Academic literature on the topic 'Agricultural workers’ strikes'
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Journal articles on the topic "Agricultural workers’ strikes"
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Hudson-Richards, Julia. "Ships, Bread, and Work: Agrarian Conflict in the Mediterranean Countryside, 1914–1923." International Labor and Working-Class History 94 (2018): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547918000078.
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AbstractThis article examines the collapse of the citrus industry in València, Spain during the last years of World War I. In it, I argue that the strikes represent a key moment in the proletarianization of the region's agricultural working classes. By 1914, citrus had become one of Spain's most profitable exports, and prior to the 1917 crash, the landed and monied interests in control of the industry had enforced the notion of inter-class cooperation, which broke down under the economic stress of the War. In the wake of the collapse and the strikes that followed, workers began to organize in earnest and began to work towards improving working conditions and establishing fairer work contracts.
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Pawel, Miriam. "A Self-Inflicted Wound: Cesar Chávez and the Paradox of the United Farm Workers." International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000033.
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In the late 1970s, the future of organized labor in the fields of California had never looked brighter. A decade of boycotts, strikes, and marches had generated public and political pressure that culminated in the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act—“the best labor law in the country,” the United Farm Workers’ chief negotiator triumphantly proclaimed in June 1975. Soon thereafter, the Teamsters agreed to withdraw and cede organizing in the fields to Cesar Chávez's union, ending a costly and violent rivalry.
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Marquardt, Steve. "Pesticides, Parakeets, and Unions in the Costa Rican Banana Industry, 1938–1962." Latin American Research Review 37, no. 2 (2002): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100019506.
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AbstractThis article explores one of the earliest large-scale uses of biocidal agro-chemicals in Latin America, the United Fruit Company's hand-spraying of its banana plantations to control sigitoka disease from 1938 to 1962. After discussing the environmental context of sigatoka and the early development and implications of the spray technology, the essay focuses on the thousands of workers who applied the chemicals. Using Costa Rica as a case study, it explores workers' sense of the personal costs of their work as well as their ambiguous relationship to the larger banana workers' union movement. Because of differences in ethnicity, age, and masculine status, pesticide workers were not part of the labor movement's militant core, but their participation in strikes gave unions great power for a time. This power, along with workers' individual job actions, forced fundamental changes in the pesticide program, demonstrating the importance of integrating labor into the study of environmental change in agricultural capitalism.
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Jones, H. S. "Civil Rights for Civil Servants? The Ligue Des Droits De L'Homme and the Problem of Trade Unionism in the French Public Services, c. 1905–1914." Historical Journal 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 899–920. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015569.
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The law of 21 March 1884, which legalized the formation of syndicats for the defence of ‘economic, industrial, commercial and agricultural interests’, was not intended to apply to civil servants. They were not thought to have such interests. There was, it is true, some dispute as to which categories of public employees were covered by this legal prohibition, and the Chamber of Deputies maintained in 1894 that the law applied to workers in industrial enterprises run by the state. But governments steadfastly refused to allow postal officials or schoolteachers, for instance, the right to form syndicats. They did not, however, contest their right to form associations under the law of 1 July 1901, and conflict became acute in the period after 1905 as these associations began to transform themselves into syndicats or to claim rights associated with the syndicat The postal strikes in Paris in 1909 and the rail strike of 1910 were particular causes célèbres
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Cuevas Valenzuela, Hernán, Jorge Budrovich Sáez, and Claudia Cerda Becker. "Neoliberal Economic, Social, and Spatial Restructuring: Valparaíso and Its Agricultural Hinterland." Urban Planning 6, no. 3 (July 27, 2021): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v6i3.4242.
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The analysis of the neoliberal restructuring of Chilean port cities and their hinterland suggests there was a functional coupling of neoliberalisation, precarisation, reterritorialisation, extraction, and logistics. To address this process properly, we expanded the boundaries of our analytical scale to include not only the port city, but also its hinterland, and be able to examine the flow of commodities and labour. The analysis demonstrated that the effects of neoliberal restructuring of Valparaíso and its hinterland has had interconnected ambivalent effects. Although social and economic restructuring of agricultural hinterland and port terminals in Chile increased land and port productivity and economic competitiveness, this pattern of capitalist modernisation benefitted neither the increasing masses of temporary precarious workers in the countryside nor port cities such as Valparaíso, marked by territorial inequality, socioecological damage, urban poverty, and a growing sense of closure of the littoral and reduced access to the ocean. These negative externalities and frictions have triggered local political controversies, commercial and economic disputes, labour strikes, and urban and socio-territorial conflicts.
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Saayman, Lehanri, and Sanlie L. Middelberg. "The Effect Of Higher Wages On Production Cost And Mechanization: A South African Maize Sector Study." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 30, no. 2 (February 27, 2014): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v30i2.8402.
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The South African labor market was recently characterized by violent and hostile labor strikes by workers demanding exorbitant wage increases. These demands and violent protests overflowed to the agricultural sector, followed by an announcement of a 51% increase in the agricultural minimum wage. Labor costs form an integral part of a producers production costs and labor increases will therefore directly affect the profitability of producers. The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect higher wages have on the South African maize sector. Furthermore, to determine whether there is a relationship between higher labor cost and increased mechanization in the maize sector. Quantitative and qualitative research techniques were utilized to address the research problem. The findings of the study include that the higher wages do not have a significant effect on the maize sector as it is less dependent on manual labor and therefore more tolerant to wage increases. Furthermore, it was determined that there is a relationship between the maize sectors level of mechanization and the impact of higher wages. It was found that the maize sector is more developed and mechanized than other agricultural sectors. Notwithstanding, it is recommended that the sector should maintain the investment in mechanization to increase global competitiveness.
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ROBLES-ORTIZ, CLAUDIO. "Agrarian Capitalism and Rural Labour: The Hacienda System in Central Chile, 1870–1920." Journal of Latin American Studies 41, no. 3 (August 2009): 493–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x09990162.
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AbstractUsing a variety of new sources directly pertaining to different types of rural estate, and contrary to interpretations of rural Chile as a traditional society unaffected by economic modernisation, this article analyses the transition of the hacienda system in central Chile towards agrarian capitalism during the period of export-led growth from the 1860s to 1930. It argues that the expansion of the ‘landowner enterprise’, along with developments in mechanisation and irrigation, resulted in the marginalisation of the precarious ‘peasant enterprises’ operated by tenants and the gradual proletarianisation of the agricultural workforce. The development of agrarian capitalism transformed the collective action of rural workers, which assumed modern forms such as strikes and unionisation, and thus became significant in national politics. The first wave of rural conflicts, which took place in the early 1920s, can therefore be understood as the response of the emerging rural working class to the agrarian expansion that Chile experienced as part of the process of capitalist modernisation.
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Nadirov, Rashid A. "Food crisis in Vienna in recent years World War I 1916–1918." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 193 (2021): 246–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-193-246-253.
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The food crisis in Vienna in 1916–1918, the capital of Austria-Hungary in the last years of the First World War, is considered. It was at the final stage of the First World War that one of the most acute problems that arose in every belligerent country – food. It became impossible to ignore the deficit, which both the imperial and the city authorities tried to do in the first two years of the Great War. The scarcity of the most essential food was highlighted by such veils as endless queues in city markets, the growth of crime and child theft. By 1917, the food crisis in Vienna entered an acute phase. The main reasons for the crisis were: disruption of transport links, narrowing of cultivated areas due to the lack of male workers, procurement of food for the front, unfavorable market conditions for suppliers of agricultural products. The processes caused by martial law have led to an exorbitant rise in the cost of living, shortages, speculation on the black market. The gov-ernment, in turn, did not have a specific plan to deal with an acute shortage of material resources, shortages, rising prices, but at the same time significantly limited the rights and powers of citizens. In these conditions, there was a weakening of the physical strength and morale of the urban popu-lation, which led to massive strikes and demonstrations.
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Shemeta, Yu. "NEWSPAPERS OF UKRAINIAN SSR OF THE 1950’S – 1960’S ON THE UKRAINIAN RE-EMIGRATION (THROUGH THE PRISM OF BIOGRAPHICAL STUDIES)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 143 (2019): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.10.
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A peculiar phenomenon of post-war life in the Ukrainian SSR was the return of Ukrainian emigrants. Some of them were hoping to improve the economic situation, in particular, to obtain stable earnings and housing. The other part showed active pro-Soviet position. There were analyzed newspapers articles in the of the USSR 1950’s and 1960’s. This was the period of the most intensive movement of the return. The author analyzes the origin, age, social status, political preferences and activity of the re-emigrants from the point of view of the biographical component. It is established that it was residents of Western Ukrainian lands who left from Ukraine before the Second World War the most. Ukrainians went to Europe and America: France, the United States, Canada, but the largest number of them turned out to be in the countries of Latin America, in particular, in Argentina. These were mainly family people who leaved Motherland with their families and had a goal to acquire own land and engage in farming on it. However, the success in agriculture in Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil in those who returned was insignificant due to the difficult working conditions in an unusual climate. Many people were forced to leave the land and work in cities at different jobs. Agricultural workers, workers in industry and services dominated among the re-emirates. Many participated in strikes, the trade union movement, cultural organizations that had contacts with the USSR. It was determined that they were mostly family people, had several children, lived together in the countries from which they returned, and in Ukraine. Bachelors were those who returned from Canada and the United States. Relatively few tried to settle there where they were from. These were elderly people. Most showed mobility and the ability to break with their usual way of life and moved to different regions of the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR, preferred life in cities. It is necessary to understand the specifics of the Soviet press, it was very ideologized, did not told about negatives of the process of re-emigration and all its features. However, thanks to her, we can get an idea about re-emigrant portrait: the majority of there had a pro-Soviet position, were an industrious part of society, preferred working professions and sought to get an education.
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Karakaš Obradov, Marica. "On Nutrition, Supply, Harvest and Purchase of Food in the Second World War." Review of Croatian history 17, no. 1 (2021): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.19691.
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Due to the production of food and cattle fattening, the Slavonian and Srijem peasants were in the centre of interest of both the state authorities and the partisan movement during the Second World War. Both sides were very preoccupied with finding a way to win them over or force them to give the surplus to one or the other. Unwillingness to cooperate with the state authorities and partisans put the peasant’s both life and property in danger. Sowing, harvesting and other agricultural work were often only possible with an armed escort. The wheat harvests in the Slavonian and Srijem fields in 1942, 1943 and 1944 was followed by the destruction of crops, i.e. burning of wheat and the destruction of threshers. Despite such conditions, the local population managed to meet their needs, and therefore there was no famine. Due to the destruction of transport infrastructure and means of transport, in attacks by partisans and later by the Western Allies’ air force, it was difficult to transport the collected food. The population of Slavonian cities, especially workers and low-income civil servants, were in a difficult position due to irregular and scarce supplies in approvisations; and therefore, they were forced to purchase the basic foodstuffs on the “black market” at extremely high prices. The daily life became even more difficult in 1944 due to air strikes by the Western Allies and the Red Army air force. The paper gives a brief overview of these issue in the cities, mostly with examples from Brod na Savi / Slavonski Brod, and as for rural areas, mostly with examples from the mountain areas and to a lesser ex-tent from the plains, eastern Slavonia and Srijem.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Agricultural workers’ strikes"
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Petersen, Emelda. "A theoretical framework for the labour relations between the farmer and farm workers during industrial strike actions." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2671.
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Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017.The purpose of this study was to analyse the labour relations of the workers in the agricultural sector, with reference to the De Doors area in the Western Cape. Despite the political, social and economic changes to better the lives of the farm workers that have been implemented to rectify the inequalities of the past, the labour conditions on farms stayed unchanged. It is evident that there is a gap in the labour relations in the agricultural sector, due to the 2012/13 strike actions that took place. Qualitative research methodology was employed in the study; it provided the researcher with the opportunity to personally interact with the farm workers. It further allowed the researcher to gain a holistic understanding of the daily lives of the farm workers which would foster a better understanding of their daily struggles. Interviews were used as method of data collection. This methodology also enables the researcher to interpret and describe the actions of participants. Good labour relations play a vital role in any industry or organisation. Farm workers are generally classified as vulnerable and the most exploited group of the South African society. They often work irregular hours throughout the year in various weather settings. Regardless of the physical strain that their jobs entail, farm workers earn a low wage and are often deprived of the basic benefits that an employee should be entitled to. This was the reason the farm workers embarked on a strike in 2012/13. The researcher proposed recommendations to the Agricultural department on how to improve the labour relations on the farms in the De Doorns area by suggesting that more labour inspectors are being employed to oversee that legislation are implemented. Skills Development needs to be become compulsory for all farm workers as farming is becoming more technological. Skills Development unlocks talents and creative energy for the farm workers which have a positive impact on production.
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Bulaitis, John. "'Le communisme aux champs' : the French Communist Party, agricultural workers and the Popular Front farm strikes." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413557.
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Mathieu, Elizabete. "Violences et grèves dans les plantations de São Paulo dans la période post-abolition (1888-1930)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL050.
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Cette thèse traite des grèves et de la violence entre les ouvriers agricoles et les patrons dans les plantations de café à São Paulo, au Brésil, dans la période post-abolition (1888-1930). S'appuyant sur l'histoire sociale et sur une diversité de sources historiques, l'objectif est de démontrer que les ouvriers agricoles n'étaient pas des sujets historiques pacifiques et soumis. Bien que les patrons aient interdit la formation de syndicats, les ouvriers ont pu (re)créer des tactiques de résistance et de lutte individuelle, familiale et collective, où les femmes ont joué un rôle primordial en tant que travailleuses et participantes actives dans la lutte contre les multiples formes d’exploitation auxquelles elles étaient soumises dans les fazendas. C’était pour les ouvriers un moyen de contester les stratégies d'exploitation et de domination que les propriétaires de fazendas, par des mécanismes de contrôle rigides et coercitifs et par une discipline excessive, mettaient en œuvre afin de les contenir dans un modèle idéal de travailleur. La répression violente des grèves par les patrons et la police et les agressions physiques entre ouvriers et patrons révèlent que la violence dans les relations de travail en milieu rural au Brésil était fréquente, ce qui démystifie la thèse du pacifisme et de la soumission des travailleurs ruraux brésiliensThis doctoral thesis examines the strikes and the violence between the rural workers and the coffee plantation owners in São Paulo, Brazil, during the post-slavery period (1888-1930). Based on the social history and a wide range of historical sources, the aim being to demonstrate that these rural workers were not in fact passive and submissive historical subjects. On the contrary, although the creation of trade unions was forbidden by the plantation owners, the workers managed to create tactics of resistance as well as individual, familial and collective kinds of struggles. Women played a major role as workers and active participants, fighting against many kinds of exploitations to which they were submitted to in the plantations. It was a way for the workers to contest the strategies of exploitation and domination implemented by the plantation owners, through rigid and coercive control mechanisms and excessive disciplinary measures, in order to confine them into an idealised worker model. The violent repression of the strikes by both the plantation owners and the policy along with physical aggressions between workers and plantation owners, reveal that violence in rural labour relations in Brazil was quite common, demystifying the myth about the pacifism and submission of Brazilian rural workers
Books on the topic "Agricultural workers’ strikes"
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Strike!: The farm workers' fight for their rights. Honesdale, Pa: Boyds Mills Press, 2014.
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Mabute-Louie, Bianca. Essential Workers Strike for Their Rights. [Oakland, CA]: Bianca Mabute-Louie, 2020.
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Dept, United Farm Workers of America Work. Collections of the United Farm Workers of America: Papers of the United Farm Workers of America Work Department, 1969-1975. Woodbridge, CT: Primary Source Media, 2009.
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United Farm Workers of America. Work Dept. Collections of the United Farm Workers of America: Papers of the United Farm Workers of America Work Department, 1969-1975. Woodbridge, CT: Primary Source Media, 2009.
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Cesar Chavez: Farm worker activist. Austin, Tex: Raintree Steck-Vaughn, 1994.
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José Francisco Graziano da Silva. De bóias-frias a empregados rurais: As greves dos canavieiros paulistas de Guariba e de Leme. [Maceió, Brazil]: EDUFAL, 1997.
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Sulla pelle viva: Nardò, la lotta autorganizzata dei braccianti immigrati. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2012.
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Cesar Chavez. Childs, Md: Mitchell Lane Publishers, 1999.
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Berani berjuang, berani menang: Kisah keganasan polis & penderitaan pekerja mogok di ladang Asahan dan Triang, 1967. Kuala Lumpur: Wasasa Enterprise, 2003.
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Colling, Herb. Ninety-nine days: The Ford strike in Windsor, 1945. Toronto: NC Press Limited, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Agricultural workers’ strikes"
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Hazelton, Andrew J. "Permanent Guestworkers, Struggling Union, 1951–54." In Labor's Outcasts, 69–90. University of Illinois Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252044632.003.0004.
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This chapter examines Bracero Program stabilization through Public Law 78. Growers complained about regulations while avoiding them through friendly relations with local officials. The union—renamed the National Agricultural Workers Union (NAWU)—continued organizing and rallying opposition. Ernesto Galarza highlighted the program’s shortcomings in the Imperial Valley, where growers displaced resident Mexican Americans by contracting braceros and undocumented workers. The union led strikes and lobbied the Labor Department to stop certifying labor shortages but, by the mid-1950s, lax enforcement and grower control defeated the NAWU. It became clear that successful organizing required more attention to guestworker policy.
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Paiz, Christian O. "The Law of the Jungle." In The Strikers of Coachella, 25–46. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469672144.003.0002.
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Chapter one begins in California’s Coachella Valley in the early to mid-twentieth century with the arrival of white settlers and irrigation-based agriculture. The latter was predicated on racialized farmworkers, especially ethnic Mexican families and migrant Filipino men. After World War II, the region underwent an agricultural expansion and the further solidification of a “Rancher Nation,” the United Farm Worker (UFW) term for a racialized agricultural society in rural California, where local ranchers overdetermined social relations and relegated racial Others to social, cultural, and political peripheries. Critically, ethnic Mexican and Filipino farmworkers held different social positions in the Coachella Valley and local ranchers found farmworker allies through patriarchal relationships.
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Hill, Laura Warren. "Black Rochester at Midcentury." In Strike the Hammer, 10–32. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754258.003.0002.
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This chapter charts the emergence of a sizable Black population in New York city, starting with the Black renaissance that happened in the fields and orchards surrounding the city, an agricultural belt responsible for growing a significant portion of the nation's food supply. It talks about local white agricultural workers that abandoned the fields for better-paying factory jobs in Rochester, Buffalo, and Syracuse, which created a labor shortage in the fields. It also mentions how farmers turned to places like Sanford, Florida, and to the “East Coast Migrant Stream” to employ Black agricultural migrants. The chapter recounts how the agricultural migrants eventually left the stream and opted instead to put down roots in the North, with Rochester becoming a popular destination. It discusses how the new influx of Black migrants created a demographic shift, the likes of which Rochester had never seen before.
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Paiz, Christian O. "The Known World." In The Strikers of Coachella, 47–70. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469672144.003.0003.
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Chapter two turns to the Coachella Valley’s non-white labor force. In the mid twentieth century, farmworkers toiled in date groves, between citrus trees, under grape vines, and near the ground for vegetables. Though farmworkers shared low wages, poor working and living conditions, and limited political power, they nonetheless held diverse backgrounds, expectations, and aspirations. Chapter two identifies three sets of submerged stories contesting the Coachella Valley’s Rancher Nation. The first two traced histories of rebellion to make citizen-based claims. Mexican American residents, for instance, who were largely not farmworkers, used their citizenship to demand greater political representation, equal social and municipal services, and public education reforms. Similarly, Filipino American members of the Agricultural Worker Organizing Committee (AWOC), who were largely not Coachella Valley residents, demanded the wages and benefits that other unionized US workers took for granted. Neither substantively engaged the ethnic Mexican farmworker community, whose stories of rebellion and possibility were primarily rooted in early twentieth revolutionary Mexico. Lastly, the chapter foregrounds farmworkers’ racialized and gendered experiences, noting their intersections with class subjection and migration.
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Mukhala, Elijah. "Food and Agriculture Organization and Agricultural Droughts." In Monitoring and Predicting Agricultural Drought. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162349.003.0044.
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The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations was founded in 1945 with a mandate to raise levels of nutrition and standards of living, to improve agricultural productivity, and to improve the condition of rural populations in the world. Today, FAO is the largest specialized agency in the United Nations system and is the lead agency for agriculture and rural development. FAO is composed of eight departments: Agriculture, Economic and Social, Fisheries, Forestry, Sustainable Development, Technical Cooperation, General Affairs, and Information and Administration and Finance. As an intergovernmental organization, FAO has 183 member countries plus one member organization, the European Union. Since its inception, FAO has worked to alleviate poverty and hunger by promoting agricultural development, improved nutrition, and the pursuit of food security—defined as the access of all people at all times to the food they need for an active and healthy life. Food production in the world has increased at an unprecedented rate since FAO was founded, outpacing the doubling of the world’s population over the same period. Since the early 1960s, the proportion of hungry people in the developing world has been reduced from more than 50% to less than 20%. Despite these progressive developments, more than 790 million people in the developing world— more than the total population of North America and Western Europe combined—still go hungry (FAO, 2004). FAO strives to reduce food insecurity in the world, especially in developing countries. In 1996, the World Food Summit convened by FAO in Rome adopted a plan of action aimed to reduce the number of the world’s hungry people in half by 2015. While the proper foundation of this goal lies, among others, in the increase of food production and ensuring access to food, there is also a need to monitor the current food supply and demand situation, so that timely interventions can be planned whenever the possibility of drought, famine, starvation, or malnutrition exists. With an imminent food crisis, actions need to be taken as early as possible because it takes time to mobilize resources, and logistic operations are often hampered by adverse natural or societal conditions, including war and civil strife.
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Paiz, Christian O. "Introduction." In The Strikers of Coachella, 1–22. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469672144.003.0001.
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The introduction presents the Coachella Valley’s early history and frames the United Farm Worker movement as a “field of stories,” a collection of political visions that shaped and were shaped by industrial agriculture’s social relations. It also approaches the UFW’s origins, dynamics, and ends by stressing historical contingency produced by a multitude of actors, the interaction of local and trans-local spaces, and an increasingly hostile political climate. Lastly, the introduction adopts the UFW term, “the Rancher Nation” to understand California’s rural communities and the racialized deprivations sustaining agricultural profits. In the Rancher Nation, ranchers ruled with impunity and relied on their allies to undercut farmworker resistance. A brief discussion notes the limits of the existing UFW historiography, especially its exclusive focus on the UFW’s leadership.
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Paiz, Christian O. "Overlaid Tenses and Trajectories." In The Strikers of Coachella, 205–28. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469672144.003.0009.
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Chapter eight covers the mid- to late 1970s period, when contradictory trajectories and overlaid timelines produced simultaneous declension and ascension in the Coachella Valley’s UFW and Chicana/o movements. Some people left social organizing, often in bitterness, disappointment, and/or exhaustion. Others joined the UFW or Chicana/o politics for the first time or deepened their participation, took leadership roles, and expanded earlier goals. In these years, potential was neither realized nor extinguished. For example, though the UFW failed to recover its Coachella Valley grape contracts in 1973, its Coachella Grape Strike still created new leaders and pushed California to legislate farmworker union rights in 1975 with the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA). The latter allowed the UFW to return to the Coachella Valley in 1975-1976 through state-administered elections among citrus and vegetable workers, some of whom first encountered the UFW in 1973. Lastly, both UFW and Chicana/o movement participants moved in a shifting national context that was increasingly hostile to any egalitarian politics.
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Hansen, Randall. "What We Eat III." In War, Work, and Want, 215—C17P39. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197657690.003.0017.
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Abstract The chapter highlights human trafficking and other forms of labor exploitation in the seafood and agricultural sectors. Examining the fishing industry in Asia, it shows that in Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand, retailers, responding as ever to consumer demand, put enormous pressure on seafood suppliers to provide their products at the lowest possible price. As in Europe and North America, nationals will not work for the wages offered, and firms turn to migrants. But the wages and conditions are so appalling that even migrant workers, who generally accept lower wages, will not voluntarily take jobs in the sector. The result is extensive human trafficking. Examining Cesar Chavez and the Delano grape strike, the chapter shows that the agricultural industry never had much appeal to US-born workers, that the rise in wages was smaller and covered fewer workers, and that retrenchment was faster and more complete. The result was almost complete reliance on migrant workers.
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Gash, Norman. "The Mirror Of Society." In Robert Surtees and Early Victorian Society, 180–210. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198204299.003.0008.
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Abstract While Surtees forfeits any claim to be ranked among the ‘social novelists’ of the period by what (to borrow Miss Nightingale’s phrase) could be called his brutal indifference to the wrongs and rights of the poor, he deserves perhaps a cautious mention for the attention he gives to the domestic servant. After all, they were, as he pointed out, part of the working classes. They possibly did not regard themselves in that light and they are not alone in this. Socio-political historians too have generally neglected them in favour of the industrial proletariat of the towns. It is easy to see why. They did not form a separate political interest; they did not burn down their employers’ houses, riot on the streets, petition parliament, join trade unions, or go on strike. Yet though they were politically quiescent, their social importance is considerable. Their sheer numbers are impressive. In England and Wales in 1841 they totalled 999,000: the second largest occupational group after agriculture, being slightly more than all those employed in manufacture and mining put together, and a third more than the fourth largest group, the general labourers. Indeed, if from the crude figure of 1½ million for the agricultural industry as a whole are deducted farmers, graziers, gardeners, gamekeepers, and landagents, the basic work-force of agricultural labourers numbered only 965,371. On this calculation the domestic servants in the middle of the century formed the largest distinct class of worker.
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Bauder, Harald. "Discourse of Foreign Farmworkers." In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0018.
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In 1995, the Ontario provincial government, under conservative premier Mike Harris, repealed legislation put in place the year before by the former central-left government of Bob Rae that protected Ontario’s agricultural workers under the province’s labor code. Migrant workers were also affected by this legislation. In late April 2001, Mexican workers staged a two-day strike in a Leamington greenhouse, and in May 2001, approximately 100 Mexican offshore farmworkers protested in Leamington against substandard working and living conditions, including the lack of safety protection against pesticides, overcrowded living spaces, long working hours, no overtime pay, insufficient medical care, unfair government paycheck deductions, and threats of deportation to their home countries. After these events, some of the protesters were dismissed from the offshore program and sent back to Mexico. The media reports on these protests varied widely. Reports were either sympathetic to the workers’ concerns, or they condemned the protests as unjustified nagging by a small minority of angry workers. Several of the newspaper reports that were sympathetic to the protesting workers (e.g., Kitchener-Waterloo [Ontario] Record 2001; St. Catharines [Ontario] Standard 2001) presented the same quote from an anonymous migrant worker who criticizes the unfair treatment of foreign migrant workers by Canadian employers: “What I’ve realized here in Canada is that employers don’t hire us as human beings. They think we’re animals. . . . The first threat that they always make is that if you don’t like it, you can go back to Mexico.” In a report about the same protests, the Windsor (Ontario) Star quoted farmworkers who articulated similar concerns: “‘Growers don’t care whether you’re injured or not, they only care when you’re healthy,’” and “[the grower] said, ‘If you don’t work faster, you’ll be sent back to Mexico’” (Welch 2001). Other articles gave the events a different spin. A fact-finding mission after the protests uncovered that only a few migrant workers filed formal complaints against their employers. The lack of complaints was interpreted as assurance that workers were satisfied with their employment circumstances.
Conference papers on the topic "Agricultural workers’ strikes"
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Read, Gray. "Memory Mapping, Story-telling, and Climate Justice." In 108th Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.108.114.
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“Quando dibujo, lo recuerdo todo“ (When I’m drawing, I remember everything). Ana, a sixteen-year-old agricultural worker from Guatemala who had emigrated to South Florida, drew a simple map of her neighborhood back home. A house, a garden with corn and fruit trees, a school, a market, and her grandmother’s house, were surrounded by mountains and forest. As she talked about her experience there and her more recent situation working in an orchid nursery, architecture students also made drawings to give visual form to the places of her story. Our project was an interdisciplinary class with English literature majors, to collect oral histories of immigration and climate justice. We worked with a local non- profit organization, WeCount! in Homestead, Florida to focus on the experience of agricultural workers from Mexico and Central America, who had left their drought-stricken countries, only to face other climate-change exacerbated risks in South Florida agriculture, such as heat stress. As architects, we approached story-telling visually, and developed memory mapping as a specific technique that opened a spatial point of view in counterpoint to linear narrative. The maps combine plan and view, and have no consistent scale, and shift scales as needed. As part of the oral history project, memory maps and images represented experience spreading out in space rather than moving forward in time as narrative. They show a field of relationships between people, places, activities, and situations, simultaneously live in memory, and suggest the dense multiplicity of physical experience well beyond the details necessary to drive the immigrant narrative. The images that the students drew, whether warm and wistful or harsh and horrifying, reveal a human connection in the places of memory.
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Shehu, Milena, and Areti Stringa. "Effect of the 4th Industrial Revolution on Employability – Case of Albania." In Sixth International Scientific Conference ITEMA Recent Advances in Information Technology, Tourism, Economics, Management and Agriculture. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/itema.2022.273.
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The labor markets are undergoing significant changes as a result of the fourth industrial revolution’s implementation in every sphere of the economy. One easy image may come to mind when you hear the term “digital economy”: a robot employee, designed to perform specified tasks automatically. In any case, digitalizing employability entails more than just applying AI codes; it also entails raising performance standards, emphasizing soft skills among workers, eliminating low – and middle-level roles, and increasing demand for highly qualified workers. Albania has made significant strides toward economic digitalization. Numerous businesses, especially large ones, are spending money to advance the technologies they work with. Technological developments at the macroeconomic and sectoral levels are fundamentally changing the work market and employability in our country, having a significant impact on both employers and employability.
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Ignjatović, Jelena, Ivana Vladimirović, and Borislav Kolarić. "Significance of Financial Valuation of Brands in Agribusiness in Serbia." In 7th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2023 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2023.141.
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Agricultural production represents a significant financial and economic value of the Serbian economy. Today’s food crisis has shown the importance of agribusiness for the economic development of both, countries in transition and Serbia. Therefore, modern management approaches, in the sphere of agribusiness, are gaining more and more importance. A large number of agricultural enterprises in Serbia derive part of their value from the strength of the brand they produce. That is why agricultural managers strive to increase the value of the company, through increasing the value of the brand. As the modern economy bases value on the customer, it is important to look at and determine the parameters of the company’s value, through brand valuation. There are numerous examples of branded agricultural and food products in Serbia. These are traditional products, with a quality mark, made from high-quality domestic raw materials, according to a unique recipe and technological procedure. Such products usually have a mark of geographical origin and have recognizable characteristics. It adds value, that is realized, by selling on the market. In Serbia, the most common brands are the following products: meat, cheeses, wines, beers, water, honey and many other products obtained by processing domestic fruits and vegetables. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to determine the importance of the financial valuation of the brand in agribusiness in Serbia. In this paper, research was conducted based on data analysis through the synthesis of theoretical and empirical facts. From the methodological side, the work is based on the desk method of research, which covers synthesis, analysis, deduction and induction, but also methods of description of published scientific works, texts and documents related to brand valuation in agribusiness. In addition, the collected data were systematized. After the introduction, the paper primarily discussed the importance of product branding. The importance of the financial valuation of the brand in Serbia was analyzed with a focus on its financial effects, as well as the importance of product branding in Serbian agribusiness. At the end, a conclusion is given.
Reports on the topic "Agricultural workers’ strikes"
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Shahan, Asif, Raeesa Rahemi, Syeda Salina Aziz, and Mirza Masood Hassan. Delegating Authority in Bangladesh to Manage the Covid-19 Pandemic. Institute of Development Studies, June 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/cpan.2023.003.
Full textAbstract:
Bangladesh, like most countries, grappled with the harsh conditions of Covid-19, with little infrastructure and set up of institutions to deal with the consequences of the pandemic. A country with a large informal economy, and an even larger export manufacturing sector it is highly dependent on, the Bangladesh government had tough decisions to make when it came to saving and protecting the lives of millions, as well as ensuring continued economic activity to save livelihoods. To strike a balance between protecting both these important factors, the central government adopted a unique approach of mobilising and enabling the local government to implement a lot of measures. Their approach was area centric, in that the local government recognised the needs of their districts, and that looked different for different areas of the country, whether rural or urban, agricultural or industrial focused. This policy brief outlines some of the local measures and responses that worked in minimising the impact of Covid-19 on the dense Bangladeshi population.