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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Schwartz, Robert M. "Rail Transport, Agrarian Crisis, and the Restructuring of Agriculture." Social Science History 34, no. 2 (2010): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011226.

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During the late nineteenth century the transport revolution and growing agricultural output, especially in North America, engendered an agrarian crisis (1878–96) when intensifying international competition in foodstuffs led to dramatic price declines, particularly in wheat and other cereals. This comparative study of the process in Britain and France examines regional and local patterns of rural change in relation to the expansion of railways, the agrarian crisis, and the responses to the crisis by the governments and farmers of the two countries. Using spatial statistics and geographically weighted regression (GWR) to identify spatially varying relationships, it offers a new approach and results. Case studies of Dorset County in England and the Allier Department in France show that railways facilitated the shift from cereal production to livestock and dairy farming during the era of agrarian crisis. In Dorset the analysis using GWR provides an explanation for patterns of the agricultural depression that a pioneering article identified but could not explain and thus illustrates the promise of blending narrative and spatial history. Further, it argues that in France railway expansion and the construction of a secondary network reduced regional disparities in rail service and likely in agricultural productivity, too. More broadly, it concludes that the differing political economies of Britain and France led to different trade and railway policies during the crisis and to different agrarian outcomes in which agricultural productivity declined in Britain and improved in France.

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2

Grantham, G. W. "Divisions of Labour: Agricultural Productivity and Occupational Specialization in Pre-Industrial France." Economic History Review 46, no. 3 (August 1993): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598364.

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3

MILLER, STEPHEN J. "The Economy of France in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: Market Opportunity and Labour Productivity in Languedoc." Rural History 20, no. 1 (April 2009): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793308002562.

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AbstractRecent scholarship makes the case that from the seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries, French peasants were just as effective as the large farmers of England in raising agricultural productivity when they had access to urban markets. This article shows that the peasants of the old regime province of Languedoc had access to urban demand and market opportunities, and brought about economic growth, but only by dint of massive increases of labour inputs. The results were paltry increases in labour productivity and the standard of living. The case of Languedoc demonstrates that the study of the social context helps scholars evaluate a society's potential for economic development far more than does the study of its markets.

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4

Bivar, Venus. "Manufacturing a Multifunctional Countryside." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360203.

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Rural France was instrumental to the experience of les trente glorieuses. Not only did rural France fuel economic growth and urbanization through increases in agricultural efficiency, but it also served as an imaginary counterpoint to the hustle and bustle of a new mass consumer society. In the first two decades of the postwar period, a productivist logic of agricultural output dominated rural land use policy. By the 1970s, however, after experiencing problems of surplus, the state turned toward a multifunctional approach. Rural lands were used to create regional parks, environmental preserves, and vacation properties. As both a site of agricultural production and urban consumption, rural France was operationalized to further the economic growth that defined les trente glorieuses.

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5

Bonneuil, Christophe, and François Hochereau. "Gouverner le « progrès génétique » Biopolitique et métrologie de la construction d’un standard variétal dans la France agricole d’après-guerre." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 63, no. 6 (December 2008): 1303–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900038142.

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AbstractAt the crossroad between the history of agricultural ‘modernization’ and of the construction of markets and qualities, the sociology of measurement and the history of science and technology, this article explores the making of seeds and cultivars as objects of public policy, and the genesis of a government of genetic progress’ in postwar France. We analyze the crafting of reference marks, equivalences and gradings, agreed upon to stabilize exchanges and to ensure the ‘governability’ of genetic flows, from the laboratory to the fields. We show how norms of proof, trial protocols and modes of codification and assessment of the varieties, embodied and promoted the productivist model of the post-WW2 French agricultural modernization.

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6

Johnson, D. Gale. "Agricultural Productivity in the Soviet Union." Current History 84, no. 504 (October 1, 1985): 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.504.321.

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7

van Ark, Bart. "Manufacturing Productivity Levels in France and the United Kingdom." National Institute Economic Review 133 (August 1990): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019013300105.

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International comparisons of levels of labour productivity are rare in the field of productivity analysis. In the case of Anglo-French comparisons, for example, it has already been widely established that the French economy was more slowly transformed from an agricultural economy into an industrial society than the United Kingdom; and that since the last world war manufacturing output has increased much faster in France than in Britain. The aim of the present study is to complement previous comparisons of growth rates of manufacturing productivity in Britain and France with estimates of the current differences in the levels of output per person-hour worked in a dozen branches which constitute the manufacturing sector.

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8

Lemarié, Stéphane, Valérie Orozco, Jean-Pierre Butault, Antonio Musolesi, Michel Simioni, and Bertrand Schmitt. "Assessing the long-term impact of agricultural research on productivity: evidence from France." European Review of Agricultural Economics 47, no. 4 (March 13, 2020): 1559–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurrag/jbz051.

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Abstract This paper analyses the economic impact of agricultural research on productivity in France over the period 1959–2012. Adopting a dynamic time series model, we provide evidence that the impact of French agricultural research is in the range of values estimated for other countries, with the estimated long-run elasticity being 0.16, which corresponds to an internal rate of return of 22%. The estimated elasticity decreases at the beginning of the 1970s. Complementary analyses are developed to take into account the evolution of the priorities of public agricultural research (reorientation towards more fundamental objectives and focus on broader objective than productivity enhancement).

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9

O'Brien, Patrick K., Leandro Prados, and De La Escosura. "Agricultural Productivity and European Industrialization, 1890-1980." Economic History Review 45, no. 3 (August 1992): 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598051.

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10

Shaukat Ullah Khan. "Status of vegetation and agricultural productivity: Pargana haveli Ahmadabad." Studies in History 14, no. 2 (August 1998): 313–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764309801400208.

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11

BURCHARDT, JEREMY. "AGRICULTURAL HISTORY, RURAL HISTORY, OR COUNTRYSIDE HISTORY?" Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 465–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006152.

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This article assesses the state of modern English rural history. It identifies an ‘orthodox’ school, focused on the economic history of agriculture. This has made impressive progress in quantifying and explaining the output and productivity achievements of English farming since the ‘agricultural revolution’. Its celebratory account was, from the outset, challenged by a dissident tradition emphasizing the social costs of agricultural progress, notably enclosure. Recently a new school, associated with the journal Rural History, has broken away from this narrative of agricultural change, elaborating a wider social history. The work of Alun Howkins, the pivotal figure in the recent historiography, is located in relation to these three traditions. It is argued that Howkins, like his precursors, is constrained by an increasingly anachronistic equation of the countryside with agriculture. The concept of a ‘post-productivist’ countryside, dominated by consumption and representation, has been developed by geographers and sociologists and may have something to offer historians here, in conjunction with the well-established historiography of the ‘rural idyll’. The article concludes with a call for a new countryside history, giving full weight to the cultural and representational aspects that have done so much to shape twentieth-century rural England. Only in this way will it be possible to move beyond a history of the countryside that is merely the history of agriculture writ large.

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12

Sun, Cheng, and Yunbiao Li. "The Development History and Trend of International Agricultural Economics." Research on World Agricultural Economy 1, no. 1 (October 21, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36956/rwae.v1i1.161.

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Agricultural economics is a science that studies the relations of production and the laws of productivity in agriculture. International agricultural economics is to study the agricultural production relations and the laws of productivity in different regions of the world, countries with different systems, and different historical stages, especially the history and future development trends of agricultural economic development under different social systems in the East and the West, in order to learn from each other. The development of agricultural economic theory and practical experience, promote the integration of global agricultural economy, improve the status quo of global chemical agriculture, develop global modern ecological agriculture, ensure global food and food safety, and improve the health of human life.

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13

Amann, Peter H., and Roger Price. "The Modernization of Rural France: Communications Networks and Agricultural Market Structures in Nineteenth-Century France." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, no. 1 (1985): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204334.

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14

Berenson, Edward, and Roger Price. "The Modernization of Rural France: Communications Networks and Agricultural Market Structures in Nineteenth-Century France." Technology and Culture 26, no. 3 (July 1985): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3104871.

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15

Hoffman, Philip T., Bruce M. S. Campbell, and Mark Overton. "Land, Labour and Livestock: Historical Studies in European Agricultural Productivity." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 1 (1996): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206486.

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16

Popović, Goran, Ognjen Erić, and Jelena Bjelić. "Factor Analysis of Prices and Agricultural Production in the European Union." ECONOMICS 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eoik-2020-0001.

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AbstractCommon agricultural policy (CAP) is a factor of development and cohesion of the European Union (EU) agriculture. The fundamentals of CAP were defined in the 1950s, when the Union was formed. Since then, CAP has been reforming and adapting to new circumstances. Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union defines the goals of CAP: stable (acceptable) prices of agricultural products, growth, productivity and technological progress in agriculture, growth in farmers’ income and supplying the common market. Factor analysis of the prices and production goals of CAP directly or indirectly involves the following variables: prices of agricultural and industrial products, indices of the prices of cereals, meat and milk, indices of the prices of agricultural products in France and Great Britain, agricultural GDP and EU GDP. The analysis results come down to 2 factors. The first – “internal factor” is a set of indicators homogenous in terms of greater impact of CAP on their trends (the prices of agricultural products in France, income from agriculture, the prices of agricultural products in EU and Great Britain and the milk price index). The second - “external factor” is made of general and global indicators (cereals prices, EU GDP and prices in industry). Factor analysis has confirmed high correlation of goals: production growth, productivity and technological progress in agriculture as well as “reasonable” prices in agriculture. The analysis shows high correlation between agricultural and industrial products, indices of the prices of cereals, meat and milk, indices of the prices of agricultural products in France and Great Britain, agriculture GDP and EU GDP (classified into internal and external factors). In general, the results of the factor analysis justify the existence of CAP, while the EU budget support brings wider social benefits.

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17

Mancall, Peter C., Joshua L. Rosenbloom, and Thomas Weiss. "Agricultural labor productivity in the Lower South, 1720–1800." Explorations in Economic History 39, no. 4 (October 2002): 390–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0014-4983(02)00002-5.

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18

Doroshenko, E. S., and E. G. Filippov. "Comparative analysis of the collection winter barley samples in the Rostov region." Grain Economy of Russia, no. 6 (December 21, 2022): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31367/2079-8725-2022-83-6-34-39.

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The main task for the near future is to identify the best samples from the collection to develop the winter barley varieties that meet the modern requirements of domestic agricultural producers. The purpose of the study was to identify the effect of the yield structural elements and other traits on the productivity of collection winter barley varieties and to identify the most adapted for use in the breeding process. The current paper has presented the study results of collection winter barley samples. The study was carried out in the department of barley breeding and seed production of the FSBSI Agricultural Research Center «Donskoy» (2018–2021). Based on the study results of this material, there were identified new sources for use in breeding programs to increase the values of individual traits:– low stem: ‘Perkins’ (USA), ‘Novosadski 331’ (Yugoslavia);– resistance to lodging: ‘Hobbit’ (Switzerland), ‘Merchant’ (Bulgaria), ‘Akademichesky’ (Ukraine), ‘Gust’ (Belarus), ‘18513 EN11’ (France), ‘Explorer 2’, ‘Explorer 3’, ‘Explorer 4’, ‘Explorer 6’, ‘Explorer 8’, ‘Wintwalt’, ‘Tiffani’ (Germany), ‘Perkins’ (USA), ‘Novosadski 331’ (Yugoslavia), ‘Posaune’, ‘Sombrero’, ‘Karisma’ (England), ‘Duet’ (Germany);– number of productive stems per area unit: ‘Explorer 8’, ‘Explorer 4/2’, ‘Wintwalt’ (Germany), ‘Baraka’ (France), ‘Posaune’ (England);– grain content per head: ‘Artel’ (Russia), ‘Caprice’, ‘Azurel’, ‘Rurdue’ (France), ‘HWV1427’ (Germany);– 1000-grain weight: ‘Randevu’, ‘Premier’ (Russia), ‘Nectaria’, ‘Vanessa’ (France), ‘Explorer 3’ (Germany);– grain weight per head: ‘Randevu’, ‘Pallidum 1916’ (Russia), ‘Oribi’, ‘Bezosty’ (France), ‘Explorer 2’, ‘KWS-Scala’ (Germany), ‘Hobbit’ (Switzerland);– fast-maturity: ‘Parallelum 1963’, ‘Sekret,’ ‘Bezosty 1953’, ‘Bezosty 1954’ (Russia), ‘Fermer’ (Ukraine);– high productivity: ‘Rostovsky 55’, ‘Grand’, ‘Artel’ (Russia), ‘KWS-Hiskory’, ‘Explorer 8’ (Germany), ‘Esterel’ (France).According to the complex of economically valuable traits (4 or more traits), there were identified 15 varieties: ‘Randevu’, ‘Parallelum 1960’ (Russia), ‘KWS-Scala’, ‘KWS-2-117’, ‘KWS-2-234’, ‘Explorer 4’, ‘Explorer 3/2’ (Germany), ‘Baraka’, ‘Rebelle’, ‘6577 CH’, ‘18513 EH11’ (France), ‘Cello’, ‘Fenesse’ (USA), ‘Novosadski 321’ (Yugoslavia), ‘Posaune’ (England).

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19

Jones, E. L., Bruce M. S. Campbell, and Mark Overton. "Land, Labour and Livestock: Historical Studies in European Agricultural Productivity." Economic History Review 45, no. 4 (November 1992): 815. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597445.

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20

Addo-Danso, A., and P. Amankwaa-Yeboah. "The Potentials of Bamboo-Based Agroforestry Systems in Improving the Productivity of Tropical African Agricultural Systems." Agricultural and Food Science Journal of Ghana 14, no. 1 (June 13, 2022): 1468–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afsjg.v14i1.11.

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Agricultural productivity is important for food security and income generation among other benefits. In tropical Africa, agricultural productivity is generally perceived as low. This low productivity can be increased through means such as crop improvement, integrated pest management, horticulture, livestock and fodder crops, agroforestry, modernization, technology adoption, irrigation and mechanization. This paper is focused on how agroforestry systems, more especially, bamboo-based systems can improve the productivity of tropical agricultural systems. Analysis of relevant literature was carried out to bring together existing information on tropical African Agricultural Systems, present a brief history of their evolution and analyze ways of increasing their productivity. The bamboo-based systems approach is highlighted as a potential means to improve tropical African Agricultural Systems.

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21

Bivar. "Agricultural High Modernism and Land Reform in Postwar France." Agricultural History 93, no. 4 (2019): 636. http://dx.doi.org/10.3098/ah.2019.093.4.636.

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22

Afton, Bethanie. "Investigating Agricultural Production and Land Productivity [Methodology and Opportunities using English Farm Records]." Histoire & Mesure 15, no. 3 (2000): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/hism.2000.1792.

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23

Eraud, C., and J.-M. Boutin. "Density and productivity of breeding SkylarksAlauda arvensisin relation to crop type on agricultural lands in western France." Bird Study 49, no. 3 (November 2002): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00063650209461277.

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24

Knibbe, Merijn T. "Feed, Fertilizer, and Agricultural Productivity in the Netherlands, 1880–1930." Agricultural History 74, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-74.1.39.

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25

Komlos, John. "Agricultural Productivity in America and Eastern Europe: A Comment." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 3 (September 1988): 655–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070000588x.

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26

Nye, John Vincent. "“The Conflation of Productivity and Efficiency in Economics and Economic History”: A Comment." Economics and Philosophy 6, no. 1 (April 1990): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100000699.

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In a recent article, Edward Saraydar (1989) takes economists and economic historians to task for equating productivity and efficiency in comparative economic analysis. Although I found his thesis interesting, I was a bit surprised to see selected remarks from my article on firm size in nineteenth-century France (Nye,1987) used to frame his criticism of productivity comparisons as a means of making prescriptive statements. The passages selected may mislead the reader as to the nature of my arguments. Let me quote Saraydar on this: … I argue that … the problem with equating productivity with efficiency is that from the neoclassical standpoint this strongly suggests a prescriptive view - a view that things should be or should have been different - and thereby frees the analyst from the need to justify the utility costs that might be or might have been required to make things different. Thus, in the French industrialization debate, for example, Nye points out that evidence that smaller family firms were less productive would support the conclusion “that nineteenth-century French firms were too small (for whatever reasons) and that consequently French industry suffered from inefficiency” (Nye, 1987, pp. 667–68). Suppose the evidence to which Nye refers to existed. [My emphasis] Distributive considerations aside, in neoclassical economics a more Pareto-efficient state by its very nature is to be preferred to a less efficient one. Therefore, the implication is that family firms should have been larger and more productive. However, suppose also that the plethora of small family firms in nineteenth-century France, in fact, constituted a longstanding, widely accepted, socially imbedded institution. Clearly, the traditionalist thought-experiment and conclusion would ignore the potential costs in utility or satisfaction to owners of factors of production, a utility loss that may well have been required to make the “more efficient.” transformation to a relatively few large-scale industrial firms. That potential utility loss cannot be ignored and should be part of the analysis. (Saraydar, 1989, p. 56)

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27

Hoffman, Philip T. "Land Rents and Agricultural Productivity: The Paris Basin, 1450–1789." Journal of Economic History 51, no. 4 (December 1991): 771–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700040110.

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Using evidence from leases and price series, this article examines the total factor productivity of farming in the Paris Basin between 1450 and 1789. Existing evidence about productivity is unreliable, the article argues, and the leases provide historians with a new and valuable source for the study of productivity and economic growth. The article defends the methods used with the leases, which point to spurts of noteworthy growth on local farms but also to setbacks during times of war and increased taxation. It concludes with an analysis of the causes of economic growth in preindustrial agriculture.

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28

Aumaitre, A. L. "Animal Production in France : Research and its Applications." Proceedings of the British Society of Animal Production (1972) 1991 (March 1991): 21a—21d. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0308229600019735.

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The gross Agricultural product in France amounted to 44 thousands million Ecus in 1989 or 23 per cent of that of the EC; animal and plant production contributing equally to this figure. About 1 million farms are still in operation representing roughly in thousands : 180 growing crops and cereals in the North and South West, 150 growing fruit and vines in the South; 400 raising cattle sheep and goats, 150 producing pigs and 40 highly specialized farms producing poultry in the West Milk and dairy products and beef and poultry meat are the major animal products exported, while there are substantial imports of pig, and sheep meat to meet the requirements of the home market Agricultural business and consequently research have for long time been focused on the improvement of breeding stock and of the conversion efficiency of plant into animal protein. Present Agricultural Research in France, mainly performed in INRA laboratories, involves 7000 people of which 3000 are scientists (this has increased from 2000 in 1980). The total governement budget is 310 million Ecus/year, 82 per cent represented by salaries. But in a climate of surpluses,, consumers are less and less prepared to spend money on food : 16 % in 1987 instead of 20 % of their annual wages ten years ago, and are aware of food safety and quality. Therefore, in the past five years, research forces have been directed towards increasing the productivity of crop plants by expanding the number of scientists from 922 to 1029 (+ 11.6 %); also special attention was paid to agro-food research which has expanded from 319 to 525 scientists (+ 64.6 %).

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29

Pardey, Philip G., and Julian M. Alston. "Unpacking the Agricultural Black Box: The Rise and Fall of American Farm Productivity Growth." Journal of Economic History 81, no. 1 (March 2021): 114–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000649.

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Has the golden age of U.S. agricultural productivity growth ended? We analyze the detailed patterns of productivity growth spanning a century of profound changes in American agriculture. We document a substantial slowing of U.S. farm productivity growth, following a late mid-century surge—20 years after the surge and slowdown in U.S. industrial productivity growth. We posit and empirically probe three related explanations for this farm productivity surge-slowdown: the time path of agricultural R&D-driven knowledge stocks; a big wave of technological progress associated with great clusters of inventions; and dynamic aspects of the structural transformation of agriculture, largely completed by 1980.

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Jimenez, Manuel I., Philip Abbott, and Kenneth Foster. "Measurement and analysis of agricultural productivity in Colombia." El futuro de las humanidades 11, no. 20 (2019): 4–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/ecos.2019.47.1.

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Tremendous agricultural potential in Colombia has gone untapped for decades due to: i) civil strife and the criminal drug trade; ii) uncertain property rights; iii) inadequate infrastructure; iv) lack of innovation and technological development; v) lack of funding, vi) lack of investment; and vii) misallocation of resources within the sector. Proof of this is the relatively lower growth of the value of Colombia’s agriculture versus other countries in the region during the agricultural prices booms (FAO, 2015). This paper analyzes whether Colombia’s weak agricultural performance was due to low productivity growth rather than input accumulation. Using econometric specifications, this paper finds that Colombia’s agricultural productivity grew on average between 0.8% and 1.3% annually from 1975 and 2013. This growth was mainly driven by livestock and poultry productivity, which grew between 1.6% and 2.2%, while crop productivity grew between 0% and 0.8%. Likewise, this paper finds biased technical and scale effects whenever the models are able to test their presence. In addition, it finds evidence that Colombia’s agricultural productivity growth was affected by changing economic circumstances. These results are significant for post-conflict rural investment because they provide information about the returns on future government investment options in the rural sector of Colombia.

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Bracht, Johannes, and Friederike Scholten-Buschhoff. "Between Rack Rents and Paternalism: Economic Behaviour and the Lease Market in Westphalia, with a Particular Focus on the 19^th Century." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 63, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 17–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2022-0002.

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Abstract Departing from research on Westphalian leases between 1600 and 1900 the paper discusses the lease market of and price determination on three Westphalian estates. While economic history approaches suppose that leases can be seen as market relations and are therefore useful indicators to measure agricultural productivity, a more anthropological perspective emphasises the social relations between lessor (here: noble estate owner) and leaseholders. The choice of an adequate perspective has significant implications for research on agricultural productivity based on rents and leases. Our results indicate that the contractual arrangement of leasehold (well defined duration, announcement, auctions) was used to achieve the highest possible leases. However, at least until the 1830s, demand for leasehold land was rather low and leaseholders could benefit from a lack of competition. Price determination of leases resulted in rents below the Ricardian rent. Therefore, we argue that important assumptions of the established price approach, which uses leases as proxies for productivity, are not met and the analysis of agricultural productivity requires additional evidence on the leaseholder’s income and profit.

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32

Daly, Mary E. "Review: Land, Labour and Livestock: Historical Studies in European Agricultural Productivity." Irish Economic and Social History 19, no. 1 (June 1992): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939201900124.

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33

Bleakley, Hoyt, and Sok Chul Hong. "Adapting to the Weather: Lessons from U.S. History." Journal of Economic History 77, no. 3 (August 21, 2017): 756–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050717000675.

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An important unknown in understanding the impact of climate change is the scope of adaptation, which requires observations on historical time scales. We consider how weather across U.S. history (1860–2000) has affected various measures of productivity. Using cross-sectional and panel methods, we document significant responses of agricultural and individual productivity to weather. We find strong effects of hotter and wetter weather early in U.S. history, but these effects have generally been attenuated in recent decades. The results suggest that estimates from a given period may be of limited use in forecasting the longer-term impacts of climate change.

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34

Rosenband, Leonard N. "Productivity and Labor Discipline in the Montgolfier Paper Mill, 1780–1805." Journal of Economic History 45, no. 2 (June 1985): 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070003415x.

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The daily, weekly, and seasonal rhythms of production in the Montgolfier paper mill, one of the largest in eighteenth-century France, are examined here. Based on the comments of pioneer manufacturers, historians have been led to believe that early industrial work was irregular and unpredictable. The Montgolfiers as well complained of undependable workers. Yet their own output registers reveal a pattern of regular productivity unaided by advanced machinery or steam power.

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35

Zasypkina, I. M., E. G. Filippov, and O. A. Popova. "Comparative analysis of winter barley varieties according to productivity, its components and grain quality in the Rostov region." Grain Economy of Russia, no. 5 (November 16, 2022): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31367/2079-8725-2022-82-5-59-65.

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Among the grain forage crops in the Russian Federation, barley ranks first in terms of multi-use and gross yields. However, the current level of grain production of this crop does not fully meet the needs of the livestock and food industries. Winter barley varieties are currently approved for use in the North Caucasus, Middle Volga and Nizhnevolsk regions of the Russian Federation, where its yield is 1.5–2 times higher than that of spring barley. According to the trait ‘productivity’ barley varieties of various breeding institutions have quite significant fluctuations in the regions of their cultivation, and therefore inter-station tests are carried out to determine their response. The best ones are further used in various breeding projects. The purpose of the current paper was to analyze the trait ‘productivity’ and its components and grain quality among present local and foreign winter barley varieties, in order to use the identified ones in crossings parental forms. The monitoring of varieties was carried out on the experimental plot of the Federal State Budgetary Scientific Institution “ARC «Donskoy” (2017–2019). The subjects of the study were winter barley varieties (29 samples) of local and foreign origin. Based on the results of a system analysis, there has been identified a number of varieties that have the necessary combinations of traits important for breeding, such as:– high productivity (the multi-row varieties ‘Marusya’, ‘Vivat’, ‘Foks 1’, ‘Erema’, ‘Artel’, ‘Dostoyny’ (Russia), ‘KWS-Scala’ (Germany), ‘Capten’ (France));– coarse-grained (the multi-row lines ‘KWS-117’, ‘KWS-234’, ‘KWS-History’ (Germany) and the two-row varieties ‘Explorer 3’, ‘Explorer 4’, ‘Explorer 5’, ‘Explorer 7’, ‘Explorer 3/2’, ‘Explorer 4/2’, ‘Bronskyli’ (France) with more than 50 g);– head density per 1 m2 when harvesting (the two-row varieties ‘KWS-History’ with 704 pcs/m2, ‘KWS-117’ with 710 pcs/m2 (Germany), ‘Explorer 8’ with 739 pcs/m2, ‘Explorer 3/2’ with 759 pieces/m2, ‘Wintwalt’ with 847 pieces/m2 (France));– number of grains per head (the multi-row varieties ‘Marusya’ with 57.9 pcs, ‘Andryusha’ with 55.8 pcs (Russia), ‘Capten’ with 55.6 pcs (France) and two-row varieties ‘Explorer 3’ with 26.0 pcs., ‘Explorer 5’ with 25.9 pcs., ‘Bronskyli’ with 25.8 pcs (France);– stable protein percentage in grain less than 11 % (the two-row varieties ‘KWS-History’ with 10.3 %, ‘KWS-234’ with 10.7 % (Germany) and ‘Explorer 3/2’ with 10.3 % (France).

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Bartová, Ľubica, Peter Fendel, and Eva Matejková. "ECO-EFFICIENCY IN AGRICULTURE OF EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XX, no. 4 (August 23, 2018): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.2931.

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The objective of the paper is to estimate efficiency and eco-efficiency of agriculture in 24 EU Member States from 2006 to 2015. In the study, a panel of yearly aggregated data [Eurostat 2018] of the total value of agricultural goods output (AGO), labour (AWU), utilised agricultural area (UAA), fertilisers N, P, K (NPK) and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of agriculture of selected EU Member States were used. The directional distance functions (DDF) approach both with and without undesirable output (GHG emission) were employed. Malmquist-Luenberger indices were applied to measure productivity changes and their decomposition to identify sources of these changes. GHG emission reduction per agricultural output in all EU MS was observed. Significant growth of GHG per UAA occurred especially in the OMS: The Netherlands, Austria, Germany, France, while an increase of GHG per UAA was less pronounced in Bulgaria, Latvia, Hungary (NMS). The highest efficiency and eco-efficiency in agricultural production over 2006-2015 was reached by the Netherlands and Denmark. The most inefficient and eco-inefficient agriculture was noted in the agriculture of Ireland and Finland (OMS). The highest inefficiency among NMS was detected in the agriculture of Lithuania, Poland and Latvia, while the most eco-inefficient were Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. Improvement of productivity and eco-productivity due to technological improvement occurred in all 24 EU MS. Agricultural technical eco-efficiency fell in Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, Portugal and Hungary.

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El-Sayed, Sayed Z. "History and evolution of primary productivity studies of the Southern Ocean." Polar Biology 28, no. 6 (March 19, 2005): 423–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00300-004-0685-2.

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38

Geib-Gundersen, Lisa, and Elizabeth Zahrt. "A New Look at U.S. Agricultural Productivity Growth, 1800–1910." Journal of Economic History 56, no. 3 (September 1996): 679–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700016983.

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A debate has recently been re-ignited over the pace of long-run productivity growth in nineteenth-century agriculture. Before 1966 the view was one of accelerated productivity over the course of the century, and this view was confirmed by the statistics on farm gross product published in 1960 by Marvin Towne and Wayne Rasmussen. The appearance in 1966 of Stanley Lebergott's labor force series changed this traditional perspective. When combined with Towne and Rasmussen's output figures, Lebergott's figures suggested that productivity growth was slower after the Civil War than before, calling into question the more plausible pattern of postbellum increases. A few historians were skeptical of these new findings, but were unable to dispute the seemingly solid foundation upon which they were built. Finally in 1993, Thomas Weiss argued that the skeptics were in fact correct to be wary of Lebergott's revisions.

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Barbezat, Daniel. "The Comptoir Sidérurgique de France, 1930–1939." Business History Review 70, no. 4 (1996): 517–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3117314.

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The French inter-war steel cartels were characterized by contemporaries as powerful trusts, restricting output and raising steel prices. The cartels were cited as a cause for the length of the French depression, the low productivity of the 1930s, and the rapid rise in steel prices after 1936. This paper shows that the formation and development of the French steel cartels was problematic and argues that the French industry was not structurally conducive to widespread collusion and was further harmed by governmental policies. Steel cartels were unable to police their arrangements effectively among members and were unable to stop outsiders from undercutting prices. It is not at all clear that firms in the cartel achieved higher profits. The increase in prices that did occur after 1936 was not due to firms colluding and profiting from the increased demand for steel due to the anticipation of Nazi aggression; rather, these price increases occurred because of input price increases caused by government action that raised the costs of production.

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Alghariani, Saad Ahmad. "Managing water resources in Libya through reducing irrigation water demand: more crop production with less water use." Libyan Studies 44 (2013): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900009687.

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AbstractThe looming water crisis in Libya necessitates taking immediate action to reduce the agricultural water demand that consumes more than 80% of the water supplies. The available information on water use efficiency and crop water productivity reveals that this proportion can be effectively reduced while maintaining the same, if not more, total agricultural production at the national level. Crop water productivity, which is depressingly low, can be doubled through implementing several measures including relocating all major agricultural crops among different hydroclimatic zones and growth seasons; crop selection based on comparative production advantages; realisation of the maximum genetically determined crop yields; and several other measures of demand water management. There is an urgent need to establish the necessary institutional arrangements that can effectively formulate and implement these measures as guided by agricultural research and extension services incorporating all beneficiaries and stakeholders in the process.

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Craig, Lee A., and Thomas Weiss. "Agricultural Productivity Growth During the Decade of the Civil War." Journal of Economic History 53, no. 3 (September 1993): 527–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700013474.

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New evidence based on census data indicates that output per agricultural worker grew faster between 1860 and 1870 than during any other decade of the nineteenth century. Although this evidence seems to support the traditional view that the Civil War was a catalyst for an increasingly productive agricultural sector, we contend that this apparent robust performance results from a measurement problem that afflicts census-based labor force series. An alternative estimate of labor force performance during the decade reveals the importance of increased labor inputs of women and children, in numbers, effort, and—especially—time.

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Delabouglise, Alexis, Andrew James, Jean-François Valarcher, Sara Hagglünd, Didier Raboisson, and Jonathan Rushton. "Linking disease epidemiology and livestock productivity: The case of bovine respiratory disease in France." PLOS ONE 12, no. 12 (December 5, 2017): e0189090. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0189090.

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43

Benson, Larry V., and Deanna N. Grimstead. "Prehistoric Chaco Canyon, New Mexico: Residential population implications of limited agricultural and mammal productivity." Journal of Archaeological Science 108 (August 2019): 104971. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2019.104971.

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Baker, Alan R. H. "Communism in Rural France: French Agricultural Workers and the Popular Front." Journal of Historical Geography 35, no. 4 (October 2009): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2009.06.014.

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Krause, Andreas, Thomas A. M. Pugh, Anita D. Bayer, Mats Lindeskog, and Almut Arneth. "Impacts of land-use history on the recovery of ecosystems after agricultural abandonment." Earth System Dynamics 7, no. 3 (September 15, 2016): 745–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/esd-7-745-2016.

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Abstract. Land-use changes have been shown to have large effects on climate and biogeochemical cycles, but so far most studies have focused on the effects of conversion of natural vegetation to croplands and pastures. By contrast, relatively little is known about the long-term influence of past agriculture on vegetation regrowth and carbon sequestration following land abandonment. We used the LPJ-GUESS dynamic vegetation model to study the legacy effects of different land-use histories (in terms of type and duration) across a range of ecosystems. To this end, we performed six idealized simulations for Europe and Africa in which we made a transition from natural vegetation to either pasture or cropland, followed by a transition back to natural vegetation after 20, 60 or 100 years. The simulations identified substantial differences in recovery trajectories of four key variables (vegetation composition, vegetation carbon, soil carbon, net biome productivity) after agricultural cessation. Vegetation carbon and composition typically recovered faster than soil carbon in subtropical, temperate and boreal regions, and vice versa in the tropics. While the effects of different land-use histories on recovery periods of soil carbon stocks often differed by centuries across our simulations, differences in recovery times across simulations were typically small for net biome productivity (a few decades) and modest for vegetation carbon and composition (several decades). Spatially, we found the greatest sensitivity of recovery times to prior land use in boreal forests and subtropical grasslands, where post-agricultural productivity was strongly affected by prior land management. Our results suggest that land-use history is a relevant factor affecting ecosystems long after agricultural cessation, and it should be considered not only when assessing historical or future changes in simulations of the terrestrial carbon cycle but also when establishing long-term monitoring networks and interpreting data derived therefrom, including analysis of a broad range of ecosystem properties or local climate effects related to land cover changes.

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Horváth, Szilárd. "The history and the present state of agricultural education in Hungary and its importance considering the number of students in agricultural studies." Review on Agriculture and Rural Development 6, no. 1-2 (July 11, 2018): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/rard.2017.1-2.97-100.

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The contribution of agriculture to the GDP in Hungary is higher than the European average. Consequently, agriculture plays an important role in the Hungarian economy. However, the overall productivity of this sector is still a fraction of those in some Western European countries. According to some economists, this is due to the inadequate number of skilled manpower and the poor supply of agricultural professionals. It is often said, which has also been shown by a number of research studies, that agricultural credentials are not particularly appealing to young people due to the generally reputed low prestige attached to this field. In this paper, I investigate whether the number of participants in secondary level and higher level agricultural education has indeed been declining and how this trend relates to the demographic characteristics of Hungary. I intend to highlight whether the relatively low productivity of the agricultural sector can be rightfully explained, amongst other factors, by the low number of skilled workers and the insufficient supply of agriculture graduates.

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Layton, Alex, James V. Krogmeier, Aaron Ault, and Dennis R. Buckmaster. "From yield history to productivity zone identification with hidden Markov random fields." Precision Agriculture 21, no. 4 (November 8, 2019): 762–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11119-019-09694-2.

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Crouzet, François. "Book Review: The Modernization of Rural France: Communications Networks and Agricultural Market Structures in Nineteenth-century France." Journal of Transport History 6, no. 2 (September 1985): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002252668500600207.

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49

KOPSIDIS, MICHAEL, and NIKOLAUS WOLF. "Agricultural Productivity Across Prussia During the Industrial Revolution: A Thünen Perspective." Journal of Economic History 72, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 634–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050712000320.

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This article explores the pattern of land rents and agricultural productivity across nineteenth-century Prussia to gain new insights on the causes of the “Little Divergence” between European regions. We argue that agriculture reacted to urban and industrial development rather than shaping it. In the spirit of Johann von Thünen and Ernst Engel, we develop a theoretical model to test how access to urban demand affected agricultural development. We show that the effect of urban demand is causal and that it is in line with recent findings on a limited degree of interregional market integration in nineteenth-century Prussia.

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Lana-Berasain, José-Miguel. "La productividad total de los factores en la agricultura española: el caso del sur de Navarra, 1780-1900." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 29, no. 3 (August 9, 2011): 425–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610911000127.

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AbstractThe aim of this article is to measure the advance of agricultural productivity in South Navarra between 1780 and 1900. The construction of several indices of agricultural commodities and factor prices allows us to apply the methodology of Total Factor Productivity (TFP). As distinguished from the thesis of stagnation, our estimate of the annual rate of TFP growth in the long run is close to 0.42 %. This rate was particularly high between 1817 and 1850, in a context of deflation and institutional change. During the second half of the century the cyclical evolution of the curve reveals the obstacles derived from the capital resources supply, especially fertilizers and animal traction.

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