Journal articles on the topic 'Agricultural innovations – Italy – 19th century'

Between the 1825 and the 1828, Antonio Carcopino, an engineer, designed a suspension iron cable bridge: this fact shows the interest of the Borghese family for the technological innovations of the 18th and of 19th century.

SummaryThe study of marriage seasonality of populations with different socioeconomic backgrounds may contribute to the better understanding their reproductive behaviours. This study analyses the monthly distribution of marriages in the 19th century in four agricultural villages and four pastoral villages on the island of Sardinia (Italy). The data were derived from 7340 marriage acts (3571 for the four agricultural villages and 3769 for the four pastoral villages). The aim is to ascertain whether the Sardinian agricultural and pastoral communities followed the matrimonial models reported for contemporary Italy and Europe and whether there was a change in the monthly distribution of marriages between the two halves of the 19th century. The results suggest that the marriage seasonality of the Sardinian farmers and shepherds was very similar to the patterns shown in the 19th century by Italian and European agricultural and pastoral communities. The Sardinian farmers preferred to marry in autumn–winter, while the Sardinian shepherds had a very high concentration of marriages in summer–autumn. Both communities avoided marriages in the Advent and Easter periods and in the month of May (dedicated to the Virgin Mary), and the farmers also in August (also dedicated to the Virgin Mary). Despite a certain seasonal stability, there was a significant change in the monthly distribution of marriages between the two halves of the 19th century in both the agricultural and pastoral communities, probably due to a series of laws that transformed the centuries-old socioeconomic system of Sardinia in the second half of the century.

This article focuses on the role of agriculture mechanization in the growth process in different fields. Many innovations in agricultural mechanization occurred in the middle of the 19th century. Agricultural mechanization is often exemplified by the development of the tractor. A key figure in the development of tractors was a Michigan farm boy who first became interested in technology when he saw a large steam traction engine. The adoption of the gasoline tractor was aided significantly by successful demonstrations and tests. The many 20th-century advancements in machinery to till soil, plant, remove weeds, and apply fertilizers and pesticides are too numerous to discuss here. However, at least harvesting equipment should be discussed because its mechanization trailed only tractors in importance. Cyrus McCormick’s reaper replaced human-powered cutting tools in small grains with a horse-drawn machine in the 19th century.

While interest in land use in the prehistoric periods in Italy has received attention, that cannot be said of the Post-Medieval period. The general view is that all activities and objects from the last 300–500 years or so are so indecipherable from their contemporary counterparts and that there is no need to study them. There is, in fact, very little Post-Medieval archaeological work done in the south of Italy, which is the focus of this paper. The landscape of southern Calabria has changed radically over the centuries. The distribution of dense macchia forests was diminished in the late 18th and 19th centuries for building railroads and ships, and more recently, arson has been used as social or political revenge. The removal of the macchia led to erosional landscapes and the loss of archaeological footprints. This paper explores agricultural practices and forest exploitation in the early 19th and 20th centuries by the citizens of Bova to better understand the social and economic dynamics that continue to influence the lives of people living in the community. It utilizes cadastral records, archival documents from the early 1800–1900s, and spatial analysis to better understand the potential economic and social dynamics in this community. Consideration is also given to how social status and power, represented by Church-owned vs. lay citizen-owned properties, was reflected in local land use. The overall paucity of archaeological materials from this period across the landscape supports and complicates the overall picture while also supporting an interpretation of a very local and insular community poorly integrated into the greater Italian economy of the day.

Breeding programs for disease resistance were developed from the 19th century on, in both the old (Europe) and new world as a way to promote sustainable viticulture. The main results of breeding, in terms of disease resistance and grape (and wine) quality are described, ranging from the first American hybrids to the most recent varieties. The activity of some representative breeders is discussed and the current situation in Italy is reported. Productive, legislative, and commercial aspects for wine production are considered, especially for European Union where the wine sector is strongly regulated. The perspectives of breeding for disease resistance are discussed, including the new breeding techniques (Nbt) like cis-genesis and genome editing. The importance to interact with the society to make acceptable these innovations is emphasized. While less acceptance problems are expected with table grapes, raisins or rootstocks, more concerns might arise with wine grapes. The role of science is to give the legislator tools to cope with sustainability and to educate the society (from the grape grower to the wine consumer) to a correct understanding. Innovations can be a real advantage only if they are accepted by all the actors of the wine chain.

Reconstruction of human ecosystems and their stability over time provides knowledge of the processes of adaptability developed by isolated communities. Seasonality of vital events is a good indicator of the effects of different ‘traditional’ lifestyles, which in turn depend on the ecological context in which a population developed specific subsistence models. Seasonality of births reflects the cultural attitude towards the best time to conceive, in relation to work activities and loads; the latter may also affect physiological functions related to fertility. The present research concerns gross birth rates and seasonality of births and conceptions during four centuries in south-central Italy. Birth rates were between 33·0 and 36·5 per 1000. The pattern of seasonality of births and, by extension, of conceptions defines a southern-type agricultural area for the earlier periods. However, it also shows a progressive shift towards an increasing concentration of conceptions in spring–summer – namely from April to August – with a large increase in summer in the 19th century with respect to the previous periods. The new 19th century pattern is reported by Crisafulli, Dalla Zuanna & Solero (2000) as being representative of the central Adriatic region, a geographical classification to which Abruzzo can also be attributed.

Introduction. The article introduces into scientific circulation newly discovered archival materials and analyzes actual conditions in Kalmyk Steppe of Astrakhan Governorate in the late 19th century. The issue remains topical enough, which results from its poor historiographic tradition: only a few works have been published in the modern period just to outline some fragmentary aspects. In addition, interdisciplinary, civilizational and cultural approaches are urgently needed to address this theme. Goals. The work attempts a complex characterization of Kalmyk uluses and Kalmyk society in the late 19th century. The former shall be instrumental in defining traditional features and identifying the degree of introduction of new phenomena in socioeconomic development of the region. So, the paper provides data on quite a range of aspects inherent to Kalmyk life. The chronological framework of the study (late 19th century) is well justified: the Kalmyks had spent almost 300 years within Russia’s borders, which makes it possible to determine the degree of preservation of traditional essentials and identify the influence of innovations. Materials and methods. The work employs a set of general scientific and special historical research methods. Special attention is paid to the principles of historicism and systemacity helpful in analyzing events from over 100 years ago and considering the latter in connection with other aspects of Kalmyk social life. Interdisciplinary and civilizational approaches make it possible to present objective accounts of complex processes. The mentioned documents are stored at the Russian State Historical Archive and the National Archive of Kalmykia. The former are mainly represented by consolidated annual reports of Astrakhan Governor describing actual conditions in Kalmyk Steppe — a special administrative and territorial unit of Astrakhan Governorate. Results. The paper analyzes the reports for data on territory and population of Kalmyk Steppe, economy and social structure of Kalmyk society, school and medical aid systems. It also stresses accounts of Astrakhan Kalmyks’ moral appearances by Astrakhan officials. Conclusions. The study shows that Astrakhan Kalmyks were still a traditional nomadic society at the turn of the 20th century. Their livelihood was based on extensive nomadic livestock breeding with the same species and breeds as 300 years ago, though some innovations had been perceived (occasional winter forage conservation, construction of permanent buildings in some localities). All needs of Kalmyks were fully satisfied with their own farmsteads. The innovations included attempts to engage in agricultural activities in suitable areas of Maloderbetovsky Ulus next to resettled Russian peasants, and the involvement of Kalmyk communities in market relations.

Abstract In the current global context, agriculture should develop both interdisciplinary and intradisciplinary. Digitalization and innovation represent the key drivers of evolution. Agriculture must become more flexible and adaptable to the current challenges, integrating eco-friendly solutions that can maintain production at optimal capacity for a longer period. This paper aims to review the Romanian agricultural policies from the 19th century to the present, bringing perspective on the international practices and focusing on the technological innovations that occurred in the past years. The research follows the evolution of agriculture on the European agenda. There are now new challenges imposed by the need for modernization and reconfiguration of farming into an integrated system with performance parameters and development routes. Romania has followed the trends and implemented several policies which aim to help farmers integrate the new technologies into their day-to-day work.

The beginning of the 20th century in the Russian Far East — a time of rapid changes, the main role in this was played by global trends — the introduction of technical innovations in all spheres of human life and activities — and the Russian state policy to stimulate resettlement of peasants and development of the region. The construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, which began at the end of the 19th century and ended at the beginning of the 20th century, not only connected the Far Eastern outskirts with the European Russia, but also gave impetus to the resettlement and agricultural development of the region, the development of new industries and the technical re-equipment of the mining and manufacturing industries, trade and providing the population of the region with everyday goods, etc. The growth of the population of the Far Eastern cities was accompanied by changes in the urban environment, the living conditions of the townspeople, the intensification of public initiatives in the field of culture, education, leisure, charity, scientific study of the region, etc.

A feature of the Ural mining districts which developed in the second half of the 18th-19th centuries was that new industrial production was locally "introduced" into the existing agricultural settling system. To build a plant a new undeveloped plot was taken. The main criteria were the excess to natural resources necessary for manufacturing and transport routes. According to this principle many iron works and copper works were built in Udmurtiya. Pudem Iron Works were a case too. The main task was to evaluate the impact of the emerging innovations in economic activity on regional development. The formation of the settlement network was found in maps, written and statistical sources of the 17th-20th centuries. Historical data are used that demonstrate the initial stage of settlement, the period when Pudem Iron Works were in its prime and the years of decreasing manufacturing intensity. The use of historical maps demanded their transformation to a modern topological basis and the need to analyze the dynamics of the territory development required the construction of a geoinformation system of settlements. A comprehensive analysis provided for correlating the trends in the formation of a settlements network with migration processes. The initial formation of Udmurt agrarian settlements was influenced by external migrations. Cheptsa banks (the main river of the region) were the first to be developed. Later the banks of its tributaries were settled. After the first wave of external migrations the "oldest" settlements became the centers of internal settlement. Internal migrations occurred until the end of the 19th century. The analysis of the territory settlement dynamics has demonstrated that the creation of Pudem Iron Works (1758) practically did not affect the settling system of the region. Until the beginning of the 20th century the industrial component in the region was limited to the ironworks district and its nearest district. A characteristic feature of the 19th century is the external and internal migration of the Russian population. But at the same time the newly created settlements focused exclusively on the agricultural system of economy.

The paper discusses two types of Chinese calendars – a traditional agricultural calendar “nongli” which existed in China since the 9th century and a Westernized “yuefenpai” calendar that emerged in Shanghai in the late 19th century and flourished until the 30-40s of the 20th century. Apart from the lunar and solar calendars and a table of 24 seasons woodblock “nongli” calendar featured a Stove God Zao-wang alone or with a spouse surrounded by a suite, fortune bringing deities and auspicious symbols, Stove God was believed to ascend to heaven and report good and bad deeds of the family members to the Jade Emperor. New standards of “peoples`” art in PRC borrowed the aesthetics of the traditional woodblock popular prints by proclaiming “new nianhua” as a new tool of propaganda and criticizing “yuefenpai”.“Yuefenpai” differed from “nongli” by modern technology of production and acting as an advertisement, yet early pieces of Shanghai calendars either feature auspicious characters and motifs or introduce current political events, such as accession of the Pu Yi emperor on the throne in 1908 (reigned in 1908–1912). These calendars were seen to be a cheap and easily available media suitable for informing population about news and innovations. The paper attempts to revisit previously established interpretations of some “yuefenpai” calendars. The research is based unpublished pieces from the collections of the State Hermitage, the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, academic library of the St.-Petersburg State University, the State Museum of the History of Religion mostly acquired by V.M. Alekseev (1881–1951) during his stays to China.

The social and economic features of the large estates development in the Tambov Governorate in the late 19th are examined. The class composition of the latifundists, the social and economic development features of their estates are considered. The source for the work are materials describing the major Tambov estates, “Digest of Statistical Data on the Tambov Governorate”. On the basis of the socio-economic development of the estates, the data system “Large Estates of the Tambov Governorate in the Late 19th Century” is compiled, which allows to generalize information on 489 latifundia of the Tambov Governorate. The relevance of the work is determined by the importance of studying the most successful forms of social and economical pre-revolutionary modernization of the post-reform agricultural sector. In the post-reform period it was the entrepreneurial activity of latifundia that was the source of new forms of rationalism and enterprise, social and industrial innovations. The study of sources makes it possible to generalize the territorial features of the concentration of latifundia in the region, to elucidate the reasons for the economic stability of the latifundia in the region, to determine the specific features of the industrial structure of the economic complexes of the Tambov estates, and to consider the most common methods of land use. The study of the industrial modernization of the latifundia is supplemented by a study of the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the composition of local wage workers. The qualifications and shortcomings of the professions that were formed in privately owned farms were determined. Synthesis of material for a nu mber of farms shows that the economic success of large owners was largely due to the widely practiced use of a qualified administration and the involvement of agricultural hiring.

Scholars frequently cite fuel scarcity after deforestation as a reason for the abandonment of most of the Roman iron smelting sites on Elba Island (Tuscan Archipelago, Italy) in the 1st century bce. Whereas the archaeological record clearly indicates the decrease in smelting activities, evidence confirming the ‘deforestation narrative’ is ambiguous. Therefore, we employed a stochastic, spatio-temporal model of the wood required and consumed for iron smelting on Elba Island in order to assess the availability of fuelwood on the island. We used Monte Carlo simulations to cope with the limited knowledge available on the past conditions on Elba Island and the related uncertainties in the input parameters. The model includes both, wood required for the furnaces and to supply the workforce employed in smelting. Although subject to high uncertainties, the outcomes of our model clearly indicate that it is unlikely that all woodlands on the island were cleared in the 1st century bce. A lack of fuel seems only likely if a relatively ineffective production process is assumed. Therefore, we propose taking a closer look at other reasons for the abandonment of smelting sites, e.g. the occupation of new Roman provinces with important iron ore deposits; or a resource-saving strategy in Italia. Additionally, we propose to read the development of the ‘deforestation narrative’ originating from the 18th/19th century in its historical context.

Agricultural extension has been an essential strength in agricultural development and social innovation factor. The word “extension” in the modern meaning was first used which refers to informal public education in England in the second half of the 19th century (Demiryurek, 2014). This descriptive method of research aid at determining the effectivity of extension services and the productivity of sugarcane farmers in the Visayas, Philippines. The 400 sugarcane farmers randomly identified at the 10 locations in the Visayas area of the Philippines. An instrument used was the agency Extension Program Guidelines that measures productivity of the farmers, farm profile and extent of services, among others. The result shows that the level of productivity of sugarcane farms in the Visayas area was high and a significant difference indicates on the level of productivity of sugarcane farms when grouped as to location. The level of productivity of sugarcane farming in the Visayas in terms of indicators such as size of farm, type of soil, land topography, average rainfall received, distance of the farm to the sugar mill, farming innovations, workers’ availability and expenses per hectare was at low productivity. Significant difference in the productivity of sugarcane farming at the different locations in the Visayas area in terms of size of farm, land topography, distance of the farm to the sugar mill, farming innovations, workers’ availability, and expenses per hectare except for the type of soil and average rainfall. The extent of services does not significantly related to the productivity. Relatively, there is no significant relationship existed between the extent of services and farm profile. Farm profile does not influence the level of productivity, too.

The article considers logging crafts of Udmurt peasants of Vyatka province as an independent type of craft activity in interaction with other elements of the peasant economy in the second half of the 19th century. Logging and wood-chopping trades were the most attractive for Udmurt peasants, because of their proximity to the familiar world, sacred ideas about spatial differentiation, ethnic and linguistic comfort. Therefore, they were the most traditional and massive for the peasantry of Udmurtia. The analysis of their development in the Russian modernization dynamics of the second half of the 19 century allows us to answer the questions of the coexistence of traditions and innovations in the Russian province. The dominant influence of the natural factor on the territorial division of labor, the choice of one or another type of non-agricultural occupations of the population is shown. The unique combination of huge woodlands and a dense network of floating rivers with access to the Kama and Vyatka determined not only the preservation of logging and wood-cutting industries in the second half of the 19 century, but also the growth of wood production. The constant growth of the market demand for wood, combined with the preserved methods of logging and timber transportation, showed the high adaptive capabilities of these traditional crafts during the studied period. The abolition of serfdom, the elimination of the institution of indispensable workers, the active penetration of market mechanisms into traditional foundations laid the grounds for the process of gradual transformation of logging into one of the elements of the emerging capitalist economy.

Abstract. The metropolitan area and the city of Genoa has become a national and international case study for geohydrological risk, mainly due to the frequency of floods. In 2014, there were landslides again, as well as flash floods that have particularly caused casualties and economic damage. The weather features of the Gulf of Genoa and the geomorphological–environmental setting of the Ligurian coastal land are the predisposing factors that determine heavy rains and their resulting effects on the ground. This study analysed the characteristics of the main meteorological disasters that have hit Genoa since the start of the 20th century; changes in the rainfall regime are evaluated and the main stages of urbanization of the area are detailed, with the resulting changes to the drainage network, in order to identify the main causes of this high geohydrological risk. To this end, scientists have used climate data recorded at the station of Genoa University, in operation since 1833, and at Ponte Carrega station, located in the middle reach of the Bisagno stream, a well-known watercourse because of its frequent floods. Urban sprawl was evaluated through a multi-temporal mapping comparison, using maps available from the beginning of the 19th century up to the current regional technical maps. The average air temperature in Genoa shows a statistically significant increase, while the number of rainy days displays an equally clear decrease over time. The total annual rain value does not seem to indicate rather noticeable changes. The intensity of rain in Genoa expressed as rainfall rate, i.e.~the ratio of annual rainfall and number of rainy days, shows statistically significant growth. The geohydrological vulnerability in Genoa has increased over time due to urban development which has established modifications in land use, from agricultural to urban, especially in the valley floor. Waterways have been confined and reduced to artificial channels, often covered in their final stretch; in some cases they have even been totally removed. These actions should be at least partially reversed in order to reduce the presently high hydrological risk.

Abstract As a result of planetary heating, global mean sea level has increased since the end of the 19th century. Sea level rise is accelerating and will continue to rise over the 21st century and beyond. On top of the global mean signal there are large regional variations in the magnitude of sea level rise. At a local level, reliable projections of probable and possible future sea level change are vital for coastal management planning. In this work we present an observational analysis of recent sea level variations at locations around the coast of South Africa using tide gauge records and satellite altimetry data. In recent decades, sea level around South Africa has increased at a rate of around 3 mm year−1, consistent with estimates of global mean sea level rise over that time. We apply existing methods (that are rooted in the methods of the 5th Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, but with a number of methodological innovations) to produce sea level projections for eight locations around the coast of South Africa under low (RCP2.6) and high (RCP8.5) emissions scenarios. In the year 2100 locations around South Africa are projected to experience sea level rise (relative to 1986–2005) of approximately 0.5 m (0.25–0.8 m) following RCP2.6, or around 0.85 m (0.5–1.4 m) following RCP8.5. These increases are around 7%–14% larger than projections of global mean sea level, due to the local amplification of increases in several components of the sea level budget. The results from this work suggest that successful mitigation efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions would have a clear benefit in limiting 21st century sea level rise for South Africa.

The policies of internal colonization played a fundamental role in the nation-state building process, as well as in the transformation of the rural landscape. In Portugal, the colonization of common lands (baldios) had the objective of increasing agricultural production, to stop the proletarianization of agrarian communities, encouraging small family farming, and land-ownership. Although already proposed at the end of the 19th century, this process of rural colonization was further implemented in the 1940s and 1950s, the period in which a small number of Agricultural Colonies were built. While such process had produced new landscapes that can be regarded today as a cultural and architectural heritage, they remain poorly known and poorly recognized as such. This paper intends to reflect about the models of internal colonization defined in the scope of the political and ideological framework of the Estado Novo fascist regime. Based on different types of sources, it aims to better understand the significance of these rural landscapes as urban and architectural experiments, as well as to contribute to the identification of such settlements as relevant elements of the Portuguese cultural patrimony. Our conclusions do not fail to take into account the modest scale of the colonizing project undertaken by the Portuguese State when compared, for example, to what happened in Spain and Italy. Far below from what was initially planned and conceived, the construction of only 7 Agricultural Colonies can only be seen as trial run for a much larger agrarian reform that never came – the country that could have been, but it was not – taking the rural settlement of Pegões as a model.

Before Joseph Lister's landmark Lancet publications on the use of carbolic acid wound dressings in 1867, surgeons Jules Lemaire in France and Enrico Bottini in Italy had already used carbolic acid on hundreds of patients to control suppurative wounds. After Friedlieb Runge isolated it from coal tar in 1834, a number of scientists recognized the efficacy of carbolic acid in preventing decay and neutralizing the stench of dead animals and human cadavers. Frederick Calvert, Alexander McDougall, and Angus Smith in Manchester promoted a powdered form of carbolic acid as a deodorizing agent to treat municipal sewage across the United Kingdom, most notably during London's famous “Great Stink” of 1858. Edmond Corne in France introduced his formulation, which Alfred-Armand-Louis-Marie Velpeau, Ferdinand LeBeuf, and Lemaire adapted for clinical use in 1859. Lemaire wrote extensively on carbolic acid and its surgical application in three publications from 1860 to 1862. In 1866, Bottini published his experience of 600 cases where it was used. In 1865, Lister began to use carbolic acid in open fractures after Thomas Anderson, his colleague in agricultural chemistry at the University of Glasgow, told him about its use in Carlisle sewage works. This article traces the rich history of carbolic acid from an unknown compound in coal to the cornerstone of Listerism in late-19th–century operating rooms.

The article concerns the fate of Felicjan Karp’s family, one of the richest landowners of Samogitia (Lithuania) in the first two decades of the 20th century. After his father, he inherited approximately 40,163 hectares. The history of this family perfectly illustrates the changes that this social class has undergone in the past century. The end of their existence was the end of the landowner’s existence. The twilight of the Samogitian Karps took place quite quickly, for only a quarter of a century from July 28, 1914, the date of the outbreak of World War I to the Soviet invasion of the Republic of Lithuania on June 15, 1940. Over the course of these years - on a large scale two-fold - military operations, changes in the political and economic system, including agricultural reform initiated in the reborn Lithuanian state in 1922 and deportations to Siberia in 1940 brutally closed the last stable chapter in the life of Rekijów’s owners, definitively exterminating them after more than 348 years from the land of their ancestors. Relations between the Karp family and the Rekijów estate should be dated at least from September 21, 1592. In addition to the description of the family, it is also necessary to emphasize their significant economic and political importance in the inhabited region. These last two aspects gained momentum especially from the first years of the 19th century and were reflected until 1922. At that time, representatives of the Karp family jointly owned approximately 70,050 ha and provided the country with two provincial marshals (Vilnius, Kaunas) and two county marshals (Upita, Ponevezys). The author also presents their fate during World War II in the Siberian Gulag, during the amnesty under the Sikorski–Majski Agreement of July 30, 1941, joining the formed Polish Army in the USSR (August 14, 1941), the soldier’s journey through Kermine in Uzbekistan, Krasnovodsk, Caspian Sea, Khanaqin in Iraq, Palestine to the military camp near Tel-Aviv and then Egypt and the entire Italian campaign, that is the battles of Monte Cassino, Loreto and Ancona. After the war, leaving Italy to England (1946), followed by a short stay in Argentina and finally settling in Perth, Australia.

Biological weed control agents are eco-friendly measures of controlling various weed species. They are the living organisms which kill or suppress the growth of another organism. This paper aims at organizing the scientific research finding and providing information about biological control of an invasive weed species, Swallowwort of Southern Ottawa region of Canada. Hypena opulenta, leaf feeding moth (Lepidoptera: Erebidae) is an effective bio-agent for controlling invasive plant species, Swallowwort (Vincetoxicum). Vincetoxicum is native to Mediterranean regions of France, Italy, and Spain and typically grows in calcareous soils on forested slopes. It was introduced to North America (Ontario, Canada) in 19th century. It is found in wide range of habitat that is from agricultural field to the forests and plantations making several adverse impacts in the respective ecosystems of the region. Overwintering Pupa of Leaf feeding moth emerges as an adult and starts laying eggs after 2 days. Eggs are deposited on upper or under side of the main vein and petioles of leaves. Larvae of H. opulenta feed exclusively on newly expanded leaves of the plant for completion of its developmental cycle. Though the larvae show the minimal feeding on other plants but they necessarily require Vincetoxicum species as a host for completion of their life stages. Before releasing larvae of H. opulenta for control of Vincetoxicum in the field they were tested in the lab for host specificity and environmental safety. Larvae of H. opulenta can spread up to the distance of 100 m from release site and control the growth of swallow-wort by feeding on newly emerged leaves which results in reduced shoot biomass and seed multiplication of the plant.

In the mid-19th century, the discovery that bone microstructure in fossils could be preserved with fidelity provided a new avenue for understanding the evolution, function, and physiology of long extinct organisms. This resulted in the establishment of paleohistology as a subdiscipline of vertebrate paleontology, which has contributed greatly to our current understanding of dinosaurs as living organisms. Dinosaurs are part of a larger group of reptiles, the Archosauria, of which there are only two surviving lineages, crocodilians and birds. The goal of this review is to document progress in the field of archosaur paleohistology, focusing in particular on the Dinosauria. We briefly review the “growth age” of dinosaur histology, which has encompassed new and varied directions since its emergence in the 1950s, resulting in a shift in the scientific perception of non-avian dinosaurs from “sluggish” reptiles to fast-growing animals with relatively high metabolic rates. However, fundamental changes in growth occurred within the sister clade Aves, and we discuss this major evolutionary transition as elucidated by histology. We then review recent innovations in the field, demonstrating how paleohistology has changed and expanded to address a diversity of non-growth related questions. For example, dinosaur skull histology has elucidated the formation of curious cranial tissues (e.g., “metaplastic” tissues), and helped to clarify the evolution and function of oral adaptations, such as the dental batteries of duck-billed dinosaurs. Lastly, we discuss the development of novel techniques with which to investigate not only the skeletal tissues of dinosaurs, but also less-studied soft-tissues, through molecular paleontology and paleohistochemistry—recently developed branches of paleohistology—and the future potential of these methods to further explore fossilized tissues. We suggest that the combination of histological and molecular methods holds great potential for examining the preserved tissues of dinosaurs, basal birds, and their extant relatives. This review demonstrates the importance of traditional bone paleohistology, but also highlights the need for innovation and new analytical directions to improve and broaden the utility of paleohistology, in the pursuit of more diverse, highly specific, and sensitive methods with which to further investigate important paleontological questions.

More than 95% of bergamot (Citrus bergamia Risso & Poit) essence production utilized in the international perfume industry comes from the coastal growing area in the Province of Reggio di Calabria in the Calabria Region of southern Italy. Fruit and leaf spots were observed on bergamot cv. Fantastico in some orchards during February and March 2001. Symptoms affected ≈20% of the fruits and resembled those caused by Septoria citri Pass. on lemon in the nearby Sicily Region (2). Symptoms on fruits were characterized by reddish-brown pits, 1 to 2 mm in diameter, often in proximity, and extending no deeper than the flavedo; or characterized by larger confluent brown spots, sunken and extending into the albedo. Leaf symptoms occurred on both sides of the blade and were characterized by irregular brown spots surrounded by a yellow halo. Spherical, dark-walled pycnidia were observed on brown spots on fruits. Pycnidia contained hyaline, nonseptate, or 1 to 3 septate, cylindrical conidia, rounded at the apex, measuring 8 to 18 × 1.5 to 2.0 μm (8 to 29 × 1.5 to 2.0 μm in pure culture), differing from the tapered conidia of S. citri. The fungus was subsequently identified as S. limonum Pass., a species first described in the 19th century on lemon in unheated glasshouses in northern Italy and later reported from other countries (3). It is still an open question whether S. limonum is distinct from S. citri. Previously, in fact, different species of Septoria from citrus have been considered synonyms of S. citri on the basis of isozyme electrophoretic phenotype (1). The fungus was isolated on artificial media from infected leaf and fruit tissues (pits and larger spots). Brown spot symptoms were reproduced by artificial inoculation of detached bergamot fruits. A spore suspension (1 × 106 spores per ml) of the fungus was sprayed on fruit wounded by a needle (1 mm in diameter) to a depth of 2 mm and washed in sterile water. After inoculation, the fruits were incubated 10 days at 22°C and 100% relative humidity. The fungus was reisolated from inoculated tissues. The damage caused by this disease appears to be more important on bergamot than on other citrus fruits since it affects oil-bearing tissue and consequently the production of essential oil. References: (1) M. R. Bonde et al. Phytopathology 81:517, 1991. (2) S. Grasso and R. La Rosa. Riv. Patol. Veg. 19:15, 1983. (3) L. J. Klotz. Color Handbook of Citrus Diseases, 4th ed. University of California, Division of Agricultural Sciences, Berkeley, 1973.

Introduction. Concerto for oboe and orchestra in the music of modern time (20th – early 21st centuries), on the one hand, is based on the traditions of past eras, on the other hand, it contains a number of new stylistic trends, among which the leading trend is the pluralism of composer’s decisions. Despite this, the works created during this period by the composers of different national schools can be divided into three groups – academic, experimental, and pastoral. The article gives the review of them. Objective. The main objective of the article is to identify the features of genre stylistics in oboe concertos by composers of the 20th – early 21st centuries. Methods. In order to realize this objective, the elements of a number of general scientific and special musicological research methods have been used – historical-and-genetic, deductive, comparative, organological, stylistic, genre and performing analysis. Results and Discussion. The article discusses and systematizes the features of the genre stylistics of modern time oboe concertos. Based on the analysis of the historical-and-stylistic context, the correlation of traditions and innovations in the oboe-concerto genre, as well as the nature of the relationship between concerto and chamber manners as its common features are revealed. The classification of oboe concertos of the specified period by three genre-and-style groups – academic, experimental, and pastoral, is proposed. The main development trends in each of these groups are analyzed, taking into account the genre, national and individual-author’s stylistics (more than 70 pieces are involved). For the first time, the generalizations are proposed regarding the oboe expressiveness and techniques, generally gravitating towards universalism as a style dominant in the concerto genre. It is noted that, in spite of this main trend, the oboe in the concertos by modern time masters retains its fundamental organological semantics – the aesthetics and poetics of pastoral mode. The music of modern time, the count of which starts from the last decade of the 19th century and to present, comes, on the one hand, as a unique encyclopedia of the previous genres and styles, and on the other hand, as a unique multicomponent artistic phenomenon of hypertext meaning. The first is embodied in the concept of the style pluralism which means the priority of the person’s (composer’s and performer’s) component in aesthetics and poetics of a musical work. The second involves an aspect of polystylistics that is understood in two meanings: 1) aesthetic, when different stylistic tendencies are represented in a particular artistic style; 2) purely “technological”, which is understood as the technique of composing, when different intonation patterns in the form of style quotations and allusions (according to Alfred Schnittke) constitute the compositional basis of the same work. It is noted that the oboe concertos of the modern time masters revive the traditions of solo music-making, which were partially lost in the second half of the 19th century. At the new stage of evolution, since the early 20th century (1910s), the concerto oboe combines solo virtuosity with chamber manner, which is realized in a special way by the authors of different styles. Most of them (especially in the period up to the 1970s–1980s of the previous century) adhere to the academic model which is characterized by a three-part composition with a tempo ratio “fast – slow – fast” with typical structures of each of the parts – sonata in the first, complex three-part in the second, rondo-sonata in the third, as well as traditional, previously tried and used means of articulation and stroke set (concertos by W. Alvin, J. Horovitz – Great Britain; E. T. Zwillich, Ch. Rouse – USA; O. Respighi – Italy; Lars-Erik Larrson – Switzerland, etc.). The signs of the oboe concertos of the experimental group are the freedom of structure both in the overall composition and at the level of individual parts or sections, the use of non-traditional methods of playing (J. Widmann, D. Bortz – Germany; C. Frances-Hoad, P. Patterson – England; E. Carter – USA; J. MacMillan – Scotland; O. Navarro – Spain; N. Westlake – Australia). The group of pastoral concertos is based on highlighting the key semantics of oboe sound image. This group includes concertos of two types – non-programmatic (G. Jacob, R. Vaughan Williams, M. Arnold – Great Britain; О. T. Raihala – Finland; M. Berkeley, Е. Carter – USA and other authors); programmatic of two types – with literary names (L’horloge de flore J. Françaix – France; Helios, Two’s Company T. Musgrave; Angel of Mons J. Bingham – Great Britain); based on the themes of the world classics or folklore (two concertos by J. Barbirolli – Great Britain – on the themes of G. Pergolesi and A. Corelli; Concerto by B. Martinu – Czechia – on the themes from Petrushka by I. Stravinsky, etc.). This group of concertos also includes the genre derivatives, such as suite (L’horloge de flore J. Françaix); fantasy (Concerto fantasy for oboe, English horn and orchestra by V. Gorbulskis); virtuoso piece (Pascaglia concertante S. Veress); concertino (Concertino by N. Scalcottas, R. Kram, A. Jacques); genre “hybrids” (Symphony-Concerto by J. Ibert; Symphony-Concerto by T. Smirnova; Chuvash Symphony-Concerto by T. Alekseyeva; Concerto-Romance by Zh. Matallidi; Concerto-Poem for English horn, oboe and orchestra by G. Raman). Conclusions. Thus, the oboe concerto in the works by modern time composers appears as a complex genre-and-intonation fusion of traditions and innovations, in which prevail the individual-author’s approaches to reproducing the specificity of the genre. At the same time, through the general tendency of stylistic pluralism, several lines-trends emerge, defined in this article as academic, experimental, and pastoral, and each of them can be considered in more detail in the framework of individual studies.

The article is dedicated to high-tech companies founded by Poles at the end of the 19th century in the rural canton of Fribourg in Switzerland. The text is divided into two parts. In the first part, the author attempts to present the economic, social and political reality of Fribourg in a period of intense industrialization in the world and the formation of the liberal free market system. In this rapidly changing reality, the new Catholic-conservative authorities of the canton tried to lead to establishing of a comprehensive, but also different system of a “Christian republic”, whose aim was to achieve social justice consistent with the teachings of the Gospel. In order to complete the project, the cantonal government did not shy away from using the possibilities and measures offered by the contemporary world. Decision-makers, led by Georges Python, needed support from the society, who was aware of the changes. Due to this fact, it became necessary to establish a university capable of shaping new attitudes and views. However, the costs significantly exceeded the financial capabilities of the agricultural and relatively poor canton of Fribourg. In these less favourable circumstances, a conscious policy of industrialization was the way out of the deadlock. Newly created industrial institutions were to contribute to an increase of cash inflows to the canton and thus allow for the financing of the university, which would also become an intellectual foundation for the emerging industry. The activity of Polish scientists, which is the subject of the second part of the article, matched this philosophy perfectly. The Poles invited to cooperate with Python, i.e. Józef Wierusz-Kowalski, Ignacy Mościcki and Jan Modzelewski, created the foundations of the Faculty of Mathematical and Natural Sciences at the University of Fribourg. As members of the faculty, in addition to teaching, they conducted research into, among other things, nitric acid synthesis and construction of electrical capacitors. Convinced of the need to put their innovations into wide production, they financed and built the first experimental factories and, over time, led to the development of a nitric acid factory and a high-voltage capacitor factory on an industrial scale. Although after the First World War the commitment of the Poles stopped, the 30 years of academic research and experience clearly showed that a conscious cooperation of policy-makers and highly qualified scientific personnel can bring surprising and unexpected results.

The historical attire of women from the Lithuania Minor (Klaipėda Region) has a characteristic practical detail: a textile pocket tied at the waist, which functionally corresponds to the modern handbag or pocket. Such textile pockets are called delmonai (pl.) and are usually decorated with colorful ornaments. The purpose of this article is introducing the prototypes of the ornamental motifs in terms of intercultural comparison, employing the visual materials collected by the author and historically formed intercultural contacts. While introducing her hypothesis of possible long-term influences, the author presents décor samples from identical or related textile pockets (from the 17th century until the middle of the 20th century), discussing the possibilities of their finding way to the Lithuania Minor. Researching the change occurring in the décor motifs, the author employs comparative analysis of the traditional (from the beginning of the 19th century until 1930s) and modern (from the beginning of the 21st century) textile pockets, still used as part of the national costume of the Lithuania Minor. The origins of several decorative motifs, e.g. the wreath, the crowned musical instrument, and the flower bouquet, are analyzed in more detail. The vegetal ornaments predominate in the décor of the textile pockets from the Lithuania Minor, including blossoms, branches, bouquets, leafs, wreaths and stylized trees. Certain modes of representation have been appropriated by the folk art from professional art or textiles. The most important centers of high fashion emerging in France, Italy, and Germany, exercised certain impact on tendencies occurring in the folk handicraft. Examples of textile pockets worn by the nobility were widely promoted by the periodicals. The surviving samples of embroidery patterns indicate one of the possible sources for the textile pockets’ décor in the Lithuania Minor: namely, the printed sheets with ornamental patterns, used by the nobility and lower social classes alike. Another likely source would be functionally similar needlework by women from the neighboring countries, since textile pockets make part of the national costume there as well. Sea trade created favorable conditions for commercial and cultural interchange between neighbors. The motif of wreath, rather frequently used in the Lithuania Minor, and the occasional motif of the flower bouquet also occur on textile pockets from Pomerania (the border region between Poland and Germany). Ornamentation of the pockets from Bavaria (in Germany) is also rather close in character to the décor of the Lithuania Minor. Such congruities may be determined by several reasons. Firstly, the producers of these textile works could have had interconnections (after the onslaught of devastating plague in Europe, numerous people from Salzburg moved to the fertile but rather wasted out territories of the Lithuania Minor). Secondly, the producers could have used the same original pattern, e.g. the printed sheet. However, although the mutual influence in the needlework décor of the neighboring countries determined by their economic and cultural connections is obvious, the décor of the textile pockets from the Lithuania Minor stands out in terms of its peculiar features (particular colors, modes of décor, etc.).In terms of spreading the regional ethnic culture, the problem of preserving the regional character of the folk art acquires special significance. Although separate parts of the national costumes inevitably change as result of the technical innovations increasingly applied to their production, these costumes should still remain recognizable as a continuation of the folk attire characteristic to the particular region. The patterns of décor used while making the textile pockets nowadays follow to some extent the traditional motifs of floral compositions. Although individual authors tend to create their original compositions, the majority of the textile pockets produced as part of the national costume of the Lithuania Minor still are easily recognizable as belonging to this particular region. The ornamental motifs are not especially distanced from the original ones as well, with embroidered flower bouquets and wreaths still making the majority. However, the motifs of the bouquet placed in a bag and the crowned musical instrument have lost their popularity. Rather than just making part of the national costume of the Lithuania Minor, the textile pockets increasingly appear as part of the modern clothing characterizing its regional peculiarity.

Ambrosia trifida L. (AMBTR, fam. Asteraceae/Compositae) is native to North America. It was introduced accidentally to Europe at the end of the 19th century, with contaminated animal feed and seeds for planting. Today A. trifida is present in ruderal and agricultural habitats of many European countries (France, Italy, Germany, Russia, Spain, Romania, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Poland, Serbia, Bulgaria, etc.). Giant ragweed was detected for the first time in 1981 in Serbia (site Čoka). Over the following period it disappeared from this site, but was recorded again in 2006 in another site (central Bačka: Despotovo, Kucura, Savino Selo, Ravno Selo, Ruski Krstur). Currently in Serbia it has the status of an alien naturalized weed species. This summer annual plant can grow up to 6 m in height and exhibits a high degree of morphological and reproductive plasticity in response to encroachment by neighboring plants. It is present in disturbed habitats, such as agriculture fields, where it plays the role of the dominant species throughout the entire growing season. In most cases, leaves are opposite and always simple and generally have 3 distinct lobes but can also have as many as 5. It is a diploid (2n = 24), meso-hygrophilic species, preferring wet habitatse and can tolerate a wide variety of soil types. Also, this is a monoecious plant, where male and female flowers are separated on the same individual. A. trifida can hybridise with A. artemisiifolia (A. x helenae Rouleau, with 2n= 27 and 2n= 33), but this hybrid has been described as sterile. Compared to other summer annual species, A. trifida is among the first to emerge in early spring, at optimal temperatures from 10-24°C. Under optimal environmental conditions, giant ragweed produces around 1,800 (max 5,100) seeds plant-1. It flowers and bears fruit from July to September (October).The pollen of this species has allergenic potential. Additionally, in the USA and Canada giant ragweed populations have developed resistance to acetolactate synthase inhibitor herbicides and glyphosate. Giant ragweed can be a problematic weed in row crops (corn, soybean, sunflower, sugerbeet) and vegetables. In A. trifida the control measures should prevent further spread, and existing populations should be controlled by integrated weed management practices. Furthermore, A. trifida has a relatively low fecundity, a transient soil seedbank and a high percentage of non-viable or low-survivorship seeds, which are features that may have constrained its establishment and spread in the current environmental conditions in Serbia.

In 2022, the Swiss branch of the international publishing house Springer published a book, a collection of papers entitled Military Geoscience: A Multifaceted Approach to the Study of Warfare. It consists of selected contributions by international researchers in the field of military geoscience, presented at the 13th International Conference on Military Geosciences, held in Padua in June 2019. The first paper is by the editors, Aldin Bondesan and Judy Ehlen, and provides a brief overview of understanding the concept of military geoscience as an application of geology and geography to the military domain, and the historical development of the discipline. It should also be pointed out that the International Conferences on Military Geosciences (ICMG), which organises this biennial international conference, has over the past two decades also covered other aspects, such as conflict archaeology. The publication is further divided into three parts. The first part comprises three contributions covering military geoscience up to the 20th century. The first paper, by Chris Fuhriman and Jason Ridgeway, provides an insights into the Battle of Marathon through topography visualisation. The geography of the Marathon field, the valley between Mt. Cotroni and Mt. Agrieliki, allowed the Greek defenders to nullify the advantage of the Persian cavalry and archers, who were unable to develop their full potential. This is followed by a paper by Judy Ehlen, who explores the geological background of the Anglo-British coastal fortification system along the English Channel, focusing on the Portsmouth area of Hampshire. The author thus points out that changes in artillery technology and naval tactics between the 16th and 19th centuries necessitated changes in the construction of coastal fortifications, both in terms of the form of the fortifications and the method of construction, including the choice of basic building materials, as well as the siting of the fortifications in space. The next article is then dedicated to the Monte Baldo Fortress in north-eastern Italy, between Lake Garda and the Adige River. In his article, Francesco Premi analyses the presence of the fortress in the transition area between the Germanic world and the Mediterranean, and the importance of this part of Italy (at the southernmost part of the pre-Alpine mountains) in military history, as reflected in the large number of important military and war relics and monuments. The second part of the book, which is the most comprehensive, focuses on the two World Wars and consists of nine papers. The first paper in this part provides an analysis of the operation of trench warfare training camps in the Aube region of France. The group of authors, Jérôme Brenot, Yves Desfossés, Robin Perarnau, Marc Lozano and Alain Devos, initially note that static warfare training camps have not received much attention so far. Using aerial photography of the region dating from 1948 and surviving World War II photographic material, they identified some 20 sites where soldiers of the Entente forces were trained for front-line service in trenches. Combined archaeological and sociological fieldwork followed, confirming the presence of these camps, both through preserved remains and the collective memory. The second paper in this volume also concerns the survey on trenches, located in northern Italy in the Venezia Tridentina Veneto area in northern Italy. The authors Luigi Magnini, Giulia Rovera, Armando De Guio and Giovanni Azzalin thus use digital classification methods and archaeology to determine how Italian and Austro-Hungarian First World War trenches have been preserved or, in case they have disappeared, why this was the case, both from the point of view of the natural features as well as from the anthropological point of view of the restoration of the pre-war settings. The next paper, by Paolo Macini and Paolo Sammuri, analyses the activities of the miners and pioneers of the Italian Corps of Engineers during the First World War, in particular with regard to innovative approaches to underground mine warfare. In the Dolomites, the Italian engineers, using various listening devices, drilling machinery and geophysical methods, developed a system for drilling underground mine chambers, which they intended to use and actually used to destroy parts of Austro-Hungarian positions. The paper by Elena Dai Prà, Nicola Gabellieri and Matteo Boschian Bailo concerns the Italian Army's operations during the First World War. It focuses on the use of tactical maps with emphasis on typological classification, the use of symbols, and digital cartography. The authors thus analysed the tactical maps of the Italian Third Army, which were being constantly updated by plotting the changes in positions and tactical movements of both sides. These changes were examined both in terms of the use of new symbols and the analysis of the movements. This is followed by a geographical presentation of the Italian Army's activities during the First World War. The authors Paolo Plini, Sabina Di Franco and Rosamaria Salvatori have thus collected 21,856 toponyms by analysing documents and maps. The locations were also geolocated to give an overview of the places where the Italian Army operated during the First World War. The analysis initially revealed the complexity of the events on the battlefields, but also that the sources had misidentified the places of operation, as toponyms were misidentified, especially in the case of homonyms. Consequently, the area of operation was misidentified as well. In this respect, the case of Vipava was highlighted, which can refer to both a river and a settlement. The following paper is the first on the Second World War. It is the article by H. A. P. Smith on Italian prisoners of war in South Africa. The author outlines the circumstances in which Italian soldiers arrived to and lived in the southern African continent, and the contribution they made to the local environment and the society, and the remnants of their presence preserved to the present day. In their article, William W. Doe III and Michael R. Czaja analyse the history, geography and significance of Camp Hale in the state of Colorado. In doing so, they focus on the analysis of the military organization and its impact on the local community. Camp Hale was thus the first military installation of the U.S. Army, designated to test and train U.S. soldiers in mountain and alpine warfare. It was here that the U.S. 10th Mountain Division was formed, which concluded its war path on Slovenian soil. The Division's presence in this former camp, which was in military use also after the war until 1965, and in the surrounding area is still visible through numerous monuments. This is followed by a paper by Hermann Häusler, who deals with German military geography and geology on the Eastern Front of the Second World War. A good year before the German attack on the Soviet Union, German and Austrian military geologists began an analysis of the topography, population and infrastructure of the European part of the Soviet Union, which led to a series of publications, including maps showing the suitability of the terrain for military operations. During the war, military geological teams then followed the frontline units and carried out geotechnical tasks such as water supply, construction of fortifications, supply of building materials for transport infrastructure, and analysis of the suitability of the terrain for all-terrain driving of tracked and other vehicles. The same author also authored a paper in the next chapter, this time focusing on the activities of German military geologists in the Adriatic area. Similarly to his first contribution, the author presents the work of military geologists in northern Italy and north-western Slovenia. He also focuses on the construction of fortification systems in northern Italy and presents the work of karst hunters in the Operational Zone of the Adriatic Littoral. Part 3 covers the 21st century with five different papers (chapters). The first paper by Alexander K. Stewart deals with the operations of the U.S. Army specialised teams in Afghanistan. These Agribusiness Development Teams (ADTs) carried out a specialised form of counter-guerrilla warfare in which they sought to improve the conditions for the development of local communities through agricultural assistance to the local population. In this way, they were also counteracting support for the Taliban. The author notes that, in the decade after the programme's launch, the project had only a 19% success rate. However, he stresses that such forms of civil-military cooperation should be present in future operations. The next chapter, by Francis A. Galgan, analyses the activities of modern pirates through military-geographical or geological methods. Pirates, who pose a major international security threat, are present in four regions of the world: South and South-East Asia, East Africa and the Gulf of Guinea. Building on the data on pirate attacks between 1997 and 2017, the author shows the temporal and spatial patterns of pirate activities, as well as the influence of the geography of coastal areas on their activities. This is followed by another chapter with a maritime topic. Mark Stephen Blaine discusses the geography of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Through a presentation of international law, the strategic importance of the sea (sea lanes, natural resources) and the overlapping territorial claims of China, Taiwan, Malaysia, Vietnam and Indonesia, the author shows the increasing level of conflict in the area and calls for the utmost efforts to be made to prevent the outbreak of hostilities or war. M. H. Bulmer's paper analyses the Turkish Armed Forces' activities in Syria from the perspective of military geology. The author focuses on the Kurdish forces' defence projects, which mainly involved the construction of gun trenches, observation towers or points, tunnels and underground facilities, as well as on the Turkish armed forces' actions against this military infrastructure. This involved both mountain and underground warfare activities. While these defensive infrastructures proved to be successful during the guerrilla warfare period, direct Turkish attacks on these installations demonstrated their vulnerability. The last chapter deals with the current operational needs and limitations of military geosciences from the perspective of the Austrian Armed Forces. Friedrich Teichmann points out that the global operational interest of states determines the need for accurate geo-data as well as geo-support in case of rapidly evolving requirements. In this context, geoscience must respond to new forms of threats, both asymmetric and cyber, at a time when resources for geospatial services are limited, which also requires greater synergy and an innovative approach to finding solutions among multiple stakeholders. This also includes increased digitisation, including the use of satellite and other space technologies. The number of chapters in the publication illustrates the breadth and depth of military geoscience, as well as the relevance of geoscience to past, present and future conflicts or military operations and missions. The current military operations in Ukraine demonstrate the need to take into account the geo-geological realities of the environment and that terrain remains one of the decisive factors for success on the battlefield, irrespective of the technological developments in military engineering and technology. This can also be an incentive for Slovenian researchers and the Slovenian Armed Forces to increase research activities in the field of military geosciences, especially in view of the rich military and war history in the geographically and geologically diverse territory of Slovenia.

Italian agricultural modernization in the late 19th century was partly the result of increased environmental and agronomic knowledge acquired from primary school onwards. The article opens a new research perspective by analysing how primary school teachers and vocational institutes contributed to agricultural and environmental education in rural areas of Northern Italy. These practices also raised awareness concerning social and cultural problems in rural areas. Laboratory activities and field trips played a fundamental role in teaching strategies that combined theoretical and practical lessons, putting students in direct contact with the territory and its resources. In the research presented here, three case studies are analysed. The first is the network of primary schools brought to life by resourceful teachers and the financial support of local authorities in the Monza area. The second focuses on the Practical School of Agriculture in Voghera and its field trips. The third looks at the practical training course for cellarmen that was planned in Stradella. Italian innovation in the final decades of the 19th century gave careful attention to the characteristics of each territory while also looking at highly successful didactic experiences in the most advanced countries.

e central aspect clari"ed in our research is the one related to the dating of the Balkan weapons of the 18th–19thcenturies identi"ed on the current territory of Romania. First of all, the causes that led to an erroneous dating of the Balkan pieces in the Romanian literature, especially during the communist period, must be mentioned. Given the fact that the international bibliography in the "eld of Balkan weapons was at its beginnings, being inaccessible to Romanian researchers, in order to date the Balkan weapons in our country we used the general western chronology for the periodization of the evolution of hand-held weapons, a timeline that does not correspond to the realities of the Balkan Peninsula, in particular of the Eastern territory in general. In the Balkans area, technological innovations such as the percussion cap mechanism had a poor and delayed penetration, as the technological gap between the West and the Balkans was of almost a century. is existing gap between workshops in the Balkan Peninsula and Western Europe has not been addressed by the older Romanian literature. Another reason that led to an erroneous dating of the pieces in our museums was the “custom” of Balkan workshops to copy Italian weapons from the 18th century during the 19th century. It is well known that Balkan workshops purchased weapon components, in particular pipes and detonating mechanisms, from the West, especially from Northern Italy. In the Balkan Peninsula of that period (18th–19th centuries), European production pipes were imported, and sometimes also the wooden components of weapons. Many times the Balkan workshops only assembled and decorated the weapons, and the only indigenous elements were the decorations applied to the weapons. In the Balkans, another practice was used on a large scale, which overturned researchers’ analyses: falsifying inscriptions. e temptation of large incomes led many of the local gunsmiths to engrave, especially on gun butt, the names of famous Italian gunsmiths from the 18th–19th centuries, which makes it di#cult to date those pieces. We have a special situation in cases where inscriptions made from symbols and letters without any logic have been identi"ed. Modern research believes that in these cases we are dealing with the “work” of illiterate craftsmen, who were addressing equally illiterate clients. e problem of engravings “copied” by illiterate craftsmen is also encountered in the Balkan territory in the case of yataghan production, but we cannot speak of a widespread practice. Another problem in the dating of the Balkan weapons is the massive importation of "nished parts from the West, made especially for the Eastern and Balkan markets, given that the weapons specially manufactured for export were made to the tastes of the Balkan customers – respecting the typology and appearance of those from the 18th century. Returning to the dating of the Balkan weapons identi"ed in the territory of Romania, very few of the analysed weapons, except for the yataghans, keep the year of manufacturing. e best situation is in the case of yataghans, where, out of the 59 pieces analysed in our research, 19 of the pieces still have the year of manufacturing damascened on the blade. All the pieces studied fall within the last decades of the 18th century and the second half of the 19th century. In terms of "rearms, a very small number of pieces preserve the year of manufacturing, which does not allow us to carry out an edifying statistical analysis. Of the pieces studied, the years of manufacturing are engraved on a single pistol and on a single ri$e, namely 1814 and 1865, respectively. Under these conditions, Balkan "rearms held in our country’s museums can only be dated generally between the second half of the 18thcentury and the second half of the 19th century. By analysing the situation of the dated yataghans, we can make a realistic assessment of the periods of Balkanweapons from the current territory of Romania. Out of the 19 dated yataghans, most come from the early decades of the 19th century, 12 pieces (63%), followed by the yataghans dating back to the second half of the 19th century, 4 pieces (21%), while the yataghans dating back to the last decades of the 18th century hold the smallest share, counting only 3 pieces (16%). Although the small number of dated yataghans (19 of the total of 59 weapons investigated) is not representative of the whole country, the results of our analysis are in line with the situation of yataghans kept in the large weapon collections in Belgrade and Zagreb. Speci"cally, we refer to the share held by the yataghans dated in the "rst half of the 19th century, the most numerous of which are kept in our museums and from this point of view the situation is the same as that of the Military Museum in Belgrade and the Croatian History Museum of Zagreb. e di/erences found compared to the situation in Romania result in the much smaller gap between this group of yataghans and those of the second half of the 19th century, namely from the last decades of the 18th century. e large number of weapons made in the "rst half of the 19th century must be linked to the more than di#cult political situation of the European part of the Ottoman Empire at that time. e need for arming became a necessity in the years of the “Serbian Revolution” of 1804–1835, a multi-stage anti-Ottoman movement that materialized with the establishment of an autonomous Serbian Principality within the Ottoman Empire. In the same line with the anti-Ottoman movement in Serbia, the Greek Independence War took place between 1821–1829, which ended with the recognition of the independence of the new Greek State by the great European powers. A con$ict situation was also faced by Bosnia in 1831, but its character was di/erent, as the Bosnians stood up against the reforms made by the central authorities of Istanbul. All these con$icts in the Balkans required massive arming and generated an important weapon production, a fact re$ected in the dating of the Yataghans existing on the territory of Romania. Analysing from a comparative point of view the situation of yataghan dating with that of the Balkan "rearms, related and most of all, contemporary weapons, we can propose an assimilation regarding the periodization of white weapons with the "rearms. erefore, it can be appreciated that the vast majority of the Balkan "rearms existing in Romania, derived from the same sources as the white ones, can be dated in the "rst half of the 19thcentury, according to the great e/ervescence in the Balkan weapon production level, the regional political situation being presented in the paragraphs above.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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IntroductionFood Studies is a relatively recent area of research enquiry in Australia and Magazine Studies is even newer (Le Masurier and Johinke), with the consequence that Australian culinary magazines are only just beginning to be investigated. Moreover, although many major libraries have not thought such popular magazines worthy of sustained collection (Fox and Sornil), considering these publications is important. As de Certeau argues, it can be of considerable consequence to identify and analyse everyday practices (such as producing and reading popular magazines) that seem so minor and insignificant as to be unworthy of notice, as these practices have the ability to affect our lives. It is important in this case as these publications were part of the post-war gastronomic environment in Australia in which national tastes in domestic cookery became radically internationalised (Santich). To further investigate Australian magazines, as well as suggesting how these cosmopolitan eating habits became more widely embraced, this article will survey the various ways in which the idea of “abroad” is expressed in one Australian culinary serial from the post-war period, Australian Wines & Food Quarterly magazine, which was published from 1956 to 1960. The methodological approach taken is an historically-informed content analysis (Krippendorff) of relevant material from these magazines combined with germane media data (Hodder). All issues in the serial’s print run have been considered.Australian Post-War Culinary PublishingTo date, studies of 1950s writing in Australia have largely focused on literary and popular fiction (Johnson-Wood; Webby) and literary criticism (Bird; Dixon; Lee). There have been far fewer studies of non-fiction writing of any kind, although some serial publications from this time have attracted some attention (Bell; Lindesay; Ross; Sheridan; Warner-Smith; White; White). In line with studies internationally, groundbreaking work in Australian food history has focused on cookbooks, and includes work by Supski, who notes that despite the fact that buying cookbooks was “regarded as a luxury in the 1950s” (87), such publications were an important information source in terms of “developing, consolidating and extending foodmaking knowledge” at that time (85).It is widely believed that changes to Australian foodways were brought about by significant post-war immigration and the recipes and dishes these immigrants shared with neighbours, friends, and work colleagues and more widely afield when they opened cafes and restaurants (Newton; Newton; Manfredi). Although these immigrants did bring new culinary flavours and habits with them, the overarching rhetoric guiding population policy at this time was assimilation, with migrants expected to abandon their culture, language, and habits in favour of the dominant British-influenced ways of living (Postiglione). While migrants often did retain their foodways (Risson), the relationship between such food habits and the increasingly cosmopolitan Australian food culture is much more complex than the dominant cultural narrative would have us believe. It has been pointed out, for example, that while the haute cuisine of countries such as France, Italy, and Germany was much admired in Australia and emulated in expensive dining (Brien and Vincent), migrants’ own preference for their own dishes instead of Anglo-Australian choices, was not understood (Postiglione). Duruz has added how individual diets are eclectic, “multi-layered and hybrid” (377), incorporating foods from both that person’s own background with others available for a range of reasons including availability, cost, taste, and fashion. In such an environment, popular culinary publishing, in terms of cookbooks, specialist magazines, and recipe and other food-related columns in general magazines and newspapers, can be posited to be another element contributing to this change.Australian Wines & Food QuarterlyAustralian Wines & Food Quarterly (AWFQ) is, as yet, a completely unexamined publication, and there appears to be only three complete sets of this magazine held in public collections. It is important to note that, at the time it was launched in the mid-1950s, food writing played a much less significant part in Australian popular publishing than it does today, with far fewer cookbooks released than today, and women’s magazines and the women’s pages of newspapers containing only small recipe sections. In this environment, a new specialist culinary magazine could be seen to be timely, an audacious gamble, or both.All issues of this magazine were produced and printed in, and distributed from, Melbourne, Australia. Although no sales or distribution figures are available, production was obviously a struggle, with only 15 issues published before the magazine folded at the end of 1960. The title of the magazine changed over this time, and issue release dates are erratic, as is the method in which volumes and issues are numbered. Although the number of pages varied from 32 up to 52, and then less once again, across the magazine’s life, the price was steadily reduced, ending up at less than half the original cover price. All issues were produced and edited by Donald Wallace, who also wrote much of the content, with contributions from family members, including his wife, Mollie Wallace, to write, illustrate, and produce photographs for the magazine.When considering the content of the magazine, most is quite familiar in culinary serials today, although AWFQ’s approach was radically innovative in Australia at this time when cookbooks, women’s magazines, and newspaper cookery sections focused on recipes, many of which were of cakes, biscuits, and other sweet baking (Bannerman). AWFQ not only featured many discursive essays and savory meals, it also featured much wine writing and review-style content as well as information about restaurant dining in each issue.Wine-Related ContentWine is certainly the most prominent of the content areas, with most issues of the magazine containing more wine-related content than any other. Moreover, in the early issues, most of the food content is about preparing dishes and/or meals that could be consumed alongside wines, although the proportion of food content increases as the magazine is published. This wine-related content takes a clearly international perspective on this topic. While many articles and advertisements, for example, narrate the long history of Australian wine growing—which goes back to early 19th century—these articles argue that Australia's vineyards and wineries measure up to international, and especially French, examples. In one such example, the author states that: “from the earliest times Australia’s wines have matched up to world standard” (“Wine” 25). This contest can be situated in Australia, where a leading restaurant (Caprice in Sydney) could be seen to not only “match up to” but also, indeed to, “challenge world standards” by serving Australian wines instead of imports (“Sydney” 33). So good, indeed, are Australian wines that when foreigners are surprised by their quality, this becomes newsworthy. This is evidenced in the following excerpt: “Nearly every English businessman who has come out to Australia in the last ten years … has diverted from his main discussion to comment on the high quality of Australian wine” (Seppelt, 3). In a similar nationalist vein, many articles feature overseas experts’ praise of Australian wines. Thus, visiting Italian violinist Giaconda de Vita shows a “keen appreciation of Australian wines” (“Violinist” 30), British actor Robert Speaight finds Grange Hermitage “an ideal wine” (“High Praise” 13), and the Swedish ambassador becomes their advocate (Ludbrook, “Advocate”).This competition could also be located overseas including when Australian wines are served at prestigious overseas events such as a dinner for members of the Overseas Press Club in New York (Australian Wines); sold from Seppelt’s new London cellars (Melbourne), or the equally new Australian Wine Centre in Soho (Australia Will); or, featured in exhibitions and promotions such as the Lausanne Trade Fair (Australia is Guest;“Wines at Lausanne), or the International Wine Fair in Yugoslavia (Australia Wins).Australia’s first Wine Festival was held in Melbourne in 1959 (Seppelt, “Wine Week”), the joint focus of which was the entertainment and instruction of the some 15,000 to 20,000 attendees who were expected. At its centre was a series of free wine tastings aiming to promote Australian wines to the “professional people of the community, as well as the general public and the housewife” (“Melbourne” 8), although admission had to be recommended by a wine retailer. These tastings were intended to build up the prestige of Australian wine when compared to international examples: “It is the high quality of our wines that we are proud of. That is the story to pass on—that Australian wine, at its best, is at least as good as any in the world and better than most” (“Melbourne” 8).There is also a focus on promoting wine drinking as a quotidian habit enjoyed abroad: “We have come a long way in less than twenty years […] An enormous number of husbands and wives look forward to a glass of sherry when the husband arrives home from work and before dinner, and a surprising number of ordinary people drink table wine quite un-selfconsciously” (Seppelt, “Advance” 3). However, despite an acknowledged increase in wine appreciation and drinking, there is also acknowledgement that this there was still some way to go in this aim as, for example, in the statement: “There is no reason why the enjoyment of table wines should not become an Australian custom” (Seppelt, “Advance” 4).The authority of European experts and European habits is drawn upon throughout the publication whether in philosophically-inflected treatises on wine drinking as a core part of civilised behaviour, or practically-focused articles about wine handling and serving (Keown; Seabrook; “Your Own”). Interestingly, a number of Australian experts are also quoted as stressing that these are guidelines, not strict rules: Crosby, for instance, states: “There is no ‘right wine.’ The wine to drink is the one you like, when and how you like it” (19), while the then-manager of Lindemans Wines is similarly reassuring in his guide to entertaining, stating that “strict adherence to the rules is not invariably wise” (Mackay 3). Tingey openly acknowledges that while the international-style of regularly drinking wine had “given more dignity and sophistication to the Australian way of life” (35), it should not be shrouded in snobbery.Food-Related ContentThe magazine’s cookery articles all feature international dishes, and certain foreign foods, recipes, and ways of eating and dining are clearly identified as “gourmet”. Cheese is certainly the most frequently mentioned “gourmet” food in the magazine, and is featured in every issue. These articles can be grouped into the following categories: understanding cheese (how it is made and the different varieties enjoyed internationally), how to consume cheese (in relation to other food and specific wines, and in which particular parts of a meal, again drawing on international practices), and cooking with cheese (mostly in what can be identified as “foreign” recipes).Some of this content is produced by Kraft Foods, a major advertiser in the magazine, and these articles and recipes generally focus on urging people to eat more, and varied international kinds of cheese, beyond the ubiquitous Australian cheddar. In terms of advertorials, both Kraft cheeses (as well as other advertisers) are mentioned by brand in recipes, while the companies are also profiled in adjacent articles. In the fourth issue, for instance, a full-page, infomercial-style advertisement, noting the different varieties of Kraft cheese and how to serve them, is published in the midst of a feature on cooking with various cheeses (“Cooking with Cheese”). This includes recipes for Swiss Cheese fondue and two pasta recipes: spaghetti and spicy tomato sauce, and a so-called Italian spaghetti with anchovies.Kraft’s company history states that in 1950, it was the first business in Australia to manufacture and market rindless cheese. Through these AWFQ advertisements and recipes, Kraft aggressively marketed this innovation, as well as its other new products as they were launched: mayonnaise, cheddar cheese portions, and Cracker Barrel Cheese in 1954; Philadelphia Cream Cheese, the first cream cheese to be produced commercially in Australia, in 1956; and, Coon Cheese in 1957. Not all Kraft products were seen, however, as “gourmet” enough for such a magazine. Kraft’s release of sliced Swiss Cheese in 1957, and processed cheese slices in 1959, for instance, both passed unremarked in either the magazine’s advertorial or recipes.An article by the Australian Dairy Produce Board urging consumers to “Be adventurous with Cheese” presented general consumer information including the “origin, characteristics and mode of serving” cheese accompanied by a recipe for a rich and exotic-sounding “Wine French Dressing with Blue Cheese” (Kennedy 18). This was followed in the next issue by an article discussing both now familiar and not-so familiar European cheese varieties: “Monterey, Tambo, Feta, Carraway, Samsoe, Taffel, Swiss, Edam, Mozzarella, Pecorino-Romano, Red Malling, Cacio Cavallo, Blue-Vein, Roman, Parmigiano, Kasseri, Ricotta and Pepato” (“Australia’s Natural” 23). Recipes for cheese fondues recur through the magazine, sometimes even multiple times in the same issue (see, for instance, “Cooking With Cheese”; “Cooking With Wine”; Pain). In comparison, butter, although used in many AWFQ’s recipes, was such a common local ingredient at this time that it was only granted one article over the entire run of the magazine, and this was largely about the much more unusual European-style unsalted butter (“An Expert”).Other international recipes that were repeated often include those for pasta (always spaghetti) as well as mayonnaise made with olive oil. Recurring sweets and desserts include sorbets and zabaglione from Italy, and flambéd crepes suzettes from France. While tabletop cooking is the epitome of sophistication and described as an international technique, baked Alaska (ice cream nestled on liquor-soaked cake, and baked in a meringue shell), hailing from America, is the most featured recipe in the magazine. Asian-inspired cuisine was rarely represented and even curry—long an Anglo-Australian staple—was mentioned only once in the magazine, in an article reprinted from the South African The National Hotelier, and which included a recipe alongside discussion of blending spices (“Curry”).Coffee was regularly featured in both articles and advertisements as a staple of the international gourmet kitchen (see, for example, Bancroft). Articles on the history, growing, marketing, blending, roasting, purchase, percolating and brewing, and serving of coffee were common during the magazine’s run, and are accompanied with advertisements for Bushell’s, Robert Timms’s and Masterfoods’s coffee ranges. AWFQ believed Australia’s growing coffee consumption was the result of increased participation in quality internationally-influenced dining experiences, whether in restaurants, the “scores of colourful coffee shops opening their doors to a new generation” (“Coffee” 39), or at home (Adams). Tea, traditionally the Australian hot drink of choice, is not mentioned once in the magazine (Brien).International Gourmet InnovationsAlso featured in the magazine are innovations in the Australian food world: new places to eat; new ways to cook, including a series of sometimes quite unusual appliances; and new ways to shop, with a profile of the first American-style supermarkets to open in Australia in this period. These are all seen as overseas innovations, but highly suited to Australia. The laws then controlling the service of alcohol are also much discussed, with many calls to relax the licensing laws which were seen as inhibiting civilised dining and drinking practices. The terms this was often couched in—most commonly in relation to the Olympic Games (held in Melbourne in 1956), but also in relation to tourism in general—are that these restrictive regulations were an embarrassment for Melbourne when considered in relation to international practices (see, for example, Ludbrook, “Present”). This was at a time when the nightly hotel closing time of 6.00 pm (and the performance of the notorious “six o’clock swill” in terms of drinking behaviour) was only repealed in Victoria in 1966 (Luckins).Embracing scientific approaches in the kitchen was largely seen to be an American habit. The promotion of the use of electricity in the kitchen, and the adoption of new electric appliances (Gas and Fuel; Gilbert “Striving”), was described not only as a “revolution that is being wrought in our homes”, but one that allowed increased levels of personal expression and fulfillment, in “increas[ing] the time and resources available to the housewife for the expression of her own personality in the management of her home” (Gilbert, “The Woman’s”). This mirrors the marketing of these modes of cooking and appliances in other media at this time, including in newspapers, radio, and other magazines. This included features on freezing food, however AWFQ introduced an international angle, by suggesting that recipe bases could be pre-prepared, frozen, and then defrosted to use in a range of international cookery (“Fresh”; “How to”; Kelvinator Australia). The then-new marvel of television—another American innovation—is also mentioned in the magazine ("Changing concepts"), although other nationalities are also invoked. The history of the French guild the Confrerie de la Chaine des Roitisseurs in 1248 is, for instance, used to promote an electric spit roaster that was part of a state-of-the-art gas stove (“Always”), and there are also advertisements for such appliances as the Gaggia expresso machine (“Lets”) which draw on both Italian historical antecedence and modern science.Supermarket and other forms of self-service shopping are identified as American-modern, with Australia’s first shopping mall lauded as the epitome of utopian progressiveness in terms of consumer practice. Judged to mark “a new era in Australian retailing” (“Regional” 12), the opening of Chadstone Regional Shopping Centre in suburban Melbourne on 4 October 1960, with its 83 tenants including “giant” supermarket Dickens, and free parking for 2,500 cars, was not only “one of the most up to date in the world” but “big even by American standards” (“Regional” 12, italics added), and was hailed as a step in Australia “catching up” with the United States in terms of mall shopping (“Regional” 12). This shopping centre featured international-styled dining options including Bistro Shiraz, an outdoor terrace restaurant that planned to operate as a bistro-snack bar by day and full-scale restaurant at night, and which was said to offer diners a “Persian flavor” (“Bistro”).ConclusionAustralian Wines & Food Quarterly was the first of a small number of culinary-focused Australian publications in the 1950s and 1960s which assisted in introducing a generation of readers to information about what were then seen as foreign foods and beverages only to be accessed and consumed abroad as well as a range of innovative international ideas regarding cookery and dining. For this reason, it can be posited that the magazine, although modest in the claims it made, marked a revolutionary moment in Australian culinary publishing. As yet, only slight traces can be found of its editor and publisher, Donald Wallace. The influence of AWFQ is, however, clearly evident in the two longer-lived magazines that were launched in the decade after AWFQ folded: Australian Gourmet Magazine and The Epicurean. Although these serials had a wider reach, an analysis of the 15 issues of AWFQ adds to an understanding of how ideas of foods, beverages, and culinary ideas and trends, imported from abroad were presented to an Australian readership in the 1950s, and contributed to how national foodways were beginning to change during that decade.ReferencesAdams, Jillian. “Australia’s American Coffee Culture.” Australian Journal of Popular Culture 2.1 (2012): 23–36.“Always to Roast on a Turning Spit.” The Magazine of Good Living: Australian Wines and Food 4.2 (1960): 17.“An Expert on Butter.” The Magazine of Good Living: The Australian Wine & Food 4.1 (1960): 11.“Australia Is Guest Nation at Lausanne.” The Magazine of Good Living: Australian Wines and Food 4.2 (1960): 18–19.“Australia’s Natural Cheeses.” The Magazine of Good Living: The Australian Wine & Food 4.1 (1960): 23.“Australia Will Be There.” The Magazine of Good Living: Australian Wines and Food 4.2 (1960): 14.“Australian Wines Served at New York Dinner.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 1.5 (1958): 16.“Australia Wins Six Gold Medals.” Australian Wines & Food: The Magazine of Good Living 2.11 (1959/1960): 3.Bancroft, P.A. “Let’s Make Some Coffee.” The Magazine of Good Living: The Australian Wine & Food 4.1 (1960): 10. 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