respected as individuals but do not have inalienable rights in the same ways as humans. A typical welfare position might be, “I believe that animals should be given the best life possible, but there is no inherent evil in using animals for food, so long as they are handled and killed humanely.” Animal rights theorists and activists, on the other hand, would say, “I believe non-human animals should be given the best lives possible, but we should also respect certain rights of theirs analogous to human rights: they should never be killed for food, experimented upon, etc.” Jeremy Bentham famously gave an early exposition of the animal rights case: “The question is not Can they reason?, nor Can they talk?, but Can they suffer? Why should the law refuse its protection to any sensitive being?” Those who take an animal welfare stance have grounds to oppose the treatment of animals in CAFOs as opposed to more traditional grass-fed animal agriculture. CAFOs cannot respect the natural behaviors or needs of animals who evolved socially for millions of years in open plains. If more space was allowed per animal or more time for socialization and other positive experiences in the animal’s life, the yield of the farm would drop. This is not commercially viable in a competitive industry like animal agriculture; thus, there is very little incentive for CAFOs to treat animals well. Rampant abuse is documented.[3] Acts of cruelty are routine: pigs often have teeth pulled and tails docked because they often go mad in their conditions and attempt to cannibalize each other; chickens have their beaks clipped to avoid them pecking at each other, causing immense pain; cows and bulls have their horns burned off to avoid them damaging others (as this damages the final meat product, too); male chicks that hatch in the egg industry are ground up in a macerator, un-anaesthetized, in the first 24 hours of their life as they will not go on to lay eggs. These practices vary widely among factory farms and among jurisdictions. Yet, arguably, the welfare of animals cannot be properly respected because all CAFOs fundamentally see animals as mere products-in-the-making instead of the complex, sentient, and emotional individuals science has repeatedly shown them to be.[4] ll. Climate Ethics The climate impact of farming animals is increasingly evident. Around 15-20 percent of human-made emissions come from animal agriculture.[5] and deforestation to create space for livestock grazing or growing crops to feed farm animals. An average quarter-pound hamburger uses up to six kilograms of feed, causes 66 square feet of deforestation, and uses up to 65 liters of water, with around 4kg of carbon emissions to boot – a majority of which come from the cattle themselves (as opposed to food processing or food miles).[6] According to environmentalist George Monbiot, “Even if you shipped bananas six times around the planet, their impact would be lower than local beef and lamb.”[7] The disparity between the impact of animal and plant-based produce is stark. Not all animal products are created equally. Broadly, there are two ways to farm animals: extensive or intensive farming. Extensive animal farming might be considered a “traditional” way of farming: keeping animals in large fields, as naturally as possible, often rotating them between different areas to not overgraze any one pasture. However, its efficiency is much lower than intensive farming – the style CAFOs use. Intensive animal farming is arguably more environmentally efficient. That is, CAFOs produce more output per unit of natural resource input than extensive systems do. However, environmental efficiency is relative rather than absolute, as the level of intensive animal agriculture leads to large-scale deforestation to produce crops for factory-farmed animals. CAFOs are also point-sources of pollution from the massive quantities of animal waste produced – around 1,000,000 tons per day in the US alone, triple the amount of all human waste produced per day – which has significant negative impacts on human health in the surrounding areas.[8] The environmental impacts of CAFOs must be given serious ethical consideration using new frameworks in climate ethics and bioethics. One example of a land ethic to guide thinking in this area is that “[it] is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise.”[9] It remains to be seen whether CAFOs can operate in a way that respects and preserves “integrity, stability, and beauty” of their local ecosystem, given the facts above. The pollution CAFOs emit affects the surrounding areas. Hog CAFOs are built disproportionately around predominantly minority communities in North Carolina where poverty rates are high.[10] Animal waste carries heavy metals, infectious diseases, and antibiotic-resistant pathogens into nearby water sources and houses. lll. Workers’ Rights The poor treatment of slaughterhouse workers has been documented in the US during the COVID-19 pandemic, where, despite outbreaks of coronavirus among workers, the White House ordered that they remain open to maintain the supply of meat. The staff of slaughterhouses in the US is almost exclusively people with low socioeconomic status, ethnic minorities, and migrants.[11] Almost half of frontline slaughterhouse workers are Hispanic, and a quarter is Black. Additionally, half are immigrants, and a quarter comes from families with limited English proficiency. An eighth live in poverty, with around 45 percent below 200 percent of the poverty line. Only one-in-forty has a college degree or more, while one-in-six lacks health insurance. Employee turnover rates are around 200 percent per year.[12] Injuries are very common in the fast-moving conveyor belt environment with sharp knives, machinery, and a crowd of workers. OSHA found 17 cases of hospitalizations, two body part amputations per week, and loss of an eye every month in the American industrial meat industry. This is three times the workplace accident rate of the average American worker across all industries. Beef and pork workers are likely to suffer repetitive strain at seven times the rate of the rest of the population. One worker told the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) that “every co-worker I know has been injured at some point… I can attest that the line speeds are already too fast to keep up with. Please, I am asking you not to increase them anymore.”[13] Slaughterhouses pose a major risk to public health from zoonotic disease transmission. 20 percent of slaughterhouse workers interviewed in Kenya admit to slaughtering sick animals, which greatly increases the risk of transmitting disease either to a worker further down the production line or a consumer at the supermarket.[14] Moreover, due to poor hygienic conditions and high population density, animals in CAFOs are overfed with antibiotics. Over two-thirds of all antibiotics globally are given to animals in agriculture, predicted to increase by 66 percent by 2030.[15] The majority of these animals do not require antibiotics; their overuse creates a strong and consistent selection pressure on any present bacterial pathogens that leads to antibiotic resistance that could create devastating cross-species disease affecting even humans. The World Health Organization predicts that around 10 million humans per year could die of antibiotic-resistant diseases by 2050.[16] Many of these antibiotics are also necessary for human medical interventions, so antibiotics in animals have a tremendous opportunity cost. The final concern is that of zoonosis itself. A zoonotic disease is any disease that crosses the species boundary from animals to humans. According to the United Nations, 60 percent of all known infections and 75 percent of all emerging infections are zoonotic.[17] Many potential zoonoses are harbored in wild animals (particularly when wild animals are hunted and sold in wet markets) because of the natural biodiversity. However, around a third of zoonoses originate in domesticated animals, which is a huge proportion given the relative lack of diversity of the animals we choose to eat. Q fever, or “query fever,” is an example of a slaughterhouse-borne disease. Q fever has a high fatality rate when untreated that decreases to “just” 2 percent with appropriate treatment.[18] H1N1 (swine flu) and H5N1 (bird flu) are perhaps the most famous examples of zoonoses associated with factory farming. lV. Unjust Distribution The global distribution of food can cause suffering. According to research commissioned by the BBC, the average Ethiopian eats around seven kilograms of meat per year, and the average Rwandan eats eight.[19] This is a factor of ten smaller than the average European, while the average American clocks in at around 115 kilograms of meat per year. In terms of calories, Eritreans average around 1600kcal per day while most Europeans ingest double that. Despite enough calories on the planet to sustain its population, 25,000 people worldwide starve to death each day, 40 percent of whom are children. There are two ways to address the unjust distribution: efficient redistribution and greater net production, which are not mutually exclusive. Some argue that redistribution will lead to lower net productivity because it disincentivizes labor;[20] others argue that redistribution is necessary to respect human rights of survival and equality.[21] Instead of arguing this point, I will focus on people’s food choices and their effect on both the efficiency and total yield of global agriculture, as these are usually less discussed. Regardless of the metric used, animals always produce far fewer calories and nutrients (protein, iron, zinc, and all the others) than we feed them. This is true because of the conservation of mass. They cannot feasibly produce more, as they burn off and excrete much of what they ingest. The exact measurement of the loss varies based on the metric used. When compared to live weight, cows consume somewhere around ten times their weight. When it comes to actual edible weight, they consume up to 25 times more than we can get out of them. Cows are only around one percent efficient in terms of calorific production and four percent efficient in protein production. Poultry is more efficient, but we still lose half of all crops we put into them by weight and get out only a fifth of the protein and a tenth of the calories fed to them.[22] Most other animals lie somewhere in the middle of these two in terms of efficiency, but no animal is ever as efficient as eating plants before they are filtered through animals in terms of the nutritional value available to the world. Due to this inefficiency, it takes over 100 square meters to produce 1000 calories of beef or lamb compared to just 1.3 square meters to produce the same calories from tofu.[23] The food choices in the Western world, where we eat so much more meat than people eat elsewhere, are directly related to a reduction in the amount of food and nutrition in the rest of the world. The most influential theory of justice in recent times is John Rawls’ Original Position wherein stakeholders in an idealized future society meet behind a “veil of ignorance” to negotiate policy, not knowing the role they will play in that society. There is an equal chance of each policymaker ending up poverty-stricken or incredibly privileged; therefore, each should negotiate to maximize the outcome of all citizens, especially those worst-off in society, known as the “maximin” strategy. In this hypothetical scenario, resource distribution would be devised to be as just as possible and should therefore sway away from animal consumption. CONCLUSION Evidence is growing that animals of all sorts, including fish and certain invertebrates, feel pain in ways that people are increasingly inclined to respect, though still, climate science is more developed and often inspires more public passion than animal rights do. Workers’ rights and welfare in slaughterhouses have become mainstream topics of conversation because of the outbreaks of COVID-19 in such settings. Environmentalists note overconsumption in high-income countries, also shining a light on the starvation of much of the low-income population of the world. At the intersection of these bioethical issues lies the modern CAFO, significantly contributing to animal suffering, climate change, poor working conditions conducive to disease, and unjust distribution of finite global resources (physical space and crops). It is certainly time to move away from the CAFO model of agriculture to at least a healthy mixture of extensive agriculture and alternative (non-animal) proteins. - [1] Berners-Lee M, Kennelly C, Watson R, Hewitt CN; Current global food production is sufficient to meet human nutritional needs in 2050 provided there is radical societal adaptation. Elementa: Science of the Anthropocene. 6:52, 2018. 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