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1

Tambakaki, Paulina. "Agonism Reloaded: Potentia, Renewal and Radical Democracy." Political Studies Review 15, no. 4 (May 13, 2016): 577–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916635882.

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This article focuses on the agonistic account of renewal and discusses its place within the broader horizon of radical democracy. It suggests that while the emphasis which agonistic theorists place on difference and popular struggles (particularly social movement politics) ensures some common ground with other theories of radical democracy, their account of renewal also displays some marked differences. The article explores these differences and discusses whether agonism is sufficient to address the limits of the current neoliberal order. Honig B (2013) Antigone, Interrupted. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Wenman M (2013) Agonistic Democracy: Constituent Power in the Era of Globalisation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Nichols R and Singh J (eds) (2014) Freedom and Democracy in an Imperial Context – Dialogues with James Tully. Abingdon, New York: Routledge Mouffe C (2013) Agonistics. London: Verso. Tully J (ed.) (2014) On Global Citizenship: James Tully in Dialogue. London; New York: Bloomsbury Academics.
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Jehalut, Ferdi. "DEMOKRASI AGONISTIK DAN SPIRIT BARU PASCA-PILKADA." JAP UNWIRA 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.30822/jap.v3i2.863.

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Abstract The simultaneous general election of district heads in 270 regencies, municipalities and provinces in Indonesia in 2020 has ended. The end of the simultaneous general elections does not mean the end of competition, debate and discourse in democracy. A living democracy needs constant contestation, debate and discourse. That is the essence of the idea of agonistic democracy. The idea of agonistic democracy will be discussed in a sharp and comprehensive manner in this paper. Thus, the aim of this paper is to explain the concept of agonistic democracy. Furthermore, starting from the idea of agonistic democracy, the writer will show what spirit needs to be nurtured after the simultaneous regional elections that have just been held. The approach used in this paper is a speculative-analysis approach.
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Djordjevic, Biljana. "Problems of normative strenght and critique within the concept of agonistic participation: Towards the complementarity of agonistic and participatory democracy." Filozofija i drustvo 25, no. 3 (2014): 77–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1403077d.

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In this article I argue that there are grounds for considering agonistic democracy and participatory democracy complementarity in order to institutionalize agonism which has thus far lacked an elaborate articulation of its institutional dimension. The two democratic theories share a commitment toward widening the scope of the political as a way of inclusion of citizens and their subsequent political subjectivation and empowerment. Furthermore, there are authors on both sides who think democracy does not need foundations. Agonistic participation and contestation, on the one hand, and the broadening and strengthening of various sectors of political participation, on the other, both open up new possibilities for critique and change, but also create new risks. Building on a redefinition of agonisitic participation, I aim to attenuate an objection that agonism is normatively weak in terms of lacking resources to motivate citizens and justify their critique of practices of domination and oppression. The article concludes that we need to embrace agonistic participation as a means towards the development of democratic political judgement, as there are no other guarantees, i.e. secure foundations, for our ability to distinguish between democratic and non-democratic agon.
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Bell, Duncan. "Agonistic Democracy and the Politics of Memory." Constellations 15, no. 1 (March 2008): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.2008.00478.x.

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5

Jang, Won-Seok. "Conflictual Consensus Politics : Chantal Mouffe' Agonistic Democracy." Journal of Peace Studies 16, no. 4 (September 30, 2015): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14363/kaps.2015.16.4.61.

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6

Westphal, Manon. "Overcoming the Institutional Deficit of Agonistic Democracy." Res Publica 25, no. 2 (March 21, 2018): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-018-9397-2.

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7

Letnyakov, Denis. "Going Beyond "Electoralism": Agonistic Democracy Versus a Post-politics Perspective." Polylogos 6, no. 4 (22) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110023494-5.

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In the research literature of recent years, the problem of the degeneration of modern democracy into a technocratic "post-politics", has been actively discussed. The article analyzes one of the possible answers to this threat, proposed by the theorists of the so-called agonistic (competitive) model of democracy. Referring to the works of Ch. Mouffe, W. Connolly, J. Tully and D. Owen, the author shows what can be an agonistic alternative to the "electoralist" approach to democracy (linking the latter, first of all, with the holding of competitive elections). Further, considering the political practices of modern liberal polities (mainly the USA), the author comes to the conclusion that they already contain a certain agonistic element. This element, however, needs to be developed and strengthened in order to transform politics into an institutionalized space of conflict, which is a necessary condition for the existence of any living democracy.
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8

Dalaqua, Gustavo H. "DEMOCRACY AS COMPROMISE: AN ALTERNATIVE TO THE AGONISTIC VS. EPISTEMIC DIVIDE." Kriterion: Revista de Filosofia 60, no. 144 (September 2019): 587–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0100-512x2019n14405ghd.

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ABSTRACT The agonistic vs. epistemic dichotomy is fairly widespread in contemporary democratic theory and is endorsed by scholars as outstanding as Luis Felipe Miguel, Chantal Mouffe, and Nadia Urbinati. According to them, the idea that democratic deliberation can work as a rational exchange of arguments that aims at truth is incompatible with the recognition of conflict as a central feature of politics. In other words, the epistemic approach is bound to obliterate the agonistic and conflictive dimension of democracy. This article takes this dichotomized way of thinking to task by reconstructing the association between democracy and compromise made by John Stuart Mill, John Morley, and Hans Kelsen. It concludes that the conceptualization of democracy as compromise offers an alternative to the agonistic vs. epistemic divide that disconcerts a significant part of political philosophy today.
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Kayange, Grivas M. "African Traditional Deliberative and Agonistic Democracy: A Maravi Perspective." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (March 18, 2018): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302003.

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This essay traces elements of democracy in the history of African political thought, mainly in the Maravi Kingdom which once spanned the regions of present-day Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique. Based on the study of Maravi history, language, and some published philosophical reflections on democracy, elements of both deliberative and agonistic democracy are demonstrably present in these traditions. These elements include consensus-building, democratic legitimisation of leaders (such as kings) and the capacity to tame agonism in the community. While some of the main studies on African traditional theory of democracy build on an exotic and exceptional conception of African culture as communitarian, this paper argues for using the model of moderate communitarianism as representative of African societies through the ages. On this view the understanding is that indigenous African political cultures accommodate both communitarian and individualistic elements independently of Western influences. It is the accommodation of these cultural elements as indigenous to Africa that allows democracy to flourish in various African settings.
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Lowndes, Vivien, and Marie Paxton. "Can agonism be institutionalised? Can institutions be agonised? Prospects for democratic design." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (July 6, 2018): 693–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118784756.

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One of the main criticisms of agonistic democracy (and of post-structuralism more generally) is that it fails to get beyond a purely negative assessment of alternative theories. The article takes up this challenge. First, it seeks to specify the core commitments of agonistic democracy, focusing on the concepts of contestation, contingency and interdependence. Second, it analyses how these commitments might be institutionalised through models of perfectionism, adversarialism and inclusivism. Third, it considers how agonistic principles can suffuse broader processes of democratic design, drawing on insights from critical institutionalism. The article argues that agonism can become more than a thought experiment or critique. An agonistic design process is possible. Such a process has five key characteristics: it is processual, collective, contextual, contestable and always provisional.
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Deleixhe, Martin. "Conflicts in common(s)? Radical democracy and the governance of the commons." Thesis Eleven 144, no. 1 (February 2018): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618756089.

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Prominent radical democrats have in recent times shown a vivid interest in the commons. Ever since the publication of Governing the Commons by Elinor Ostrom, the commons have been associated with a self-governing and self-sustaining scheme of production and burdened with the responsibility of carving out an autonomous social space independent from both the markets and the state. Since the commons prove on a small empirical scale that self-governance, far from being a utopian ideal, is and long has been a lived reality, a few authors have attempted to turn them into the conceptual matrix of their own account of radical democracy. Negri and Hardt, on one hand, Laval and Dardot, on the other, have jointly coined the term ‘the common’ (in the singular) to suggest that the self-governance quintessential to the commons could be turned into a general democratic principle. Though this is an attractive theoretical prospect, I will contend that it fails to account for an important contradiction between the two theoretical frameworks it connects. Whereas the governance of the commons depends on harmonious cooperation between all stakeholders which in turn relies on a strong sense of belonging to a shared community, radical democracy is highly suspicious of any attempt to build a totalizing community and constantly emphasizes the decisive role of internal agonistic conflicts in maintaining a vibrant pluralism. I will further contend that the short-sightedness of radical democrats on this issue may be partially explained by the strong emphasis in the commons literature on a related but distinct conflict, that which opposes the commoners to the movement of enclosures. I will argue, however, that this conflict is not of an agonistic nature and does little to preserve the dynamism and the constant self-criticism proper to the radical democrat regime.
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12

Nelson, Scott G. "Institutionalizing Agonistic Democracy: Post-Foundationalism and Political Liberalism." New Political Science 34, no. 4 (December 2012): 628–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2012.729749.

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13

Kenis, Anneleen. "Ecological citizenship and democracy: Communitarian versus agonistic perspectives." Environmental Politics 25, no. 6 (July 11, 2016): 949–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2016.1203524.

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14

Rivano Eckerdal, Johanna. "Libraries, democracy, information literacy, and citizenship." Journal of Documentation 73, no. 5 (September 11, 2017): 1010–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-12-2016-0152.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to advocate and contribute to a more nuanced and discerning argument when ascribing a democratic role to libraries and activities related to information literacy. Design/methodology/approach The connections between democracy and libraries as well as between citizenship and information literacy are analysed by using Mouffe’s agonistic pluralism. One example is provided by a recent legislative change (the new Swedish Library Act) and the documents preceding it. A second, more detailed example concerns how information literacy may be conceptualised when related to young women’s sexual and reproductive health. Crucial in both examples are the suggestions of routes to travel that support equality and inclusion for all. Findings Within an agonistic approach, democracy concerns equality and interest in making efforts to include the less privileged. The inclusion of a democratic aim, directed towards everyone, for libraries in the new Library Act can be argued to emphasise the political role of libraries. A liberal and a radical understanding of information literacy is elaborated, the latter is advocated. Information literacy is also analysed in a non-essentialist manner, as a description of a learning activity, therefore always value-laden. Originality/value The agonistic reading of two central concepts in library and information studies, namely, libraries and information literacy is fruitful and shows how the discipline may contribute to strengthen democracy in society both within institutions as libraries and in other settings.
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15

Vardoulakis, Dimitris. "Autoimmunities." Research In Phenomenology 48, no. 1 (February 19, 2018): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341383.

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Abstract I argue that a distinction between three autoimmunities is implied in Derrida’s Rogues. These are the autoimmunities of democracy as a regime of power, of democracy to come and of sovereignty. I extrapolate the relations between three different autoimmunities using the figure of the internal enemy in order to argue for an agonistic conception of democracy.
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16

Patberg, Markus. "Agonistic democracy: Constituent power in the era of globalisation." Contemporary Political Theory 14, no. 1 (October 28, 2014): e8-e11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2014.2.

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17

Rubinelli, Lucia. "Agonistic democracy: constituent power in the era of globalisation." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 613–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2014.943589.

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18

Sladecek, Michal. "Democracy: Between the essentially contested concept and the agonistic practice: Connolly, Mouffe, Tully." Filozofija i drustvo 21, no. 1 (2010): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1001065s.

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The text considers points of view of theoreticians of the radical pluralism (democracy): Connolly (William Connolly), Mouffe (Chantal Mouffe) and Tully (James Tully) with regard to the status and the nature of concepts in the political discourse, as well as the consequences of these conceptual presumptions to understanding democracy. The three authors emphasize the essential contestability of political concepts, the paradox of liberal democracy and the need to revise standard rational consensus theories of democracy. Also, the three authors take over the specific interpretation of Vittgenstein to the direction of political theory the centre of which consists of everyday contingent practices of politics as well as dissent about their assessment. The text analyzes the extent to which this reading is compatible to Wittgenstein's position. The author defends the opinion that the essential contestability does not imply agonism and denial of the significance of rules and tries to indicate to the points of illegitimate transition from antiessentialism to unconsensus rules. Also, the text underlines the flaws of dissent conception of democracy and social integration.
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19

Koga, Natália Massaco. "Proposing an agonistic analytical framework to assess participatory initiatives in Brazil." Revista do Serviço Público 67, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21874/rsp.v67i2.1270.

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This article intends to review the main arguments developed by the contemporary literature dedicated to assess the conditions for and outcomes of social participation in Brazil. Considering the emerging criticism that new aspects should be incorporated to this debate, this work explores an alternative line of thinking – Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory of democracy - from which I contend a new analytical framework can be developed in order to improve the understanding of the contributions of social participation to Brazil’s democracy.
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20

Dillard, Jesse, and Judy Brown. "Broadening out and opening up: an agonistic attitude toward progressive social accounting." Sustainability Accounting, Management and Policy Journal 6, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sampj-09-2014-0055.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to review the current research program in agonistic dialogic accounting and to reflect on future possibilities for broadening out and opening up accounting and accountability systems, especially as they relate to social and environmental accounting (SEA). Design/methodology/approach – The authors describe an ethic of accountability as a context for dialogue and debate intended to broaden out and open up new imaginings of accounting for democracy. The authors review the accounting literature addressing dialogic accounting and agonistics as the precursor of what has evolved into agonistic dialogic accounting. The authors discuss their work to date on agonistic pluralism and engagement, recognizing the necessity of linking the normative framework to an effective political program. The authors review prior studies applying science and technology studies that have addressed these issues. Findings – The authors consider how the application of agonistic ideas might facilitate the development of multiple accountings that take pluralism seriously by addressing constituencies and perspectives often marginalized in both SEA and mainstream accounting. An ethic of accountability and science and technology studies are useful for stimulating dialogue and debate regarding democratic and civil society institutions as they relate to economic entities, especially corporations. Practical implications – Agonistic dialogic accounting in conjunction with other disciplines such as science and technology studies can be used in formulating, implementing and evaluating policy for advancing a progressive social agenda. Originality/value – A reflective view of the current work in agonistic dialogic accounting highlights considerations for further research regarding the possible interdisciplinary work particularly with science and technology studies in broadening out and opening up accounting and accountability systems as facilitators of progressive social agenda.
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Pateman, Carole. "Participatory Democracy Revisited." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (March 2012): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004877.

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Over the past two decades we have heard an historically unprecedented volume of talk about and praise of democracy, and many governmental, non-governmental, and international organizations have been engaged in democracy promotion. Democracy is a subject that crosses the boundaries in political science, and within my own field of political theory there has been a major revival of democratic theory. In political theory, argument about “democracy” is usually now qualified by one of an array of adjectives, which include cosmopolitan, agonistic, republican, and monitory. But the new form that has been by far the most successful is deliberative democracy. By 2007 John Dryzek could write that “deliberative democracy now constitutes the most active area of political theory in its entirety (not just democratic theory).” Not only is there an extremely large and rapidly growing literature, both theoretical and empirical, on deliberative democracy, but its influence has spread far outside universities.
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Rossiter, Ned. "Virtuosity, Processual Democracy and Organised Networks." Cultural Studies Review 11, no. 2 (October 25, 2013): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v11i2.3662.

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I start with the premise that the decoupling of the state from civil society and the reassertion of the multitudes over the unitary figure of ‘the people’ coincides with a vacuum in political institutions of the state. Against Chantal Mouffe’s promotion of an ‘agonistic democracy’, I argue that the emergent idiom of democracy within networked, informational settings is a non- or post-representative one that can be understood in terms of processuality. I maintain that a non-representative, processual democracy corresponds with new institutional formations peculiar to organised networks that subsist within informationality.
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Guisan, Catherine. "Right-Wing Populism and the European Parliament’s Agonistic Politics." Populism 5, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10032.

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Abstract How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP’s elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it “protect democracy against democracy”? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the “judicialization of conflicts” without, which the EP discusses passionately also.
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Verloo, Nanke. "Governing the global locally: Agonistic democracy practices in The Hague’s Schilderswijk." Urban Studies 55, no. 11 (October 31, 2017): 2354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017732715.

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Cities have become stages for (inter)national conflicts over political and religious identity, democratic values and ownership of place. These ‘glocal urban conflicts’ challenge local actors to respond immediately and effectively in ways that prevent escalation and strengthen democratic relations. The theory of agonistic democracy provides a valuable model that celebrates difference and inclusiveness to foster democracy. There is, however, little understanding of how these agnostic ideals are practiced in rapidly unfolding situations. This article provides a case study to further our understanding of dealing with conflicts where global tensions are enacted at the street level. It proposes an interpretative approach that brings into focus how a decentred network of local professionals practice agnostic democracy in action. The local government of The Hague was challenged to ‘govern the global locally’ when young Muslims waved flags allying with ISIS on the streets of the Schilderswijk neighbourhood. A series of local demonstrations required appropriate responses in a highly mediatised conflict. The analysis provides three ‘critical moments’ that function as a lens to study governance practices that underscore diversity as a political resource. Practices of ‘governing meaning’ and ‘governing the street’ addressed concerns about security, ownership and local grievances.
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Kim, Man Kwon. "Politics of Post-truth and Rethinking Agonistic Model of Democracy." Korean Journal of Philosophy 147 (May 31, 2021): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18694/kjp.2021.5.147.137.

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von Hatzfeldt, Gaia. "Agonistic democracy: the endurance of the Gandhi and Nehru legacy." Contemporary South Asia 24, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1197884.

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Fougère, Lillian, and Sophie Bond. "Legitimising activism in democracy: A place for antagonism in environmental governance." Planning Theory 17, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095216682795.

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Despite the appearance of a range of opportunities for formal participation in environmental decision-making in Aotearoa New Zealand, postpolitics is very much present, annulling dissent, upholding dominant neoliberal ideals and delegitimising other voices. Through our analysis of a consent decision about a proposed coal mine on the West Coast of Aotearoa New Zealand and the experiences of opposing environmentalists, we offer empirical evidence that illustrates the fluid shifts between antagonism and agonism (after Mouffe) throughout this ‘democratic’ process. We argue that while aspirations for agonism should remain, it is important that planning theory pays attention to the role that power and hegemony play in what could otherwise be considered agonistic planning. Antagonism, the undesirable in Mouffe’s radical democracy, has a critical role in neoliberal contexts, rupturing postpolitics and creating spaces of dissent so that agonistic contestation can provide for robust and rigorous debate in environmental decision-making.
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Szklarska, Anna. "The problems with liberal consensus. Agonistic politics according to Chantal Mouffe." Argument: Biannual Philosophical Journal 10, no. 1 (December 19, 2020): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20841043.10.1.6.

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This article is a critical analysis of the most important assumptions of Chantal Mouffe’s political philosophy, along with its original categories such as agonism, radical democracy and hegemony. The sources of her concept are indicated and certain difficulties that the author falls into are distinguished. The thread that is considered central to this philosophy, with the most profound practical consequences, is an attempt to demonstrate the futility of a liberal doctrine that values consensus and deliberation and proclaims an apology for individualism and rationalism. Mouffe’s diagnosis strikes at the most important liberal values with the intention of discrediting them although she tries to creatively adopt others, such as pluralism. She proposes a new paradigm, much fairer than existing ones, because it does not negate the conflictive nature of politics. Does an agonist dispute and radical democracy really have a chance to undermine liberal axiology? Are we dealing with a breakthrough in thinking about politics?
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Roy, Indrajit. "Disjunctions of Democracy and Liberalism: Agonistic Imaginations of Dignity in Bihar." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 42, no. 2 (March 4, 2019): 344–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2019.1580829.

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30

Nonhoff, Martin. "Institutionalizing agonistic democracy: post-foundationalism and political liberalism, by Ed Wingenbach." Critical Policy Studies 6, no. 4 (December 2012): 480–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2012.730762.

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31

Horváth, Szilvia. "Between conflict and consensus: Why democracy needs conflicts and why communities should delimit their intensity." Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialtheorie und Philosophie 5, no. 2 (October 10, 2018): 264–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zksp-2018-0015.

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Abstract The contemporary agonist thinker, Chantal Mouffe argues that conflicts are constitutive of politics. However, this position raises the question that concerns the survival of order and the proper types of conflicts in democracies. Although Mouffe is not consensus-oriented, consensus plays a role in her theory when the democratic order is at stake. This suggests that there is a theoretical terrain between the opposing poles of conflict and consensus. This can be discussed with the help of concepts and theories that seem to be standing between the two, namely compromise, debate and the borders of democracy. I will argue that we can reveal this position with the theoretical analysis of compromise in the works of F. R. Ankersmit on the historical origin of representative democracy, and Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson on the role of compromise in divided communities. J. S. Mill’s view of colliding opinions offers a moderate agonistic understanding of politics, while the concept of debate plays a similar role for Márton Szabó, a contemporary Hungarian political theorist. Finally, Mouffe’s position stands at the conflictual end of this spectrum, although conflicts are delimited on the normative ground of democracy.
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Boutieri, Charis. "The Democratic Grotesque." Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 39, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cja.2021.390205.

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How do we understand the presence of the grotesque in negotiations of democratic life after a revolution? At the peak of procedural democratic consolidation, carnivalesque revelries in Tunisia became the object of public aporia and repugnance. The dissimilar interpretations of these revelries across generations evince an agonistic process of prizing open both the parameters of nationhood and democratic ideals within existing social relations. The concept of the ‘democratic grotesque’ captures the sensorial and affective ways Tunisian citizens negotiate the affordances and limitations of democracy in the post-revolutionary nation. The democratic grotesque has the double potential to revise intellectual and public understandings of democratic dispositions that emanate from liberal democracy and to blur the boundaries between revolution and democracy.
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Marković, Aleksandra. "Prekarijat i demokratija: teze za promišljanje." Zbornik instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja XLI, no. 1 (July 20, 2022): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47152/ziksi2022014.

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The economic crisis of neoliberalism, the political crisis, and the crisis of representative democracy are fertile ground for socio-demagogic discourse and incredibly fertile ground for attracting the precariat. The precariat is a new social group that lives from today to tomorrow and whose main feature is uncertainty and precarity (primarily in the labor market, but also beyond). Capitalism and democracy are based on different principles. The logic of the relationship between capitalism and democracy is characterized by "tension." The question that arises is how to reconcile neoliberal capitalism and democracy, understood as a system based on the principles of freedom and equality? How do we reconcile democracy and significant social inequalities? What is the role of the precariat in this? With this in mind, the paper aims to open questions and possibilities of new angles of thinking about modern democracy, especially about the relationship between democracy and precariat, as a new social group on the historical scene of the XXI century. The paper deals with the relationship between democracy and capitalism and the relationship between the precariat and deliberative, radical and agonistic democracy, and left-wing populism.
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Hensmans, Manuel, and Koen van Bommel. "Brexit, the NHS and the double-edged sword of populism: Contributor to agonistic democracy or vehicle of ressentiment?" Organization 27, no. 3 (June 21, 2019): 370–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508419855699.

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In this paper we argue that mature political democracies require an agonistic form of populism in order to function. Agonistic populism counters technocratic apathy and instrumental reductionism and provides democracies with discursive legitimacy for the expression of antagonisms. We draw on the exemplary case of Brexit to show how the long-term suppression of English populism by an all-conquering British imperial discourse, and the hegemony of technocratic solutions in Europe, transformed populism’s potentially virtuous agonistic effects into an often anachronistic, toxic and ill-directed ressentiment against the European Union. We call upon management scholars to focus on how popular ressentiment can be used as a force for good in two ways: (1) by contributing agonistically to an alternative, emotionally founded discourse about England, the European Union and a new popular civilizational project that could bind them; and (2) by inducing the creation of collective moral categories embraced across the elite/non-elite divide in the image of the post-World War II National Health Service.
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Mitchell, Lisa. "Civility and collective action: Soft speech, loud roars, and the politics of recognition." Anthropological Theory 18, no. 2-3 (June 2018): 217–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782792.

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Analyzing the relationship between collective action and civility within the world’s largest democracy, this essay argues that, rather than being a precondition for democratic participation or a quality of individual comportment or manners, civility can be analyzed as an effect of political recognition and of the existence of a responsive structure of authority. Using ethnographic examples of recent collective assemblies held in southern India, the essay demonstrates the limits of both deliberative democracy approaches (Dryzek, Habermas, Rawls, Benhabib, Cohen, Farrelly) and agonistic pluralist models (Mouffe, Connolly, Honig, Arendt) for understanding democracy. If individual speech action is understood to run the gamut from polite and constructive participation in deliberation to antagonistic incivility, collective action is framed by both models as inherently oppositional and adversarial, rejecting or resisting authority and protesting against it, running a narrower gamut from agonistic intervention, which frames others as adversaries, to antagonistic refusals that frame others as enemies (Mouffe). There appears no space within either deliberative or agonistic frameworks for approaching collective action as non-adversarial participation in the public sphere on par with individual participatory contributions to deliberation. The ethnographic examples presented in this essay illustrate examples of collective action as efforts to “hail the state” and be included in its decision-making processes. These examples demonstrate that collective action can function as amplification of earlier communicative efforts that have gone unheard or been silenced. Illustrating the failure of both models to capture the larger processes that result in collective action, I conclude by presenting an analytic approach from the perspective of a former British colony that offers deeper understandings of collective forms of action as they relate to civility not only in India, but elsewhere as well.
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Stavrakakis, Yannis. "Paradoxes of Polarization: Democracy’s Inherent Division and the (Anti-) Populist Challenge." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 1 (January 2018): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218756924.

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This article carries out a theoretical analysis of the relationship between democracy and polarization. It utilizes examples from a variety of premodern and modern societies to argue that difference and division are inherent to a vibrant democratic life and to representation itself. At the same time, a stable and pluralist democratic culture presupposes the establishment of a common ground required for reflexive democratic decision making. To take into account both requirements, this must be a special type of common ground: an agonistic common ground. Agonism, as opposed to both the politics of raw antagonism and the postpolitics of consensus, values the existence of real alternatives and even ideological distance but aims at sublimating their pernicious effects. However, an agonistic outcome is always the result of a delicate balancing act between oligarchic and populist tendencies. In modernity, it predominantly took the form of a paradoxical blend of the democratic and the liberal tradition. The current crisis of liberal democracy and its postdemocratic mutation obliges one to ask whether democratic crisis may cause polarization, rather than the other way around, and puts in doubt the ability of the “moderate center” to deal with it in ways consolidating democracy. The article illustrates its theoretical rationale with examples from populism/antipopulism polarization in contemporary Greece, where elite-driven antipopulist discourse has consistently employed dehumanizing repertoires enhancing pernicious polarization.
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Dutilh Novaes, Catarina. "Talisse’s Overdoing Democracy and the Inevitability of Conflict." Journal of Philosophical Research 46 (2021): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpr20211020181.

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Overdoing Democracy is an important contribution to the literature on (deliberative) democracy, as it offers a sobering diagnosis of the risks and pitfalls of (overdoing) democracy in the form of internal critique. But the book does not go far enough in its diagnosis because it is not sufficiently critical towards some of the basic assumptions of deliberative conceptions of democracy. In particular, Talisse does not sufficiently attend to the inevitable power struggles in a society, where different groups and individuals must protect their own (often conflicting) interests instead of working towards a ‘common good.’ In this essay, I contrast two different visions of democracy and politics, one based on ideals of consensus and cooperation, and another on the inevitability of perennial conflict. I then briefly present an alternative to deliberative conceptions of democracy that has gained traction in recent decades, known as agonism. Next, I offer a short reconstruction of Talisse’s proposal, and finally I sketch a critical assessment of some of his main claims and assumptions from an agonistic perspective.
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Hilmer, Jeffrey D. "Book Review: Political Theory: Institutionalizing Agonistic Democracy: Post-foundationalism and Political Liberalism." Political Studies Review 10, no. 3 (August 7, 2012): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00271_21.x.

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Vink, Edwin. "Multi‐level Democracy: Deliberative or Agonistic? The Search for Appropriate Normative Standards." Journal of European Integration 29, no. 3 (July 2007): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036330701442299.

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40

Barnett, Clive, and Gary Bridge. "Geographies of Radical Democracy: Agonistic Pragmatism and the Formation of Affected Interests." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 103, no. 4 (July 2013): 1022–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00045608.2012.660395.

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41

Riofrancos, Thea N. "Scaling Democracy: Participation and Resource Extraction in Latin America." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 3 (August 18, 2017): 678–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000901.

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In an extractive economy with territorially uneven costs and benefits, who should decide the fate of oil and mining projects: directly affected minorities or national citizenries? I reframe this question empirically: How are the collective identities and interests attached to various scales of democracy politically constructed in the increasingly frequent conflicts over resource extraction in Latin America, and what can we learn from these conflicts about broader dynamics of democratic contestation? To answer this question, I propose the concept of scaling democracy: the agonistic processes by which the scales of democratic decision-making and the democratic people are contested, established, and transformed. The concept of scaling democracy draws our attention to the ways in which the collective identities and interests attached to the various scales of democracy are constructed. These interest-articulations and collective identities are shaped by available institutional norms, organizational infrastructures, and social meanings. I draw on data from participant observation of a community mining consultation in Ecuador, and show that participatory institutions in the arena of resource extraction have fueled a contentious process of scaling democracy, with broader implications for the study of participatory democracy and scholarship on the relationship between resource-dependency and democracy.
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Budarick, John. "Agonistic Pluralism and Journalism: De-centering Dominant Journalistic Norms." Communication Theory 30, no. 2 (November 18, 2019): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ct/qtz034.

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Abstract In this article I apply a poststructuralist perspective to journalism. I argue that Chantal Mouffe’s theory of agonistic pluralism provides a powerful theoretical site from which to critically analyze dominant forms of journalistic professionalism, their relationship to race, ethnicity and ethnic media, and the ways they shape expectations of the role of journalism in democratic society. There are two main themes in this analysis. In the first instance, the post-structuralist approach insists on seeing current professional journalistic norms as examples of hegemonic discursive formations that achieve ascendancy over other options. Through this perspective, one can interrogate how ethnic media and journalism are excluded from democratic public debates on the basis of contingent communicative values dressed up as objective norms. Secondly, Mouffe’s work provides a theoretical basis for aligning journalistic contingency with a plural agonistic democracy. The article also will discuss several challenges that arise when applying agonistic pluralism to media.
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Ercan, Selen A. "From polarisation to pluralisation: A deliberative approach to illiberal cultures." International Political Science Review 38, no. 1 (June 22, 2016): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115619465.

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This article outlines the advantages of a deliberative democratic approach to ‘illiberal cultures’ and polarised debates in contemporary multicultural societies. In doing so, it draws on the insights of agonistic pluralism, and shows that a cross-fertilisation between certain variants of deliberative democracy and agonistic pluralism is both possible and desirable. Focusing particularly on the works of John Dryzek and William Connolly, the article highlights three normative criteria for polities to aspire to, if not fully achieve, to democratise the debates over illiberal cultural practices. These include: i) an expanded notion of inclusion underpinned by the principle of agonistic respect; ii) the presence of spaces that facilitate interaction and contestation among the multiple publics of a culturally contested issue; and iii) the generation of concrete outcomes based on discursive contestation among multiple publics. To illustrate how approximation to these criteria might look in practice, the article focuses on the example of the honour-killing debate in Britain.
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Shaw, Frances. "The Politics of Blogs: Theories of Discursive Activism Online." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (February 2012): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200106.

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Many discussions of discursive politics online take a deliberative democracy, or public sphere, approach. Public sphere theory has had value for the discussion of discursive politics online, but I argue that the problems of public sphere theory have led to the neglect of counter-hegemonic political projects in understandings of online deliberative democracy. Agonistic democracy should be explored further as an alternative framework for the study of online political communities. In addition, I propose that this conception be modified with greater analysis of the affective dimensions of online politics, the productive uses of conflict, the role of political listening and an understanding of discursive activism informed by feminist philosophy. The Australian feminist blogging community, a network comprising group and individual blogs, provides a case study for my research into discursive activism in online contexts.
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Yamada, Ryūsaku. "Feminism in Radical Democracy and Japanese Political Theory: Mouffe, Pateman, Young, and “Essentialism”." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 1 (June 16, 2021): 8–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-01010003.

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Abstract This paper examines feminist arguments in radical democracy and Japanese responses to them. Although feminist insights are significant intellectual sources of radical democracy, recent political theorists have tended to exclusively consider radical democracy as agonistic pluralism. The radical democratic thinker Chantal Mouffe, who is very popular among Japanese political theorists and philosophers, criticizes the “essentialist” tendency of two feminist political theorists, namely Carole Pateman and Iris Marion Young. First this paper examines Mouffe’s critique of the two theorists. Second, it evaluates the relevance of Mouffe’s criticism of Pateman and Young by reconsidering their ideas on democracy and citizenship. Third, it engages the works of a few Japanese political theorists who respond to the issue of essentialism and points out the problems involved in the introduction of radical democracy in Japan and in Japanese feminist political theory. Finally, this paper concludes that we are still in the early stages of introducing and absorbing foreign feminist political theories into Japan as opposed to developing original Japanese feminist political theory to share with the world.
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Yudantiasa, Muhammad Radya. "The Face Of Islam After The 2019 Presidential Election: Democracy And The Challenge Of Dialogue." Dialog 43, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 265–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v43i2.373.

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This article examines the problems of intra/interreligious dialogue that occurred after the 2019 presidential election. The focus of this study is to analyse the impact of Islamic populism on the sustainability of dialogue in Indonesia. The trend of Islamic populism is basically narrative and analytic of Indonesian political studies. The political contestation has an impact on the intra/inter-religious dialogue problems or even transcending ethnic and group boundaries. This situation requires intense dialogue among scholars, activists, elites, religious leaders and society members. This research is a library research using descriptive-analysis method. The main theory in this research is agonistic theory. This theory sees the conflict from more positive ways. This article argues that the discourse and the narration of moderate Islam needs to be brought into public sphere. Hence, the peaceful characters of Islam and tolerant Islam become the dominant colors of Islam in the public sphere. Artikel ini mengungkap kembali problematika tentang dialog pasca pemilihan presiden 2019. Fokus dari artikel ini adalah untuk menganalisis pengaruh dari populisme Islam terhadap keberlanjutan dialog di Indonesia. Tren dari populisme Islam pada dasarnya merupakan sebuah narasi dan analisis yang banyak dikaji dalam lingkup studi politik di Indonesia. Peristiwa kontestasi politik yang terjadi di dalam pemilihan presiden 2019 menunjukkan adanya permasalahan terhadap dialog dalam/antar agama dan bahkan melampaui batas-batas etnik maupun kelompok agama. Situasi ini meniscayakan para aktor-aktor dialog dari kalangan akademisi, aktivis, elit politik, pemuka agama, dan masyarakat untuk terlibat dalam kontestasi ini. Penelitian ini merupakan studi kepustakaan (library research) dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif-analisis. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah teori agonistik (agonistic theory). Teori ini berfungsi untuk melihat konflik dalam sudut pandang yang positif. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa klaim tentang wacana dan narasi Islam yang moderat harus muncul untuk dikontestasikan dalam ruang publik. Dengan demikian, wajah asli Islam yang damai, toleran dan rahmatan lil-‘alamin akan menjadi wajah yang dominan dalam ruang publik.
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Feldman, Leonard C. "Political Judgment with a Difference: Agonistic Democracy and the Limits of "Enlarged Mentality"." Polity 32, no. 1 (September 1999): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235331.

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Chin, Clayton. "Book Review: Other Areas: Agonistic Democracy: Constituent Power in the Era of Globalisation." Political Studies Review 13, no. 2 (April 9, 2015): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12087_31.

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Doucet, Marc G. "The Possibility of Deterritorializing Democracy: Agonistic Democratic Politics and the APEC NGO Forums." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 26, no. 3 (July 2001): 283–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540102600303.

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Rummens, Stefan. "Democracy as a Non-Hegemonic Struggle? Disambiguating Chantal Mouffe's Agonistic Model of Politics." Constellations 16, no. 3 (September 2009): 377–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.2009.00548.x.

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