Journal articles on the topic 'Africanist discourse'

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1

Chiwengo, Ngwarsungu, and Christopher L. Miller. "Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French." South Atlantic Review 53, no. 2 (May 1988): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3199934.

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2

Raser, Timothy, and Christopher Miller. "Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French." SubStance 21, no. 3 (1992): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3685119.

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3

July, Robert, and Christopher L. Miller. "Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French." International Journal of African Historical Studies 19, no. 4 (1986): 752. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219173.

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4

Webb, Barbara J., and Christopher L. Miller. "Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French." African Studies Review 29, no. 4 (December 1986): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524015.

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5

Mortimer, Mildred, and Christopher L. Miller. "Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French." Comparative Literature 41, no. 4 (1989): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1770735.

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6

KIRK-GREENE, A. H. M. "Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French." African Affairs 86, no. 344 (July 1987): 433–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097927.

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7

Gruesser, John C. "Afro-American Travel Literature and Africanist Discourse." Black American Literature Forum 24, no. 1 (1990): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2904063.

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8

Kramer, Lawrence. "Powers of Blackness: Africanist Discourse in Modern Concert Music." Black Music Research Journal 22 (2002): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519949.

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9

Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Cultural Relativism and Human Rights: Reconsidering the Africanist Discourse." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 19, no. 1 (March 2001): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405190101900104.

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Discussions about cultural relativism and the cross-cultural legitimacy of human rights have been central to contemporary human rights discourse. Much of this discussion has focussed on non-Western societies where scholars have advanced, from a variety of standpoints, arguments for and against the cultural relativism of human rights. Arguments for ‘Asian Values’ and lately, ‘African values’ in the construction of human rights have defined this debate. This paper reviews some of the major arguments and trends in the Africanist discourse on the cultural relativism of human rights. It argues the need to go beyond the polarities that have characterised the debate. It argues that while an Afrocentric conception of human rights is a valid worldview, it need not become the basis for the abrogation of the emerging Universal human rights regime. Rather, it should provide the philosophical foundation for the legitimisation of Universal human rights in the African context and inform the cross-fertilisation of ideas between Africa and the rest of the world.
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10

Kramer, Lawrence. "Powers of Blackness: Africanist Discourse in Modern Concert Music." Black Music Research Journal 16, no. 1 (1996): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/779377.

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11

Ede, Amatoritsero. "Afropolitan Genealogies." African Diaspora 11, no. 1-2 (December 9, 2019): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-01101010.

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Abstract Afropolitanism’s first enunciation in public discourse can be traced to Taiye Selasi’s 2005 online article, Bye-Bye Babar. This idea of a new subjective experience of African diasporic self-identity then migrated into academic contemplation initially through Achille Mbembe, Wawrzinek and Makokha, Simon Gikandi, and Chielozona Eze’s scholarly and philosophical deepening of Afropolitanism, which has since been variously expanded by many Africanist critics. This keyword think-piece maps the disciplinary beginning and trajectory of Afropolitan ontology and scholarship. It considers the cultural materialialist and phenomenological aspects of the term and its relationship to the concept of Pan-Africanism and concludes with a projection of its possible future critical development.
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12

Marx, Lauren. "The Relevance of Robert Sobukwe’s Pan-Africanism in Contemporary South Africa." Theoria 64, no. 153 (December 1, 2017): 128–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2017.6415308.

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Abstract Presently certain catchphrases and hashtags have been circulating and trending in the public discourse such as ‘white monopoly capital’, ‘radical economic transformation’ and movements’ phrases such as ‘fees must fall’ and ‘Black First Land First’ formulated in response to issues around education, land and race specifically. However, Robert Sobukwe, intellectual giant of the pan-Africanist struggle, articulated very strong beliefs underpinning these burning societal questions from as early as the 1940s. His incarceration, banishment and ultimate death in 1978 left a political vacuum in South Africa and more than twenty years after democracy, the aforementioned issues Sobukwe stressed during his time need to be revisited. South African is currently experiencing a massive resurgence in the narrative and discourse regarding the need for dialogue around education transformation, land reform and race as a whole. Therefore, this article seeks to draw unpack Sobukwe’s take on these three burning issues in relation to the current discourse in South Africa today underpinned by pan-Africanist philosophy.
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13

WAKE, C. "Review. Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French. Miller, Christopher L." French Studies 42, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/42.1.116.

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14

Vinson, Ben. "Introduction: African (Black) Diaspora History, Latin American History." Americas 63, no. 1 (July 2006): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500062507.

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Inspired in part by Paul Gilroy’s Black Atlantic paradigm, the past several years have witnessed a reinvigoration of Black Studies, with careful attention being paid to the approaches and methods of writing black history. The terms “African Diaspora” and “Black Diaspora” have become almost commonplace in scholarly discourse, emerging out of relative obscurity from their roots in the politically inspired Pan-Africanist and Civil Rights discourses of the 1950s and ’60s. Critiques of the Black Atlantic model and its overly narrow concentration on the English-speaking world have fueled new and important discussions that have touched fields and subfields well beyond the traditional boundaries of Black Studies.
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15

De Mul, Sarah. "Africanist Discourse and Its Transnational Malleability: Conrad's Contemporaries in the Low Countries." Studia Neophilologica 85, sup1 (January 4, 2013): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393274.2012.751665.

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16

Martins, Catarina. "The dangers of the single story: Child-soldiers in literary fiction and film." Childhood 18, no. 4 (August 11, 2011): 434–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568211400102.

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Focusing on the paradox between innocence and responsibility generated by the term child-soldiers, which is treated differently in literary and cinematographic works from the North and the South, this article uses postcolonial theory in order to deconstruct ‘the single story’ that may be erasing these children’s many stories. Accordingly, the analysis brings to the fore both the supposed universality of a hegemonic notion of childhood, revealing it as a regulatory discourse which produces diverse subalternities, and the articulation of this notion within an Africanist discourse that legitimizes neocolonial practices in varied domains.
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17

Chicharro Manzanares, Cristina. "Africanist anthropology during Francoism: the Bernardino de Sahagún Institute, 1939-1951." Culture & History Digital Journal 12, no. 1 (May 11, 2023): e005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2023.005.

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With the creation of the “Bernardino de Sahagún” Institute, anthropology was put at the service of the national-Catholic values that the Francoist regime imposed on all levels of public life in the immediate aftermath of the war. Anthropological research focused on two main issues: scientific-medical issues - anthropobiology - and cultural issues - ethnology. The colonial discourse and the renewed interest in Africanist studies resulted in funding being made available for researchers to visit the African colonies under Spanish jurisdiction to carry out anthropobiological and ethnological studies.
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18

Tine, Pierre Malick. "The Rhetoric in Spiritual Dialectic in Ayi Kwei Armah’s Two Thousand Seasons and KMT: In the House of Life." South Asian Research Journal of Arts, Language and Literature 5, no. 04 (August 15, 2023): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36346/sarjall.2023.v05i04.007.

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The rhetoric of the spiritual dialectic is a recurrent phenomenon favourable to radicalism in the wake of disillusionment in the Postcolonial period in Ghana, as dealt in the novels by the Ghanaian writer Ayi Kwei Armah Two Thousand Seasons and KMT: In The House of Life. This situation is evident in colonised African societies, where the subversive discourse between some devotees of new religions such as Islam, Christianism and traditionalism, has stimulated contemporary public debate. It also analyses the anti-social relations between newly converted individuals while placing spiritual dialectic in a conflicting context of stigmatisation. The author’s motivation for raising awareness campaigns against religious intolerance stands for a global pan-Africanist strategy. It focuses on the hypothesis that Africans will only achieve freedom of expression if they set aside their separatist ideologies to nurture inclusive discourses in their societies. Drawing on Marxist and Afro-centrist theories, which advocate class equality and respect for African moral values, we will attempt to analyse in the corpus the various forms of conversational influence between co-religionists in the author’s texts. This work aims to edify readers on the nature of the rhetoric that has resulted from the hasty integration of Africans into new-infested theories of some fanatics favouring otherness in society. Eventually, African moral values are more favourable to the concept of ‘living together,’ since they are a mark of true African identity, fostering harmony and social balance.
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19

Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (March 15, 2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.
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20

Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa’s Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1.2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.
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21

Barnett, Clive. "Impure and Worldly Geography:1 The Africanist Discourse of the Royal Geographical Society, 1831-73." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 23, no. 2 (June 1998): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-2754.1998.00239.x.

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22

Beuving, J. Joost. "ETHNOGRAPHIES OF MARGINALITY." Africa 86, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 162–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000960.

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Africanist discourse today displays a strong, widespread and growing sense of optimism about Africa's economic future. After decades of decline and stagnation in which Africa found itself reduced to the margins of the global economic stage, upbeat Afro-optimism seems fully justified. One only needs to consider African economies' solid growth rates, the emergence of new export markets earning unprecedented quantities of foreign exchange, and the rise of novel groups such as innovative African entrepreneurs (Taylor 2012) and urban-based middle classes (Simone 2004). Ironically, Africa's bright future stands in strong contrast to the stagnancy of European and American economic powers, once seen as superior to their African relatives. Deeply held feelings of Afro-pessimism, affecting intellectuals as well as ordinary Africans, are thus giving way to almost millennial expectations of Africa's economic future: the continent's imminent catching up with a degree of private and public prosperity so commonly registered elsewhere on the globe. Some go as far as to declare the rise of a proper African renaissance wherein Africa can (finally!) claim its rightful position on the global stage.
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23

Nzally, Jimmy Hendry. "Challenging the ‘Western’ Narrative : Africa and the Migration Crisis." Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2, no. 4 (2022): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.59569/jceeas.2022.2.4.107.

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This article seeks to give a critical analysis on the ongoing migration discourse both from an academic and policy perspective. It provides a perspective of Africa’s long history of hosting migrants and refuges including Europeans. It therefore addresses the question as to whether African states have lived up to their refugee and migration protection commitment. By doing so, it also criticizes Europe’s unfair, aggressive, and inhumanly migration policy towards migrants, asylum seekers, and refugee, particularly Africans. By analyzing existing data on migration, this article debunks the notion that a migration crisis is by nature an African one as if Africans are the only ones entering Europe. This scapegoating of Africans by portraying the continent at disarray will be examined closely. In that light, the article employs an Africanist line of thinking to deconstruct this narrative. This includes referenced interviews offering perspectives on this subject matter. The key question asked is as to what extent the EU should be accountable for human rights’ violation in third countries? The focus is on European Externalization of its borders to third countries in particular North Africa. It takes as an example the 2022 Melilla massacre described by western authorities as a ‘stampede’ in which migrants and refugees were killed while trying to enter Spain. This massacre took place at the borders between Morocco and Spain.
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24

Heuser, Andreas. "Memory Tales: Representations of Shembe in the Cultural Discourse of African Renaissance." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 3 (2005): 362–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066054782315.

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AbstractThe discourse on African Renaissance in South Africa shapes the current stage of a post-apartheid political culture of memory. One of the frameworks of this negotiation of the past is the representation of religion. In particular, religious traditions that formerly occupied a marginalised status in Africanist circles are assimilated into a choreography of memory to complement an archive of liberation struggle. With respect to one of the most influential African Instituted Churches in South Africa, the Nazareth Baptist Church founded by Isaiah Shembe, this article traces an array of memory productions that range from adaptive and mimetic strategies to contrasting textures of church history. Supported by a spatial map of memory, these alternative religious traditions are manifested inside as well as outside the church. Against a hegemonic Afrocentrist vision, they are assembled from fragments of an intercultural milieu of early Nazareth Baptist Church history.
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25

Okeke, Philomina E. "African Women in the Age of Transformation: Voices from the Continent." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, no. 2 (1997): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502613.

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I agreed to undertake the task of editing this volume, regarding such an opportunity as one more point of entry into a larger academic discourse that must be forced to rethink the content and direction of its discourse. In a recent publication, I stressed the need to restructure existing relations among African and Africanist female scholars in order to give voice to the conditions of African women’s lives as articulated by the former. I drew attention to the diminishing presence of indigenous female voices, especially those in the continent, in shaping the study of African women and feminist scholarship at large. Admittedly, the African case is, in part, a product of the social, economic and political trends which have already weakened both academic networks and infrastructures, distancing us from the very human situations and institutional ties which must define and mediate our research.
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26

Apter, Andrew. "Discourse and its disclosures: Yoruba women and the sanctity of abuse." Africa 68, no. 1 (January 1998): 68–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161148.

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If ritual songs of obscenity and abuse have become a familiar topic in Africanist ethnography since Evans-Pritchard's first discussion of their ‘canalising’ functions in 1929, few studies have paid sufficient attention to the socio-political and discursive contexts of the song texts themselves. The present article moves in that direction by relocating abusive songs of the Oroyeye festival in an Ekiti Yoruba town within the local forms of history and knowledge that motivate their interpretation and performative power. After reviewing the cult's historical interventions in local political affairs, the article examines the repressed historical memory of a displaced ruling dynasty and its associated line of civil chiefs as invoked by the song texts in two festival contexts. In the first—the Àjàkadì wrestling match—which occurs at night, male age mates from different ‘sides’ of the town fight to stand their ground and topple their opponents while young women praise the winners and abuse the losers with sexual obscenities. In the second festival context, during the day, the elder ‘grandmothers’ of Oroyeye target malefactors and scoundrels by highlighting their misdeeds against a discursive background of homage and praise. In this fashion the female custodians of a displaced ruling line bring repressed sexual and political sub-texts to bear on male power competition, lineage fission, and antisocial behaviour. More generally, they mobilise the fertility and witchcraft of all Yoruba women to disclose hidden crimes and speak out with impunity.
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27

Afolabi, Olugbemiga Samuel. "6 - Globalisation, Decoloniality and the Question of Knowledge Production in Africa: A Critical Discourse." Journal of Higher Education in Africa 18, no. 1 (January 10, 2022): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/jhea.v18i1.1456.

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Globalisation entails the process of production and exchange at the planetary level, making the world a global village. At global epistemic levels, it has been dominated by Eurocentrism and Western knowledge production paradigms and platforms. Characterised by asymmetrical and superior- inferior relationships between the global North generally and global South, in Africa in particular, virtually all facets of knowledge production, utilisation and transfer have been dominated by the West. In Africa, the process of knowledge production has been muddled, supplanted and ultimately made subservient to orthodox Western education forms and structures of colonial authorities. The global political economy of knowledge production has consigned indigenous knowledge to being regarded as traditional, unscientific and value-laden. Using philosophical logical reasoning and secondary data, the article critically engages with these issues, especially those that pertain to decolonisation of knowledge production in Africa in the age of globalisation. It provides an examination of pedagogical issues, especially teaching and learning methodologies. It also interrogates the knowledge of culture, mind, and self in knowledge production in Africa within the global context. In addition, it appraises research methodological platforms that inhibit Africanist solutions with global applicability. This is with a view to suggesting interventions that demonstrate the applicability of alternative frameworks of knowledge production in Africa.
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Ejiogu, EC. "Post-Liberation South Africa: Sorting Out the Pieces." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (June 2012): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428041.

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The written history and narratives of the anti-apartheid liberation struggle in South Africa has been cast, albeit erroneously, as if it was waged and won solely by the African National Congress (ANC), its ally the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the three alliance partners that have held the reins of state power since the first multi-racial democratic elections in 1994. The truth is that the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania, the Azania People’s Organization (AZAPO), the New Unity Movement (NUMO), and several other liberation movements played significantly vital roles in that struggle. The ensuing discourse puts this state of affairs on the PAC’s diminished status in the politics of post-liberation South Africa, which derives partly from its radical antecedents from its inception that placed it apart from the ANC from which it split in 1959, earned it immediate proscription from the apartheid stage before it could root itself properly as well as notoriety in the West. The discourse argues and concludes that a more comprehensive narrative and written history of that struggle will benefit the on-going quest for the transformation of South Africa’s multi-racial democracy and the course of democracy in the rest of Africa.
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Osirim, Mary Johnson, Josephine Beoku-Betts, and Akosua Adomako Ampofo. "Researching African Women and Gender Studies: New Social Science Perspectives." African and Asian Studies 7, no. 4 (2008): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921008x359560.

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Abstract Research on African women and gender studies has grown substantially to a position where African-centered gender theories and praxis contribute to theorizing on global feminist scholarship. Africanist scholars in this field have explored new areas such as transnational and multiracial feminisms, both of which address the complex and interlocking conditions that impact women's lives and produce oppression, opportunity and privilege. In addition, emergent African-centered research on women and gender explores those critical areas of research frequently addressed in the global North which have historically been ignored or marginalized in the African context such as family, work, social and political movements, sexuality, health, technology, migration, and popular culture. This article examines these developments in African gender studies scholarship and highlights the contributions that new research on understudied linguistic populations, masculinity, migration, political development and social movements and the virtual world are making to global feminist discourse.
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30

Ferim, Valery B. "Reassessing the Relevance of the Pan-African Discourse in Contemporary International Relations." Theoria 64, no. 153 (December 1, 2017): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2017.6415306.

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Abstract Spearheaded by pan-Africanists around the beginning of the twentieth century, the pan-African movement hosted a series of Pan-African congresses. Though the main objectives of the First Pan-African Congresses were to fight against the colonisation of Africa and the oppression of black people, the messages behind pan-Africanism have evolved over time. The central theme behind these Congresses, however, is to reiterate calls that African unity is the most potent force in combating the malignant forces of neocolonialism and entrenching Africa’s place in the global hierarchy. These calls have clamoured for the solidarity of Africans both on the continent and in the diaspora through associated paradigms such as ‘Afrocentrism’, ‘postcolonialism’, ‘African indigenous knowledge systems’ and ‘African solutions to African problems’. Despite this, contemporary societies are characterised by the encroachment of Westernisation, which has become synonymous to globalisation. This article reassesses the relevance of the pan-African discourse within the context of the contemporary world.
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31

Lombardi-Diop, Cristina. "Filial Descent: The African Roots of Postcolonial Literature in Italy." Forum for Modern Language Studies 56, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fmls/cqz058.

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Abstract The essay concentrates on two seminal postcolonial novels by authors of African descent: Cristina Ubax Ali Farah’s Madre piccola (2007) (Little Mother: A Novel) and Gabriella Ghermandi’s Regina di fiori e di perle (2007) (Queen of Flowers and Pearls). It argues that these works give expression to an African diasporic urban generation that is changing the literary legacy of the Horn of Africa. The co-presence of multiple genres, with orality appearing as a strong influence on their written narrative forms, places these novels within the larger formation of a black African literary tradition. By looking at these two novels from an Africanist perspective, the essay takes into consideration their plurilingual interventions, the use of glossaries and linguistic borrowings, alongside the presence of Somali and Amharic cultural references. It highlights the authorial perspective as a ‘filial descent’ that addresses the complexity of a postcolonial generational shift in contemporary African literature. By placing these works within an African literary tradition and showing their critical de-centring of this tradition, the essay reconfigures a possible space of cultural autonomy for African postcolonial writing, away from the Italocentric space of discourse that has so far dominated its critical reception in Italy.
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Osterweis, Ariel. "The Muse of Virtuosity: Desmond Richardson, Race, and Choreographic Falsetto." Dance Research Journal 45, no. 3 (December 2013): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767713000259.

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This article interrogates the status ofvirtuosityin dance through the co-constitutive paradigms of race, gender, and class, accounting for both the term's emergence in journalistic arts discourse and how “queer of color” critique refines its meaning in and for contemporary performance culture (Roderick Ferguson). Virtuosity operates at the supposed border between popular and “high” art, and “Soul” and the mechanical, defining the location of the virtuoso's potential transgression. Discourses of virtuosity in performance are linked to connotations of excess, and examining formal and sociocultural aspects of virtuosic dance reveals under-recognized heterogeneity generated by vernacular influences on high art. Founded in 1994 by Desmond Richardson (as muse) and Dwight Rhoden (as choreographer), Complexions Contemporary Ballet exemplifies how much of “Africanist” choreography resists performing “ontopolitical critique” through stillness, privileging speed, stylistic hybridity, and technical intricacy (Brenda Dixon Gottschild, André Lepecki). I propose and develop the termchoreographic falsetto, likening Richardson's virtuosity to that of black “Post-Soul” singers such as Prince, on the one hand, and nineteenth-century virtuoso musicians and composers such as Liszt, on the other (Francesca Royster). Richardson performs queer black masculinity by exploiting hyperbolic technical skills typically reserved for women, expanding upon choreographic aesthetics initiated by George Balanchine, William Forsythe, Alvin Ailey, and Ulysses Dove. Calling upon Theodor Adorno and Max Weber's theories of virtuosity and charisma in music and religion (in addition to Ferguson, Royster, Gottschild, Lepecki, Thomas DeFrantz, Nathaniel Mackey, Joseph Roach, Susan Bernstein, and Gabriele Brandstetter), I account for a historically and cross-culturally prevalent (if relatively forgotten) aspect of virtuosity, namely its position at the meeting point of gender, religion, capitalism, and individualism.
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33

Meyer, Birgit. "TOWARDS A JOINT FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDY OF CHRISTIANS AND MUSLIMS IN AFRICA: RESPONSE TO J. D. Y. PEEL." Africa 86, no. 4 (October 24, 2016): 628–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000577.

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The main point of John Peel's intriguing critical intervention is to warn against what he sees as an overemphasis on similarities between Christianity and Islam. Making these religions look all too similar, he argues, may come at the expense of paying due attention to the distinctiveness of each of these religious traditions and hence to their intrinsic differences. He suggests an analogy between the stance taken by ‘somewhat left-wing and anti-establishment discourse’ to equalize Islam and Christianity under the label of fundamentalism on the one hand, and a strand of Africanist work on West Africa that pleads for the close similarities between these two religions to be acknowledged on the other. For the latter, he takes the article ‘Pentecostalism, Islam and culture: new religious movements in West Africa’ by Brian Larkin and myself (2006) as paradigmatic. For my part, it is difficult to see how the use of the notion of fundamentalism in current debates and the position ventured by us converge. I would certainly refrain from using the notion of fundamentalism (even if invoked to balance Huntington's equally problematic notion of the clash of civilizations) as a category that serves to draw out similarities between certain radical movements in Christianity and Islam both past and present – a use I view as highly problematic. The fact that Peel converges the levels of general public debate about political Islam and research regarding Christianity and Islam in African studies makes it quite difficult for me to grasp what his main concern is. Is it a worry about a – in his view – problematic, broader trend of denying actual intrinsic differences between Christianity and Islam, a trend that spills over from critical opinion into current Africanist scholarship, or vice versa? Is it the problem that foregrounding certain formal – and to him ultimately superficial – similarities favours an ahistorical stance with regard to these traditions? Or is it a concern – albeit not explicitly articulated – that the insistence on similarities with regard to Christianity might draw a too positive picture of Islam, pre-empting it from the critique that he considers necessary?
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Davies, Vanessa. "Egypt and Egyptology in the pan-African discourse of Amy Jacques Garvey and Marcus Garvey." Mare Nostrum 13, no. 1 (December 23, 2022): 147–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v13i1p147-178.

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Amy Jacques Garvey and Marcus Garvey argued for the Africanity of ancient Nile Valley cultures, in direct opposition to some academics. In early 20th-century United States, incorrect narratives alleged that Africa had no history. The Garveys, and other Black intellectuals, looked to the Nile Valley to show the absurdity of that claim. The pan-Africanism of Garveyism instilled pride in African descended communities and united them against colonial structures. Pan-Africanism factored strongly in President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s conception of the modern nation-state of Egypt. Egyptian scholars from a variety of fields, including Nile Valley studies, continue to understand ancient Egypt as part of a network of African cultures. Keywords: Amy Jacques Garvey, Marcus Garvey, Gamal Abdel Nasser, pan-Africanism, Egyptology, Egypt
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BELEM, Hamidou. "Épreuve et argumentation dans les discours panafricanistes : stratégies d’une (con)quête en questionnement." ALTRALANG Journal 4, no. 02 (December 30, 2022): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/altralang.v4i02.212.

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Test and Argumentation in Pan-Africanist Discourses: Strategies of A Questioning Conquest ABSTRACT: Discourses are the expression of a certain activity, like stories. They allow their subject to make transformations from one given situation to another. Also, argumentative strategies are deployed in order to persuade or convince the interlocutors. This article aims to analyze Pan-Africanist discourses to describe the narrative programs that are hidden there while highlighting the process of the test. In addition, it aims to dissect the argumentative processes of the authors of these discourses. RÉSUMÉ : Les discours sont l’expression d’une certaine activité à l’image des récits. Ils permettent à leur sujet de faire faire des transformations passant d’une situation donnée à une autre. Aussi, des stratégies argumentatives y sont déployées à l’effet de persuader ou de convaincre les interlocuteurs. Le présent article se donne pour objectif d’analyser les discours panafricanistes pour en décrire les programmes narratifs qui s’y cachent tout en mettant en exergue le processus de l’épreuve. En outre, il ambitionne décortiquer les procédés d’argumentation des auteurs de ces discours.
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Koning, Danielle. "Place, Space, and Authority. The Mission and Reversed Mission of the Ghanaian Seventh-day Adventist Church in Amsterdam." African Diaspora 2, no. 2 (2009): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254509x12477244375175.

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Abstract African churches in diaspora frequently use mission discourses in which they seek to reach out not only to Africans but to 'native' populations as well. However, though such discourses are sometimes followed up by praxis and incidental 'success,' there often appears a gap between socalled 'reversed mission' discourse and its accompanying praxis. This article explores why this gap may exist, through a space and place related understanding of mission and a case study of the Ghanaian Seventh-day Adventists in Amsterdam. It is argued that ethnicised forms of place making, reversed mission as an identity discourse, and asymmetrical and ambivalent authority relations may account for the breach between reversed mission discourse and praxis among Ghanaian Adventists in Amsterdam and possibly the larger African Christian diaspora. Les églises africaines en diaspora se servent fréquemment des discours de mission dans lesquels ils cherchent à atteindre non seulement les Africains, mais aussi les populations locales. Cependant, même si ces discours sont parfois traduits en pratique et jouissent d'un certain 'succès,' on constate souvent un écart entre le discours de la « mission inversée », et la pratique qui l'accompagne. Cet article essaie d'analyser ces écarts entre discours et pratique à travers une compréhension de la mission dans sa dimension globale et locale et une étude de cas sur les Adventistes du septième jour ghanéens à Amsterdam. Il est soutenu que les formes ethniques de création d'espaces, la mission inversée en tant que discours d'identité et les relations d'autorité asymétriques et ambivalentes peuvent expliquer la brèche entre le discours de la mission inversée et la pratique parmi les Adventistes ghanéens à Amsterdam et probablement la plus grande diaspora Africaine chrétienne.
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Muhammad Mansha. "WHITENESS IN SHAKESPERE’S SONNETS." Inception - Journal of Languages and Literature 2, no. 1 (June 24, 2022): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36755/ijll.v2i1.25.

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Now a day the racial theorem is being used to study Shakespeare's works. The problem of whiteness is explored in his sonnets. He cherishes whiteness more than blackness. Elizabethan policies included the idea that being white was a sign of supremacy, and the sonnets served as a cover for contemporary racial views. Racism and racial injustice are inextricably linked to whiteness. Though invisible, it is a universal phenomenon. Whiteness allows people with fair skin to economically and culturally oppress people of color. According to Hall, an important aspect of early modern writings that contributes to the creation of the white subject is the "Africanist" presence. Whiteness is a potent, covertly hegemonic discourse that oppresses people of color. Whiteness and blackness are in binary antagonism. This African-American presence ultimately fosters a sense of white superiority. This conflicting mindset rekindles the debate over whiteness. The research demonstrates how Shakespeare's portrayals of a young man and a dark lady privilege whiteness and shape white identity. The young guy has been presented in charming terms, whereas Dark Lady has been regarded negatively in terms of culture, morality, and sexuality. The black lady is condemned for acting immorally. She is not considered one of the chaste women. Shakespeare creates a triple-turned-whore character for her. The young, fair, and intelligent person is glorified, and his generational continuation is taken into consideration. The study helps to dismantle the stereotype that exempts Shakespeare from racism.
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Lea, Susan J. "‘That Ism on the End Makes it Nasty’: Talking about Race with Young White South Africans." South African Journal of Psychology 26, no. 3 (September 1996): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639602600308.

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The focus in this article is one aspect of a broader study concerned with investigating issues of race and racism in the talk of young white South Africans. The research is informed by Billig's (1987) rhetorical approach to social psychology and by Potter and Wetherell's (1987) method of discourse analysis. The aspect of the study reported here concerns the discourse of young white South Africans who defined themselves as ‘Nationalist’. Two discourses were identified as dominating Nationalist accounts of race and racism: the discourse of biologism and discourse of cognitivism. These discourses incorporated particular notions of psychological theory. The manner in which Nationalists use such theory to warrant accounts that are fundamentally racist is addressed. It is argued that the science of psychology continues to provide racists with arguments which support the existence of races and the legitimation of racism.
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Endong, Floribert P. C. "Francophobia as an expression of Pan-Africanism in Francophone Africa: An exploration of the Cameroonian political and media discourse." Inkanyiso 12, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ink.v12i2.37.

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There has over the decades been a recrudescence of francophobia in many francophone African countries. This has attracted the attention of scholars across the world and has fuelled a discourse which has myopically constructed francophone Africans’ francophobic sentiments either as a purely xenophobic movement or a nationalist feeling. Meanwhile, for many members of the African diasporas and intelligentsia, francophobia is essentially an expression of their pan-African convictions. In effect, for many francophone pan-African political activists, the act of fighting and mitigating neocolonialism in their countries is inextricably tantamount to exhibiting francophobic sentiments. Such an act is also tantamount to deploying various forms of animosity against France. This is so perhaps because France is arguably perceived as the most dominant neocolonial force in their countries. In this paper, this popular trend is illustrated with close respect to the Cameroonian experience. Using secondary sources and critical observations, the paper specifically looks at how various manifestations of French neocolonialism have given birth to waves of anti-French sentiments among the intelligentsia and in the media; and how this anti-French feeling is mostly expressed in the name of Pan-Africanism. The paper thus examines how Pan-Africanism has, to both the Cameroonian intelligentsia and the media, meant adopting a virulent anti-French discourse or rhetoric. In line with this central objective, the paper answers three principal research questions: what body of evidence proves that there is French neocolonialism in Cameroon? How has French neocolonialism engendered a virulent pan-African discourse that is basically anti-French? And how has this pan-African francophobic discourse been observed or manifested among the Cameroonian intelligentsia and in the country’s private media?
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Mudimbe, V. Y. "Africanisme comme discours: Liminaire." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 1 (1986): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484692.

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Mudimbe, V. Y. "Africanisme comme discours: Liminaire." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 20, no. 1 (January 1986): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1986.10804141.

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42

Faulkingham, Ralph, and Mitzi Goheen. "Africa in the Age of Obama." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0010.

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With the inclusion of the following commentaries, “Africa in the Age of Obama,” the African Studies Review breaks one of its cardinal rules of not accepting opinion pieces on current issues for publication. However, there is always an exception to any rule.These three articles, originally presented at the Plenary Session of the 51st Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, present ideas of sufficient significance and centrality to Africanist intellectual discourses at this historical juncture to warrant this exception. Both individually and as a collection, these informative and provocative articles decenter common shibboleths of twenty-first century Africanist scholarship and replace these with suggestions for new paths and new ways of seeing and constituting “Africa” in the world today.As ASR editors, we have been grappling with some of these issues over the past decade while putting together a “mission statement” for the journal, and we are pleased to see these subjects and perspectives presented so eloquently in this coUection.Two perspectives from these narratives are of special interest to the mission of the ASR. First, they encourage a view of “Africa” not as an isolate, but rather as a nexus of complex global relationships in which Africa and Africans, as well as African ideas, practice, and voice—whether as subjects or objects of analysis—are the primary focus. Second, they give voice to, and encourage contributions from, an increasing number of scholars whose primary work, scholarship, and identity are on the continent. Implicitly they call upon these scholars to publish in the ASR and other journals and use these as a two-way conduit, whereby scholarship from the continent may continue to become a significant and integral part of twenty-first century global Africanist discourses.
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43

Estévez Hernández, Pablo. "El censo de 1950 en Guinea Española: la raza como categoría de recuento (la otredad absoluta en cuestión) / The 1950 census of Spanish Guinea: race as an enumerative category (absolute otherness in question)." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 10 (December 29, 2017): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.10.9912.

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Resumen: Al cambiar la disposición geopolítica tras 1898, España intenta articular un africanismo que permita justificar y valorar su presencia en las pocas colonias que le quedan en África. Este africanismo representaba una estrategia política que ofrecía una versión humanista de sus intereses en estas colonias, en principio sólo estratégico. El caso de Guinea ofrece una historia donde esta recreación tuvo reveses particulares, al no poder consolidar un origen racial que se pudiera poner en común. Pero, mientras fue cambiando el estatus de la colonia y al adquirir ésta nueva significación económica, la estrategia cambia y es capaz de disolver las anteriormente rígidas diferencias raciales dispuestas en documentos estadísticos. Este ensayo sigue los discursos que desde la antropología y las fuentes gubernamentales se dieron con respecto a la identidad indígena guineana, y a cómo fueron mutando las categorías para dar validez al sentido colonial: desde una categoría negativa y bajo el estereotipo de la “baja disposición al trabajo” a convertirse en seres asimilables y útiles para el propósito de la Nación. Igualmente, se pone énfasis en la confección de un censo colonial (1950) y su retroalimentación con los discursos antropológicos para poder captar la incisiva incursión colonial-administrativa y la re-presentación española en el terreno geopolítico. Palabras clave: Guinea Española, censo, raza, africanismo. Abstract: As the geopolitical disposition changed in 1898, Spain tried to articulate its Africanism as to justify and value its presence in the colonies left in Africa. This Africanism represented a political strategy that gave a humanist version of its own interests in the colonies. The case of Spanish Guinea brings up a story where this recreation have particular setbacks, as it was difficult to put together a common racial background. But, as the colony changed its status and economic significance, the strategy also changed, making it possible to dissolve the prior, rigid, racial differences deployed in statistic documents. This essay follows the discourses made from anthropology and governmental archives on indigenous Guinean identity, and studies how categories were mutating categories as to accept the colonial role of the Nation: from negative categories based on stereotypes of low profile for labor to assimilation and usefulness. The paper in centered on the confection of a colonial census (1950) and its feedback with anthropological discourses as to capture the colonial-administrative incursion and the representation of the Spanish in the geopolitical arena. Key words: Spanish Guinea, census, race, Africanism.
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Blaylock, Jennifer. "New Media, Neo-Media: The Brief Life of Socialist Television in Ghana." boundary 2 49, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 195–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-9615459.

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Television in Ghana was born at a radical time when Africans across the continent were boldly inventing systems of governance resistant to imperialism and racial inequality. Alongside the formation of the new state, the new medium was designed to help realize visions of Pan-Africanism and African socialism promoted by Kwame Nkrumah. With the February 24, 1966, coup d’état seven months after its first broadcast, Ghanaian socialist television ended. Based on archival research and interviews with Ghanaian television pioneers, in this essay I argue that this Afrofuturist segment of Ghana's media past provides a counternarrative to new media discourse from the colonial era that positioned Africa as the passive receiver of television. I show how transnational influences were actively adapted to theorize the new medium in opposition to racial capitalism and propose that media archaeologies attuned to Afrofuturism may reorient the field toward social and political justice in the present.
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45

Yamba, C. Bawa. "Cosmologies in turmoil: witchfinding and AIDS in Chiawa, Zambia." Africa 67, no. 2 (April 1997): 200–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161442.

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AbstractWritten from the perspective of HIV/AIDS prevention research in Zambia, the article argues that rural Africans now find themselves the target of three competing and contradictory discourses about responsibility, each of which claims to tell them how to lead safe lives free from AIDS. The first, represented by the biomedical paradigm, professes sure knowledge about the aetiology and epidemiology of HIV/AIDS but is unable to cure it; the second, the missionary discourse, preaches abstinence and encourages a revival of traditional beliefs and rules of morality as the only way to manage and survive AIDS; while the third is the traditional discourse—represented by traditional healers and witchfinders—which professes sure knowledge and the ability to eradicate evil. My argument is that the conjunction of these discourses results in a confusion that has led to the ascendancy of what is here termed traditional African discourse, characterised by a resurgence of witchcraft accusations and witchfinding activities; the conjuncture thus provides explanatory models through which rural Africans can make sense of their lives in situations where modern certainties appear to have failed. The traditional African discourse offers an explanation for increasing death rates—presumably from AIDS—and for other contingent disasters which are believed to be caused by witches. These points are brought home in an extended case study of the activities of a witchfinder invited by one rural community to help them ‘defuse’ local witches. The witchfinder not only managed to usurp legitimate authority but succeeded in killing sixteen local people through poison ordeals before national media coverage led to his arrest by the authorities. A further concern of the article is to highlight the importance of envybased notions of disease causality and how these notions relate to efforts at behavioural change in AIDS prevention work and to mechanisms that can lead to the breakdown of legitimate authority in rural Africa today.
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Njoku, Raphael Chijioke. "The Conflation of Race and Propaganda in the Mobilization of Africans for the Second World War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 29, 2021): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054911.

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The primary focus here is to accentuate the competing roles of race and propaganda in the enlistment of Africans and African Americans for the Second World War. Among other things, the discussion captures on the interwar years and emphasizes the subtleties of African American Pan-Africanist discourses as a counterweight to Black oppression encountered in the racialized spaces of Jim Crow America, colonized Africa, and the pugnacious infraction that was the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–1936. Tying up the implications of these events into the broader global politics of 1939–1945 establishes the background in which the Allied Powers sought after Black people’s support in the war against the Axis Powers. Recalling that Italy’s fascist leader Benito Mussolini attacked Ethiopia in 1935 with poisonous gas while the League of Nations refused to act, points to the barefaced conflation of race and propaganda in the Great War and the centrality of African and African Diaspora exertions in the conflict.
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47

Chinedu. I. O. Okeke. "A Neglected Impediment to True Africanisation of African Higher Education Curricula: Same Agenda, Differential Fee Regimes." Journal of Higher Education in Africa 8, no. 2 (August 30, 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/jhea.v8i2.1582.

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This paper focuses on various international fee regimes within African universities and aims to sensitize debates around this highly neglected issue. My primary goal is not only to challenge arbitrary policy, but also to produce a useful sociological framework capable of enabling Africans to participate in their own educational development wherever they may choose to study. This paper targets African curriculum policy-makers and stakeholders and by focusing on the differential fee regimes, it is possible to show how such policy impinges upon current discourse on the Africanisation of higher education curriculum in very complex and subtle ways. Without disregarding recent efforts, however, I want to suggest that promoting an all-inclusive higher education environment within Africa without a single unified tuition policy negates all efforts toward an African curriculum agenda. An example is drawn from the thinking of the Bologna Process and the challenges such development presents to the African continent. The paper concludes that until differential policy regimes within African tertiary institutions are included on the agenda of various efforts toward the harmonization of African higher education, the journey towards a true Africanised, decolonized and all- inclusive education curricula for Africans may remain a mirage.
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Workneh, Téwodros W. "Pandemic politics and Africa: Examining discourses of Afrophobia in the news media." Journal of African Media Studies 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00071_1.

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In addition to the devastating loss of lives, the harm caused by the COVID-19 pandemic to individuals and communities around the world has caused seismic disruptions in economic, social and interpersonal relationships. The pandemic has affected international diplomatic relations as well by amplifying existing geopolitical tensions. By situating discourses of Africa and Africans within global ferments of pandemic politics, this study interrogates how Africa and its peoples were invoked in global media. Drawing from postcolonial theory and conceptual propositions of Afrophobia, the study uses multimodal discourse analysis to critically examine news stories that engaged with two phenomena: controversies regarding the African director-general of the World Health Organization (WHO) and xenophobic treatment of Africans in China. Findings indicate elements of Afrophobia were evident in the Trump Administration’s and US conservative media outlets’ engagement with WHO. Additionally, the study showed the mainstreaming of non-western Afrophobia through the example of the xenophobic treatment of Africans in China. It concludes by proposing a contextual, intersectional and critical geopolitical analytical optics for a more robust understanding of the global Black experience.
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Ankobrey, Gladys Akom. "Lived Afropolitanism: Beyond the Single Story." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 332–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0029.

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Abstract It has been several years since the term “Afropolitanism” was coined and instigated an intense debate in both the offline and online world. Although Afropolitanism is celebrated for highlighting positive depictions of Africa, it has also been criticised for its supposedly exclusive and elitist focus. Several scholars have distinguished Afropolitanism from Pan-Africanism by framing it as the latter’s apolitical younger version. Following the discussion around these perceived differences, this paper investigates how Afropolitanism negotiates the African diaspora discourse in relation to Pan-Africanism. Thus far, the study of Afropolitanism has remained mostly limited to the field of literary and cultural studies. In order to move the discussion on this term further, this paper explores the lived experiences of twelve black Londoners with Afropolitanism and Pan-Africanism. By using the notion of “performance,” I show that Afropolitanism and Pan-Africanism are constructed and deconstructed in both diverse and overlapping ways. The narratives emerging out of this dialogue question the centrality of the Middle Passage epistemology and the tendency to essentialize experiences in the African diaspora discourse.
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Sindoni, Maria Grazia. "Creole in the Caribbean: How Oral Discourse creates Cultural Identities." Journal des Africanistes, no. 80-1/2 (June 1, 2010): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/africanistes.2563.

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