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1

Gürsözlü, Fuat. Agonistic Democracy and Political Practice. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05999-5.

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Institutionalizing agonistic democracy: Post-foundationalism and political liberalism. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2011.

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3

interviewer, Wagner Elke 1975, and Mouffe Chantal, eds. Agonistics: Thinking the world politically. London: Verso, 2013.

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Agonistic Democracy. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Paxton, Marie. Agonistic Democracy. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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Wenman, Mark. Agonistic Democracy. Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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Wingenbach, Ed. Institutionalizing Agonistic Democracy. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315588872.

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Gürsözlü, Fuat. Agonistic Democracy and Political Practice. Springer International Publishing AG, 2022.

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Pernegger, Li. Agonistic City: State-Society Strife in Johannesburg. Zed Books, Limited, 2020.

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Paxton, Marie. Agonistic Democracy: Rethinking Political Institutions in Pluralist Times. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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11

Paxton, Marie. Agonistic Democracy: Rethinking Political Institutions in Pluralist Times. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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12

Wingenbach, Ed. Institutionalizing Agonistic Democracy: Post-Foundationalism and Political Liberalism. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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13

Paxton, Marie. Agonistic Democracy: Rethinking Political Institutions in Pluralist Times. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Wingenbach, Ed. Institutionalizing Agonistic Democracy: Post-Foundationalism and Political Liberalism. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Paxton, Marie. Agonistic Democracy: Rethinking Political Institutions in Pluralist Times. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Wingenbach, Ed. Institutionalizing Agonistic Democracy: Post-Foundationalism and Political Liberalism. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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17

Wingenbach, Ed. Institutionalizing Agonistic Democracy: Post-Foundationalism and Political Liberalism. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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18

Stasis Before the State: Nine Theses on Agonistic Democracy. Fordham University Press, 2017.

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Vardoulakis, Dimitris. Stasis Before the State: Nine Theses on Agonistic Democracy. Fordham University Press, 2017.

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20

Wenman, Mark. Agonistic Democracy: Constituent Power in the Era of Globalisation. Cambridge University Press, 2015.

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Wenman, Mark. Agonistic Democracy: Constituent Power in the Era of Globalisation. Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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Wenman, Mark. Agonistic Democracy: Constituent Power in the Era of Globalisation. Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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23

Hermans, Hubert J. M. Dialogical Democracy in a Boundary-Crossing World. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190687793.003.0009.

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The democratic and dialogical self is placed in the broader context of three views on democracy—cosmopolitan, deliberative, and agonistic conceptions—relevant to a boundary-crossing world in which individuals and groups are faced with differences and oppositions. A model is presented including three fields of tension: between self and other, between three levels of inclusiveness (individual, social, and human), and between dialogue and social power. Meta-positions and promoter positions are included in the model. Its practical implications focuses on stimulating a dialogical relationship between reason and emotion, increasing tolerance of uncertainty, and including shadow positions as integrative parts of a democratic self. Finally, a definition of health is proposed that considers health of the self as a learning process in a democratic society.
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Dallmayr, Fred. Rule of, by, and for the People. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190670979.003.0002.

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Probing the meaning of Lincoln’s phrase, the chapter calls into question the prevalent conceptions of “rule” and “people.” In the dominant procedural or “minimalist” conception, the “people” are defined as selfish utility-maximizers; that is, individuals who seek to maximize benefits in exchange for minimal investments. “Rule” is simply government by the most successful self-seekers. The chapter also discusses the (recently advanced) alternative conceptions of “agonistic” and “deliberative” democracy. By contrast to the homo economicus extolled by liberal minimalism, agonistics privileges homo politicus (human beings as power seekers), while the deliberative model stresses rational argumentation (animal rationale). By returning to the criteria of relationality and potentiality, the chapter lifts up the aspirational or “promissory” quality of democracy, paying special attention to Derrida’s notion of “democracy to come” (à venir) and to the open-ended, unfinished character of “people” and humanity. Seen from this angle, democracy can also be called aporetic or “apophatic.”
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25

Lawrence, Liang. Part VII Rights—Substance and Content, Ch.45 Free Speech and Expression. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198704898.003.0045.

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This chapter examines the place of the right to freedom of speech and expression within Indian constitutionalism. After reviewing the classical normative arguments for free speech, it considers how the domain of speech is related to colonial continuity, sedition, and public order. It discusses the scope of Article19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution with respect to free speech, as well as the Indian Supreme Court’s successes and failures in its efforts to expand the domain of speech. It explores the democracy argument as the primary justification used by the courts in free speech cases, and its consequences. Finally, it looks at the standards for determining reasonableness, hate speech, and obscenity, and argues that the idea of a deliberative democracy must be supplemented with the concept of agonistic politics to enrich and strengthen the free speech tradition that has evolved in the past six decades.
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26

Schmidt, Jr, Ronald J. We Can Breathe Together. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190843359.003.0002.

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The longest chapter in The Discourses, and longer than any chapter in The Prince, is about conspiracies. Machiavelli was tortured and exiled because he was falsely accused of planning a conspiracy against the Medici, and he is very careful about how he addresses the issue, but there is a remarkably democratic vision embedded in his argument. The chapter begins by borrowing a question from the contemporary political theorist, Bonnie Honig: Why don’t we think of conspiratorial politics as democratic? What do we lose by only focusing on “open,” agonistic democracy? Although he argues that conspiracies should be avoided, Machiavelli describes a transformative political path that is ultimately democratic, because the power to make war on a prince is limited to very few, but “the power to conspire against him is granted to everybody.” This hidden democratic potential is one surprise that we find by reading politics with Machiavelli.
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27

DuFord, Rochelle. Solidarity in Conflict. Stanford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503628885.001.0001.

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Democracy has become disentangled from our ordinary lives. Mere cooperation or ethical consumption now often stand in for a robust concept of solidarity that structures the entirety of sociality and forms the basis of democratic culture.How did democracy become something that is done only at ballot boxes and what role can solidarity play in reviving it? In Solidarity in Conflict, Rochelle DuFord presents a theory of solidarity fit for developing democratic life and a complementary theory of democracy that emerges from a society typified by solidarity. DuFord argues that solidarity is best understood as a set of relations, one agonistic and one antagonistic: the solidarity groups' internal organization and its interactions with the broader world. Such a picture of solidarity develops through careful consideration of the conflicts endemic to social relations and solidarity organizations. Examining Men's Rights groups, labor organizing's role in recognitional protections for LGBTQ members of society, and the debate over trans inclusion in feminist praxis, DuFord explores how conflict, in these contexts, becomes the locus of solidarity's democratic functions and thereby critiques democratic theorizing for having become either overly idealized or overly focused on building and maintaining stability. Working in the tradition of the Frankfurt school, DuFord makes a provocative case that the conflict generated by solidarity organizations can address a variety of forms of domination, oppression, and exploitation while building a democratic society.
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28

Wasserman, Herman. The Ethics of Engagement. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917333.001.0001.

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This book discusses the relationship between media, conflict, and democratization in Africa from the perspective of media ethics. Despite the commonly held view that conflict is a destructive political force that can destabilize democracies, the argument in this book is that while many conflicts can indeed become violent and destructive, they can also be managed in a way that can render them productive and communicative to democracy. Drawing on theoretical insights from the fields of journalism studies, political studies, and cultural studies, the book discusses the ethics of conflict coverage and proposes a normative model for covering conflict and democratization. The book argues for an “ethics of listening” that would enable the media to help de-escalate violent conflict and contribute to the deepening of an agonistic democratic culture in contexts of high inequality, ethnic and racial polarization, and uneven access to media. This argument is illustrated by examples drawn from recent events in African democracies such as student protests, community activism, struggles for resources, and social media conflicts. The book also scrutinizes the media’s ethical roles and responsibilities in African societies by considering questions regarding journalistic professionalism, ethical codes, and regulation in the context of rising misinformation. The book provides a critical African perspective on global debates about media, politics, and democracy and the media’s ethical commitments in contexts of conflict.
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29

Hermans, Hubert J. M. Society in the Self. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190687793.001.0001.

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In this book, Hubert Hermans, internationally known as the creator of the dialogical self theory, launches a new and original theory in which he links society with the most intimate regions of self and identity. The basic assumption is that the self is organized as an inner society that is simultaneously functioning as part of the society at large as exemplified by developments like self-sabotage, self-radicalization, self-cure, self-government, self-nationalization, and self-internationalization. The book makes even a more radical step. It not only deals with the societal organization of the self but also poses the challenging question whether the self is democratically organized. To what extent do the different self-parts (e.g. roles, emotions, imagined others) receive freedom of expression? To what extent are they treated as equal or equivalent components of the self? The question is posed how the self, in its organizing capacity, responds to the apparent tension between freedom and equality in both the self and society. The theory has far-reaching consequences for such divergent topics as leadership in the self; cultural diversity in the self; the relationship between reason and emotion; self-empathy;, cooperation and competition between self-parts; and the role of social power in prejudice, enemy image construction, and scapegoating. The volume concludes with a trailblazing discussion of cosmopolitan, deliberative, and agonistic models of democracy and their consequences for a democratically organized self in a boundary-crossing society.
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