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Kleynhans, Evert, and Will Gordon. "Springbok Escapers and Evaders in the Western Desert, 1941–1942." Journal of African Military History 6, no. 1 (June 16, 2022): 33–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-bja10011.
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Abstract During the Second World War, between 1941 and 1942, a large number of South African troops were made prisoners of war (POW) by the Axis forces in the Western Desert. These troops were first interned in POW transit camps in North Africa, before being shipped to more permanent camps in Italy and later Germany. A large number of the South African captives decided to accept their newfound fates and make their internment as ‘pleasant’ as possible. However, a small nucleus of South African servicemen either tried to evade capture altogether, or, when captured, actively tried to escape. The first large scale attempts of escape and evasion by South African servicemen therefore occurred in North Africa between 1941 and 1942. This article provides an exploratory investigation into the varied experiences of the South African soldiers that either evaded capture altogether or escaped from internment in North Africa.
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Coates, Oliver. "Between Image and Erasure." Radical History Review 2018, no. 132 (October 1, 2018): 200–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-6942513.
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Abstract Approximately 73,290 West Africans traveled to South Asia during World War II, but relatively little is known about their activities on the subcontinent. The photographs of African soldiers in India published in the British Army’s RWAFF News, a Bombay-printed newspaper specifically designed for West African troops overseas, provide a rare and little-known insight into the lives of African soldiers in India. Existing accounts of African military service in India often outline the soldiers’ experience of India in only very general terms and typically privilege the combat experience of troops in Burma. The images described in this brief article reveal a very different face of African overseas military service: they depict a group of soldiers visiting the Taj Mahal and encountering the Mughal monument. Although published and choreographed by the British, these images reflect a moment of South-South encounter between West Africans and India’s Islamic history.
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Passmore, Timothy JA, Megan Shannon, and Andrew F. Hart. "Rallying the troops." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 3 (October 31, 2017): 366–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317731152.
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Is the acquisition of personnel for UN peacekeeping missions susceptible to free-riding by UN member states? If so, what drives this behavior and what impact does this have on obtaining required personnel for the mission? Using data from 21 missions in 13 African countries between 1990 and 2010, this article addresses whether UN peacekeeping missions experience a shortfall in personnel due to incentives to free-ride by contributing states. It argues that as the number of states contributing to a mission increases, contributors have a greater incentive to free-ride and make suboptimal personnel contributions, leading to greater overall shortfall in the mission’s personnel. However, this free-riding behavior can be mitigated by the economic incentives of contributor states. The findings support two central tenets of collective action theory: that free-riding by member states contributing to the mission is more prevalent when the number of contributors is larger, and when selective incentives such as economic gains are lower. These findings have implications for the strategic composition and efficacy of peacekeeping forces. More broadly, the results underscore the struggle of international organizations to obtain compliance from member states in achieving their international objectives.
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Osborne, Myles. "British Visions, African Voices: The “Imperial” and the “Colonial” in World War II." Itinerario 44, no. 2 (August 2020): 287–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000169.
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AbstractThis article is focused on a magazine called Jambo, which was published by the British East Africa Command for troops in its employ between 1942 and 1945. Jambo was an agglomeration of political articles, general interest stories, propaganda, cartoons, crosswords, and more, with many of its contributions authored (or drawn) by men serving in the Allied forces. Here, I use Jambo to consider notions of the “colonial” and “imperial” during the Second World War, exploring how the realities of racial segregation in the colonies fit awkwardly with imperial service. Jambo also permits us a window into the views of some hundreds of British servicemen, who wrote extensively about the Africans with whom they served, revealing the complexities and shifts in British perceptions of African peoples during the conflict. Jambo is unique in another respect: it also provided a forum for African troops. In few other publications—and even fewer with such wide circulation—could educated (but nonelite) African peoples reach thousands of British readers. Though their published letters and articles were few compared to those written by Jambo's British authors, African writers used the venue to critique the conditions of their military service, argue about the sort of social ordering they desired in their home communities, and create an alternate narrative of the war. Like most colonial publications, Jambo had intended audiences, but also voracious, additional, alternate publics that mediated the articles which appeared in its pages. All this suggests that we might think of the colonial public sphere as both local and global, inward and outward looking, personal and communal, and situated along a continuum between colonial and imperial contexts.
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GRAY, CHRISTINE. "Peacekeeping and enforcement action in Africa: the role of Europe and the obligations of multilateralism." Review of International Studies 31, S1 (December 2005): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006868.
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The duties, if any, of European states to participate in multilateral operations in Africa are currently a matter of some controversy. What are the obligations of European states with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security in Africa? How far is it legitimate for them to avoid the contribution of troops to UN peacekeeping operations in Africa? Does the reluctance of European and other developed states to participate in UN peacekeeping operations in Africa have significant legal consequences? This article will consider these issues in three main sections. The first provides an overview of UN peacekeeping in recent years at a time when there has been a substantial surge in demand for peacekeeping troops. It discusses the problems that the UN has faced in securing troops from developed member states, particularly for operations in Africa. The second section describes the pattern which has emerged in recent practice with regard to peacekeeping and enforcement action in Africa. Although developed states have generally been reluctant to provide troops for UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, they have undertaken Chapter VII operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire as ‘coalitions of the willing’. They have also provided assistance to certain African governments threatened with violent overthrow, such as the governments of Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire. They have turned to regional and sub-regional organisations to take the lead in certain conflicts: they have provided financial assistance, logistical support and military training for such organisations.
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Amin, Md Nurul, Mahmuda Yasmin, Marufa Zerin Akhtar, and Chowdhury Rafiqul Ahsan. "Molecular Pattern of Anti-malarial Drug Resistance of Plasmodium falciparum in Bangladeshi Troops Working in Endemic Areas of Bangladesh and Africa." Bangladesh Journal of Microbiology 37, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bjm.v37i1.51202.
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Members of Bangladesh Armed Forces work in two different malaria endemic area, Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in Bangladesh and Sub-Saharan countries in Africa. This under-recognized group remained unexplored for long in respect to drug resistant falciparum malaria they usually suffer from. In this study, a total of 252 ‘dried blood samples on filter paper’ were collected between November 2014 and February 2016, from Plasmodium falciparum positive Bangladeshi troops working in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh and five Sub Saharan African Countries namely, Central African Republic (CAR), Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Liberia, Mali and Ivory Coast. After DNA extraction from all these samples (94 from Bangladesh and 138 from African countries), plasmodium species was confirmed by a nested PCR following standard protocol with minor modifications. Thereafter, a multiplex nested PCR followed by restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) method was employed to investigate the presence of chloroquine resistance marker ‘K76T mutation’ in P. falciparum chloroquine resistance transporters (pfcrt) gene and lumifantrine and mefloquine resistance marker ‘N86Y mutation’ in P. falciparum multidrug resistance1 (pfmdr1) gene. The P. falciparum DNA was confirmed in 35 (37.23%) Bangladeshi and 45 (28.48%) African samples. The ‘pfcrt (K76T) mutation’ that confers resistance to chloroquine, was detected in 93.10% Bangladeshi and 29.27% African samples. The ‘pfmdr1 (N86Y) mutation’ that confers resistance to lumifantrine and mefloquine, was detected in 20.69% Bangladeshi and only 2.44% African samples. The higher prevalence of chloroquine resistance of P. falciparum in Bangladesh than in African countries revealed that possible withdrawal of chloroquine from endemic areas and also periodic molecular survey to monitor pf resistance to chloroquine, mefloquine, lumefantrine and artemisinin among these troops working in both endemic areas.
Bangladesh J Microbiol, Volume 37 Number 1 June 2020, pp 1-6
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Watson, John T., Hassan El Bushra, Emmaculate J. Lebo, Godfrey Bwire, James Kiyengo, Gideon Emukule, Victor Omballa, et al. "Outbreak of Beriberi among African Union Troops in Mogadishu, Somalia." PLoS ONE 6, no. 12 (December 21, 2011): e28345. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0028345.
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Adler, K. H. "Indigènes afterIndigènes: post-war France and its North African troops." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 20, no. 3 (June 2013): 463–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2013.770826.
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Huang, Chin-Hao. "From Strategic Adjustment to Normative Learning? Understanding China’s Peacekeeping Efforts in Africa." Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, no. 3-4 (2013): 248–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1704005.
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Over the last two decades, Chinese armed forces have been increasingly exposed to the global norms of UN peacekeeping, not least through expanded participation in international peacekeeping operations. As the largest Security Council permanent member troop contributor, more than four fifths of Chinese troops in UN peacekeeping operations are deployed in Africa. As such, China is increasingly in a position to strengthen peacekeeping operations, contribute to stability, security, and security sector reform in Africa, and expand its regional multilateral military cooperation, all of which raises the prospects for China to become more integrated in the international community and a responsible, and responsive, major power. Given these important developments and their implications for the future of peacekeeping in Africa, this paper seeks to: identify the key determinants that undergird China’s evolving foreign policy approach toward peacekeeping principles and praxis in Africa; ascertain the degree and trace the process in which increasing interactions between China, the African Union, and the broader international community have led Chinese policy elites to consider greater flexibility in their views toward sovereignty and the changing nature of peacekeeping; assess how a rising China may exert its influence through its expanding role in peacekeeping; and analyze the strategic implications of these security developments for Africa.
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ROY, KAUSHIK. "Discipline and Morale of the African, British and Indian Army units in Burma and India during World War II: July 1943 to August 1945." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 6 (April 21, 2010): 1255–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1000003x.
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AbstractTowards the end of World War II, the morale of British units stationed in Burma and India was on a downslide. In contrast, the morale of Indian units was quite high. In fact, after the 1943 Arakan Campaign, the morale of Indian units rose slowly but steadily. The morale and discipline of Indian troops are also compared and contrasted with another colonial army: the African troops. By making a comparative study of the Commonwealth troops deployed in Burma and India, this paper attempts to show how and why the contours of morale and discipline changed among the various groups of troops at different times. The study of morale and discipline of the troops deployed in these two regions represents two extreme conditions: while Burma remained a war front, India did not experience any actual warfare except for some skirmishes with Indus tribes at the northwest frontier. In general, bad discipline is partly responsible for bad morale and vice versa, which adversely affects the fighting power of armies. This turns to the issue of ‘why do men fight’? The ‘will to war’ is directly proportional to good discipline and strong morale amongst troops. This paper will look for the causative factors shaping discipline and morale of both metropolitan and colonial soldiers, based mainly on military intelligence reports on morale. We will see that rather than grand ideas like nationalism and anti-fascism, mundane factors like the supply of good rations, access to sex and service conditions, influence the morale and discipline of soldiers, and hence their combat-worthiness.
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Williams, Paul D. "Joining AMISOM: why six African states contributed troops to the African Union Mission in Somalia." Journal of Eastern African Studies 12, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2018.1418159.
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Dires Gardachew, Bewuketu. "Keeping the Peace in Somalia: Are “African Solutions to African Problems” Enough?" Journal of Somali Studies 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2056-5682/2020/7n2a2.
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After suffering significant casualties in peacekeeping operations in Africa, several powerful countries, including the U.S. and some of its western allies, exhibited reluctance to deploy their troops in Africa in significant numbers or for long periods of time. Since then many western powerful states exhibited fatigue and reduced their involvement in peace initiatives on the continent where Somalia is could be taken as one of those best cases. “Africa fatigue” by the powerful Western countries motivated and necessitated for the emergence of the “African solution to African problems” maxim. It is in this context that the AU authorized a range of peace operations, among them, AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), to respond to the complex conflicts that have engulfed the continent. The objective of this study is to explore whether the approach of “African solutions to African problems” is enough to address the severe humanitarian situation of Somalia or not. The study looks at the case of Somalia for two reasons. First, Somalia has faced a prolonged civil war fuelled by intense internal conflict and exacerbated by external influences. Secondly, the AU has been playing a leading role in the resolutions of the conflicts using a multidimensional approach that involved diplomatic, mediatory and military mechanisms over a longer period of time. More importantly, the case of Somalia is chosen mainly because the case is among the glaring example of AU‟s comprehensive peace operation. Other African countries such as Burundi, Comoro Islands, Mali, Central African Republic and the like have also hosted peace support operations however; these missions were conducted for short period. Hence, examining the AU‟s relatively short-term responses presents challenges as these short-term missions may not test the capacity of African Union compared to the long-term peace operations (Somalia).
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Kment, Petr, and David Rider. "Agonoscelis puberula (Hemiptera: Heteroptera: Pentatomidae) in Cuba – the oldest record of an alien species in the New World." Journal of the National Museum (Prague), Natural History Series 186, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jzh-2018-0005.
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Abstract The African cluster bug Agonoscelis puberula Stål, 1854 (Hemiptera: Heteroptera: Pentatomidae: Pentatominae: Agonoscelidini), an Afrotropical stink bug previously introduced to the New World, is recorded from Cuba for the first time. The specimen was collected in 1978 and represents the oldest record in America, suggesting the possibility of its introduction during the engagement of Cuban troops in conflicts in tropical Africa during the Cold War, most probably from Angola. Complete bibliography of the papers citing A. puberula, its distribution, host plants and status of name-bearing types are reviewed. Additional records of A. puberula from Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia (new record) are provided.
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Roos, Julia. "Women's Rights, Nationalist Anxiety, and the “Moral” Agenda in the Early Weimar Republic: Revisiting the “Black Horror” Campaign against France's African Occupation Troops." Central European History 42, no. 3 (August 24, 2009): 473–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909990069.
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In the months and years following ratification of the Versailles Treaty, the Allied occupation of the Rhineland became a focal point of German nationalist propaganda. The campaign against the so-called “black shame on the Rhine” (schwarze Schmach am Rhein), a racist slogan referring to the stationing of soldiers from northern Africa, Senegal, and Madagascar in the French zone of occupation, was one of the ugliest outgrowths of German opposition to the peace treaty. Support for the movement against France's African troops was disquietingly broad. An interpellation to the Reich government of May 1920 launched by the Majority Social Democrats (SPD) and endorsed by all parties in the national assembly except the Independent Socialists (USPD) is illustrative of the racist fears motivating “black horror” protests: “Even after the armistice, the French and Belgians continue to use colored troops in the occupied territories. … For German women and children, men and boys, these savages pose a horrifying danger. Their honor, health and life, purity and innocence are being destroyed. … This situation is disgraceful, humiliating, and insufferable!”
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Cedric, de Coning. "The Evolution of Peace Operations in Africa: Trajectories and Trends." Journal of International Peacekeeping 14, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2010): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541110x12592205205577.
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The scale of contemporary United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) peace operations in Africa represent a significant shift in the political will of the international community to invest in UN and African peace operations. A macro-pattern has developed where most European and American peace and stability operations are deployed in NATO or European Union (EU) operations in Europe and the Middle-East, whilst most UN peace operations troops are contributed by the developing world and deployed in Africa. However, there is a new willingness in Europe to consider deploying some of its peacekeepers to Africa in EU or UN peace operations. From a UN and African perspective, the USA and Europe have a major political and financial influence on, and stake in, the future of peace operations in Africa. The AU and regional entities like ECOWAS, IGAD and SADC have significantly increased their capacity to undertake and manage peace operations over the last decade. The AU has deployed its first three peace operations, AMIB in Burundi, AMIS in Darfur and AMISOM in Somalia. However, the single most important factor when considering the future of peace operations in Africa is how they are financed, as that determines the size, scope and duration of the missions, and therefore has a direct bearing on their impact. The lack of clear and predictable financial arrangements is now the most important factor hindering the further expansion of African peacekeeping.
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Mazov, Sergey. "USSR and the UN Military Operation in the Congo 1960—1964." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020688-5.
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Drawing on UN documents, materials from Russian and British archives, the author examined the evolution of the Soviet line towards the UN military operation in the Congo in 1960—1964, exposed the intentions of the Soviet leadership to employ the UN military contingent in achieving its goals in the Congo, showed how the actions of the Western powers, their Congolese allies and the UN leadership frustrated the Soviet plans. The Soviet posture regarding the UN operation in the Congo varied depending on the escalation of the Congo crisis and its main actors’ behavior. At the initial stage (July — early August 1960), Khrushchev considered the conception of Africanization of resolving the crisis, submitted by Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah, suitable for turning UN forces into an instrument to protect the Lumumba government and increase Soviet influence in the Congo. The Soviet representative to the UN Security Council suggested that the Congolese operation be conducted by African states, and the USSR bypassed the UN by providing its civilian planes to transport the Ghanaian contingent of UN troops from Accra to Leopoldville. Since the Blue Helmets were used in the Congo, in the opinion of the Soviet government, “inappropriately”, i.e., not against Belgian forces and the Katanga separatists, it demanded that the UN command be replaced on August 6, 1960. Lumumba tried to regain control of Katanga by his own forces, but was ousted in two coups d’état in September 1960, directly supported by UN troops. Nikita Khrushchev did not intervene militarily in the Congo and privately called Nkrumah to allocate a Ghanaian contingent of UN troops at the disposal of Lumumba’s government. This was impossible without Soviet military support, but Khrushchev did not promise it. After Lumumba’s assassination, which became known on February 13, 1961, the USSR demanded the termination of the UN operation in the Congo within a month and the removal of the UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld as an “accomplice” to the Lumumba massacre. The overwhelming majority of UN members favored keeping UN troops in the Congo and Hammarskjöld as Secretary General. After the withdrawal of contingents of leftist African countries from the Congo in the winter and spring of 1961, the Soviet Union lost any ability to influence the UN operation in the Congo. It supported the military operations launched by the Blue Helmets against the Katanga separatists (December 1961 — January 1963) as being aimed at “the liquidation of the hotbed of interference of the colonial powers and their agents in Katanga”. After restoring territorial integrity of the Congo, the Soviet Union renewed its campaign for the withdrawal of UN troops and refused to participate in financing their upkeep. The Blue Helmets remained in the Congo until June 1964. The USSR failed to prevent the U.S. from turning the UN troops into a tool to combat “communist infiltration” in the Congo, and this contributed substantially to the Western victory in the battle for the “heart of Africa”.
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Lovett, Bobby L., and John David Smith. "Black Soldiers in Blue: African American Troops in the Civil War Era." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 62, no. 3 (2003): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40024275.
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Ligawa, William Oluoch, Odhiambo Elijah Onyango Standslause, and Mohamed Hussein Rahoy. "Contact Dilemma: The Malady of African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) Troops." OALib 03, no. 08 (2016): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1102929.
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Warner, John D., and John David Smith. "Black Soldiers in Blue: African American Troops in the Civil War Era." Journal of Southern History 70, no. 2 (May 1, 2004): 439. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648432.
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Martin, Marcus E. "Book Review: The Unknown Soldiers: African American Troops in World War I." Armed Forces & Society 24, no. 3 (April 1998): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9802400313.
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McLaughlin, Peter. "Victims as Defenders: African Troops in the Rhodesian Defence System 1890–1980." Small Wars & Insurgencies 2, no. 2 (August 1991): 240–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592319108422981.
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Mwanyika, Elijah Mwasi. "Effectiveness of the Use of Force to Protect Civilians in the Central African Republic (CAR)." African Journal of Empirical Research 2, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/ajer.v2i1.13.
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Though the United Nations (UN) has mandated the use of force, in most missions, innocent civilians continue to be attacked and killed. Focused on the “UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic”, (MINUSCA), the study investigated the effectiveness of the use of force (UoF) in the Protection of Civilians (PoC). The study was anchored on Liberalism theory. This was a library-based research that relied on secondary data. Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analysed thematically. The findings show that the UoF in the PoC has positive impact on the execution of the MINUSCA mandate since early 2017 and has helped to reduce levels of armed violence. Although UoF was perceived as being effective in CAR, it was faced with some challenges. This was due to the fact that it was seen as directly targeting one party to the conflict; an act which is perceived to be against the principles of PKOs. The UoF must be supported by proper conflict analysis prior to the signing of a peace agreement, troops with a capability and training matching the task, and committed to the use of force. Missions with PoC mandate must be matched by an appropriate military capability beyond the normal infantry battalion capability. Troops deployed to PKOs should not be deployed on the basis of just the will of the member state, but the troops must have the capacity and capability to undertake the UN mandate.
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RICH, JEREMY. "MANUFACTURING SOVEREIGNTY AND MANIPULATING HUMANITARIANISM: THE DIPLOMATIC RESOLUTION OF THE MERCENARY REVOLT IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, 1967–8." Journal of African History 60, no. 2 (July 2019): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000471.
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AbstractIn 1967, European and Katangese mercenaries revolted against the rule of Mobutu Sese Seko in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) intervened to try to have the rebels peacefully leave the DRC. Katangese troops who fled to Rwanda with white mercenaries were forced by the Organization of African Unity and the Rwandan government to return to the DRC, where they were eventually executed. White mercenaries, under the protection of the ICRC and Rwanda, ultimately escaped Mobutu's wrath. Congolese and Rwandan leaders skillfully employed the ideal of African sovereignty and humanitarian rhetoric with its Western and African allies to ensure their consolidation of power.
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Gewald, Jan-Bart. "Mbadamassi of Lagos: A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa." African Diaspora 2, no. 1 (2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.
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Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.
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Al-Bulushi, Samar. "From the Sky to the Streets, and Back." Social Text 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-9771049.
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Abstract Against the Eurocentric, heteronormative paradigms that continue to structure analysis of post-9/11 global warfare, this article asks what it means to decenter the view from the imperial war room, illustrated most poignantly in the 2016 thriller Eye in the Sky. Highlighting the role played by the Kenyan state in the ongoing war against the Somali militant group al-Shabaab, it takes seriously the African subjects who co-constitute geographies of war making in East Africa today, from the political and business elite who normalize militarized masculinities and femininities, to the African troops whose affective and violent labor sustains war making in Somalia. Far from a celebration of subaltern agency, the article engages the notion of a “subaltern geopolitics” that is mindful of asymmetries of power and that foregrounds ambiguous positions of marginality that are neither dominant nor resistant. Attention to entanglement disrupts binary analytical paradigms of global/local and masculine/feminine, and calls for a deeper consideration of collaboration and complicity.
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Reidy, Joseph P. (Joseph Patrick). "Black Soldiers in Blue: African-American Troops in the Civil War Era (review)." Journal of Military History 67, no. 2 (2003): 578–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0163.
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Logue, Larry M. "Black Soldiers in Blue: African American Troops in the Civil War Era (review)." Civil War History 51, no. 3 (2005): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2005.0047.
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Christelow, Allan. "The Transformation of Images in French Publications for North African Troops, 1939–46." Maghreb Review 39, no. 2 (2014): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2014.0019.
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Chrissanthos, Stefan G. "Caesar and the Mutiny of 47 B.C." Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184770.
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In 47 B.C., despite victory at the Battle of Pharsalus and the subsequent death of Cn. Pompeius Magnus, the Civil War continued for C. Julius Caesar. He faced hostile Roman armies in Spain and North Africa. Rumours circulated that the African army was preparing to invade Italy. Order was kept in Rome only through the force employed by Caesar's lieutenant M. Antonius. Contemporaries certainly did not believe Caesar's victory was a foregone conclusion. In the midst of these crises, Caesar faced a mutiny amongst his veteran Gallic legions billeted in Campania. These troops refused his orders to move from Italy to Africa to fight the Pompeian army that had gathered there. Instead they marched to Rome to demand back pay, discharge, and promised bonuses of money and land. Caesar's power, and his very survival, were hanging in the balance.
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Makosso, Amanda M. "United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in the era of COVID-19." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 3, no. 2 (November 22, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v3i2.2378.
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With its seven peacekeeping operations deployed in the African continent, the United Nations peacekeeping seeks to maintain peace and security by helping African states create conditions for sustainable peace. As COVID-19 has exposed the international system’s vulnerability, this analysis seeks to explore what Peacekeeping looks like in the COVID-19 era. By drawing on news articles, reports, and United Nations press releases, this account also examines the challenges faced by peacekeepers in Sub Saharan Africa, a region well known for violent conflicts and warfare. It is interesting to note that peacekeeping in the COVID 19 era appears to have struck a balance between protecting people's health, ensuring civilians protection from threats of physical violence, and taking gender dynamics into account. However, operational changes in peacekeeping missions resulting from COVID-19 seem to have a serious effect on missions and troops and might raise severe implications for the future of peacekeeping in Africa.
APA Citation
Makosso, A. M. (2020). United Nations peacekeeping operations in the era of COVID-19. The Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare, 3(2), 1-17. https://journals.lib.sfu.ca/index.php/jicw/article/view/2378/1812
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Akenroye, Ayodele. "Navigating the Complexity of HIV/AIDS in African Peacekeeping Missions: Challenges and Prospects." Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, no. 3-4 (2013): 361–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1704010.
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The end of the Cold War witnessed the resurgence of ethnic conflicts in Africa, which necessitated the deployment of peacekeeping missions in many crisis contexts. The risk of HIV transmission increases in post-conflict environments where peacekeepers are at risk of contracting and spreading HIV/AIDS. In response, UN Security Council Resolution 1308 (2000) stressed the need for the UN to incorporate HIV/AIDS prevention awareness skills and advice in its training for peacekeepers. However, troops in peacekeeping missions remain under national command, thus limiting the UN prerogatives. This article discusses the risk of peacekeepers contracting or transmitting HIV/AIDS, as well as the role of peacekeeping missions in controlling the spread of the disease, and offers an account of the steps taken within UN peacekeeping missions and African regional peacekeeping initiatives to tackle the challenges of HIV/AIDS. While HIV/AIDS remains a scourge that could weaken peacekeeping in Africa, it seems that inertia has set in, making it even more difficult to tackle the complexity of this phenomenon.
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Pesek, Michael. "The War of Legs." Transfers 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2015.050207.
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This article describes the little-known history of military labor and transport during the East African campaign of World War I. Based on sources from German, Belgian, and British archives and publications, it considers the issue of military transport and supply in the thick of war. Traditional histories of World War I tend to be those of battles, but what follows is a history of roads and footpaths. More than a million Africans served as porters for the troops. Many paid with their lives. The organization of military labor was a huge task for the colonial and military bureaucracies for which they were hardly prepared. However, the need to organize military transport eventually initiated a process of modernization of the colonial state in the Belgian Congo and British East Africa. This process was not without backlash or failure. The Germans lost their well-developed military transport infrastructure during the Allied offensive of 1916. The British and Belgians went to war with the question of transport unresolved. They were unable to recruit enough Africans for military labor, a situation made worse by failures in the supplies by porters of food and medical care. One of the main factors that contributed to the success of German forces was the Allies' failure in the “war of legs.”
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TOPPING, SIMON. "“The Dusky Doughboys”: Interaction between African American Soldiers and the Population of Northern Ireland during the Second World War." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (February 21, 2013): 1131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875812001764.
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This article will examine the ways in which the people of Northern Ireland and African American troops stationed there during the Second World War reacted to each other. It will also consider the effect of institutional racism in the American military on this relationship, concluding that, for the most part, the population welcomed black soldiers and refused to endorse American racial attitudes or enforce Jim Crow segregation. This piece argues that, bearing in mind the latent racism of the time, the response of the Northern Irish to African Americans was essentially colour-blind, and this was true in both the Protestant and Catholic communities.
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Bowman, Joye L. "Abdul Njai: Ally and Enemy of the Portuguese in Guinea-Bissau, 1895–1919." Journal of African History 27, no. 3 (November 1986): 463–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700023276.
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The protracted subjugation by the Portuguese of Guinea-Bissau was made possible by Abdul Njai and his army of auxiliary troops. Njai became an ally of the Portuguese in the mid-1890s and continued his support for the Portuguese conquest until about 1915. He provided logistical support, and served both as a commander in the Portuguese army and as a recruiter of African troops. Oral as well as written sources indicate that Njai was directly responsible for the successful campaigns fought against the strongholds of resistance to Portuguese authority. As a reward for his services, the Portuguese granted Njai political authority over Oio province. Thus Njai became a kind of ‘warrant chief’ in an area where his only legitimacy was based on force rather than traditional affiliation. Portuguese control remained limited even after 1915 and Njai governed his region as he pleased. African communities in Oio and elsewhere in Guinea-Bissau feared and respected this warlord more than the Portuguese. He thus became a threat to Portuguese colonial officials in Guinea-Bissau as well as their French counterparts in neighbouring Senegal. The Portuguese therefore turned on their erstwhile ally and, after unsuccessful attempts to bring him to heel through negotiation, mounted an expedition which resulted in his capture and deportation in 1919.
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de Klerk, Vivian, and Gary P. Barkhuizen. "English in the South African Defence Force." English World-Wide 19, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.19.1.04dek.
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The article reports on research carried out at an army camp in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa in 1996; it aimed to examine language use at the camp across all levels and in all contexts, in order to assess the degree to which South Africa's new multilingual language policy of 1994 has taken root, and in particular to ascertain the extent to which English was being used, and what troops and staff felt about its use. Questionnaires, interviews and observation techniques were used to provide a full description of linguistic practices, views and attitudes at all levels and in a wide range of activities in the camp. Results suggest that despite the national language policy, and despite a very low number of L1 English speakers in the camp, English is playing a very significant role across all levels as lingua franca for efficient communication, and this is matched with a pervasively positive view about its continued use.
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STOTHARD, J. RUSSELL, NARCIS B. KABATEREINE, JOHN ARCHER, HAJRI AL-SHEHRI, LOUIS ALBERT TCHUEM-TCHUENTÉ, MARGARET GYAPONG, and AMAYA L. BUSTINDUY. "A centenary of Robert T. Leiper's lasting legacy on schistosomiasis and a COUNTDOWN on control of neglected tropical diseases." Parasitology 144, no. 12 (July 1, 2016): 1602–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031182016000998.
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SUMMARYPart of Robert T. Leiper's (1881–1969) lasting legacy in medical helminthology is grounded on his pioneering work on schistosomiasis (Bilharzia). Having undertaken many expeditions to the tropics, his fascination with parasite life cycles typically allowed him to devise simple preventive measures that curtailed transmission. Building on his formative work with others in Africa and Asia, and again in Egypt in 1915, he elucidated the life cycles of African schistosomes. His mandate, then commissioned by the British War Office, was to prevent and break transmission of this disease in British troops. This he did by raising standing orders based on simple water hygiene measures. Whilst feasible in military camp settings, today their routine implementation is sadly out of reach for millions of Africans living in poverty. Whilst we celebrate the centenary of Leiper's research we draw attention to some of his lesser known colleagues, then focus on schistosomiasis in Uganda discussing why expanded access to treatment with praziquantel is needed now. Looking to WHO 2020 targets for neglected tropical diseases, we introduce COUNTDOWN, an implementation research consortium funded by DFID, UK, which fosters the scale-up of interventions and confirm the current relevance of Leiper's original research.
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Bailey, Karen. "The language of landscape: The border terrain in the writing of South African troops∗." English Usage in Southern Africa 23, no. 1 (January 1992): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228195.1992.9971051.
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Mwanyika, Elijah Mwasi. "Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by Intervention Forces in Central African Republic." African Journal of Empirical Research 2, no. 1 (February 25, 2021): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/ajer.v2i1.14.
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Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) continues to undermine UN operations thereby affecting the efficacy of these interventions. This study aims at investigating the extent of “allegations of SEA by intervention force with reference to UN intervention in contemporary African conflicts: A Case of Central Africa Republic (CAR).” This was a library-based research that relied on secondary data. Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analysed thematically so as to establish the extent of allegations of sea by intervention force in CAR. The findings show that UN interventions force in CAR is faced with a myriad of challenges that affect its mandate execution. Much as there has been some positive output in MINUSCA operations, these successes have been shadowed by some of these challenges. SEA has been widespread in Central African Republic, though some of the allegations date before the UN intervention, the wide perception of the populace is that the UN forces are to blame. From the study it can also be concluded that the UN has its hands tied and has not been able to effectively enforce investigations by the TCCs since this a responsibility of the Troop/Police Contributing Countries (T/PCCs). Given the fact that the UN always faces a challenge of raising troops for PKOs it does not want to lose this ability further by blacklisting TCCs who fail to complete such investigations and punish the offenders. The system wide measures put in place in support of the ‘Zero tolerance policy” have not been effective. Since the study has established that SEA is a real challenge facing PKOs, there should also be effort to make sure that each country takes direct responsibility for the crimes perpetuated by their contingents and failure to complete investigations and conclude such cases should be enforced by strict penalties including banning from participation in Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs).
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Stapleton, Timothy. "TThe Creation and Early Development of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) 1980-93." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 32 (April 30, 2021): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0104.
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Given the 2017 coup in Zimbabwe, a rare event in Southern Africa but sadly common in the rest of the continent, this paper discusses the beginnings of the politicization of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) during the 1980s. At the end of the country’s war for independence in 1980, the ZDF formed as an amalgamation of former Rhodesian state military personnel and insurgents from the liberation movements of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Personnel from ZANU came to dominate Zimbabwe’s new military given the lack of a specific agreement over the integration process, their numerical superiority, and ZANU’s electoral success that gave it political power. During the ZDF integration exercise of the early 1980s, British advisors attempted to create a Western-style force but acted pragmatically while North Korean instructors helped create an overtly ZANU affiliated brigade and party militia. In addition, South African destabilization and the rapid departure of former Rhodesian officers gave way to the accelerated promotion of former insurgents mostly affiliated with the ZANU government. Lastly, the further ZANU-ization of the ZDF occurred within the context of operations in southwestern Zimbabwe where it eliminated ZAPU as an opposition political movement and committed atrocities, and in Mozambique where Zimbabwean troops cooperated with allies from overtly politicized armies of neighboring states
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Kohli, Kinshuk, and Amit K. Das. "Clinicopathological profile of malaria patients in an Central African United Nations hospital." International Journal of Research in Medical Sciences 6, no. 12 (November 26, 2018): 4106. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2320-6012.ijrms20184915.
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Background: Malaria is one of the most widespread diseases in the world. It is endemic in 91 countries. Each year 300-500 million cases of malaria are confirmed with 1.5-2.7 million deaths. Malaria is a major public health problem in Africa. A large number of united nations troops are deployed in central Africa making them vulnerable to malaria infection. Present study was undertaken to find out the clinical and laboratory findings of malaria cases in a United Nation’s referral hospital in Central Africa.Methods: It is a retrospective study of 150 confirmed and treated cases of malaria for a period of one year in a referral hospital for peace keeping troops and employees of United Nations in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Patients positive by ICT or slide positive were included. Detailed history, examination and lab features of these patients were recorded and analyzed.Results: A total of 150 patients were included in the study. Out of which 145 patients were of pure P. falciparum malaria, 02 patients had only P. vivax, and 03 patients were having mixed malaria. Fever was the main symptoms found in all patients. Headache was the second most predominant symptoms in (70%) patients. Other signs and symptoms were vomiting (31%), myalgia (38%), jaundice (10%), hepatosplenomegaly (15%), pallor (42%) and decreased urine output (8%). Duration of symptoms was between 4 to 15 days. Thrombocytopenia was observed in 43% patients. Jaundice in (10%), transaminitis in (25%). Anaemia was seen in 53% patients.Conclusions: Malaria was found to be the most common cause of admission in our hospital. It is important to suspect malaria in all persons deployed in DRC and presenting with fever and associated headache, jaundice, transaminitis and thrombocytopenia. Early diagnosis and treatment can be lifesaving to prevent complications and mortality.
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Swart, Sandra. "Horses in the South African War, c. 1899-1902." Society & Animals 18, no. 4 (2010): 348–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853010x524316.
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AbstractThis essay discusses the role of horses in war through the lens of their mortality in the South African War (1899-1902). This conflict was the biggest and most modern of the numerous precolonial and colonial wars that raged across the southern African subcontinent in the late nineteenth century. Aside from the human cost, the theater of war carried a heavy environmental toll, with the scorched-earth policy shattering the rural economy. The environmental charge extended to animals. Both sides relied on mounted troops, and the casualties suffered by these animals were on a massive scale. This is widely regarded as proportionally the most devastating waste of horseflesh in military history up until that time. This paper looks at the material context of—and reasons for—equine casualties and discusses the cultural dimension of equine mortality and how combatants on both sides were affected by this intimate loss.
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Miller, Carman. "The unhappy warriors: Conflict and nationality among the Canadian troops during the South African war1." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 23, no. 1 (January 1995): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539508582945.
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Jackson, Steven F. "China's Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–93." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 388–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034986.
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The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty. Mao ZedongIn the middle of October 1975, a dusty column of South African troops, equipped with armoured cars and helicopters, rumbled north into Angola, further internationalizing the already complex civil war there. The South African attack not only broadened the war, prompting an even greater Cuban intervention, it also posed a dilemma for China, which supported the same Angolan parties as did South Africa: should China follow its policy of tit-for-tat opposition to Soviet expansion world-wide, even if it meant allying with the racist government of South Africa? Or should it follow the opinions of its fellow Third World nations in Africa, even if it led to a Soviet bloc advance? The difficulty China's leaders faced in the autumn of 1975 was one which had hidden origins in the different ways in which China viewed conflicts around the world, a difficulty that had lain dormant for years but which erupted in 1975 into full view, and with disastrous consequences for Chinese foreign policy in Africa. It is, moreover, a discrepancy which continues to exist in China's views of the world today.How does China view conflicts and revolutions in the Third World? How do the Chinese organize their relations with Third World revolutionary organizations and their post-independence governments? This article examines the tensions and shifts of Chinese policy towards two essentially simultaneous revolutionary struggles and their post-independence governments: Angola and Mozambique.
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Shay, Shaul. "Ethiopia – conflicts in three frontlines." Security science journal 3, no. 1 (March 26, 2022): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.3.1.6.
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Ethiopia is a multi-ethnic nation with a population of 110 million. For more than two decades Ethiopia has been considered one of the most stable countries on the African continent, with an impressive rate of economic development and a leading political status on the African continent and beyond. Ethiopian Prime Minister Ahmed Abiy signed a peace treaty with Eritrea and won the Nobel Peace Prize. Since 2020, however, there has been a rapid deterioration in the security and political situation of the country and Ethiopia is currently facing one of the most severe crises it has known in the modern era. Prime Minister Abiy has been embroiled in a confrontation with the opposition from Tigray province that has led to a bloody civil war, talks on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance dam with Egypt and Sudan have reached a dead end, and there has been a deterioration in the border conflict between Ethiopia and Sudan. There are concerns that the rapidly escalating civil war could trigger wider violence in Ethiopia that could even lead to it breaking up. Landlocked Ethiopia borders six countries. Troops from Eritrea are already fighting in Ethiopia and a prolonged internal crisis could suck in other neighbors and destabilize the volatile Horn of Africa region.
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Denkyi- Manieson, Gladys Akua Agyeiwaa. "Ayi Kwei Armah’s Two Thousand Seasons: A Case Study Of The Epic Plot." KENTE - Cape Coast Journal of Literature and the Arts 2, no. 1 (August 20, 2021): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/jla.v2i1.99.
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This work examines the plot of Two Thousand Seasons as an epic plot. The work contends that contrary to the popular belief that an epic narrative is a new form in Africa, epic narratives have long been known in African literary cycles. There are many models on the Epic analysis, but in this work, Albert Sackey’s eight-part division of the epic plot as identified by Aristotle is used in this analysis. In the Poetics, Aristotle identified five elements of an epic: plot, character, setting, diction and thought. Two Thousand Seasons is subjected to an epic plot analysis. In analysing the epic plot, Albert Sackey’s eight-point parts of the epic plot, which he refers to as “structural devices” of the Epic: the unity of time and action, Deux ex Machina, in medias res, opening invocation, extensive geographical travelling, catalogues of troops, digressions and division of texts, are used in this analysis.
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Siblon, John. "Negotiating Hierarchy and Memory: African and Caribbean Troops from Former British Colonies in London's Imperial Spaces." London Journal 41, no. 3 (September 2016): 299–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03058034.2016.1213548.
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Törö, Csaba. "EU Bridging Operation in Support of AU and UN Missions in the Central African Republic." European Foreign Affairs Review 20, Issue 4 (December 1, 2015): 517–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2015043.
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In the practice of EU-UN collaboration in international crisis management, examples of European Union (EU) military operations have emerged when contingents of troops are dispatched to African conflict zones for limited period and purpose as temporary support for pending United Nations (UN) or already operating African Union (AU) missions. These EU deployments are intended to ‘bridge’ the gap in international capabilities until a more comprehensive and sustained ‘multidimensional presence’ under UN direction is not prepared to take over full responsibility for the security and protection of civilians and humanitarian assistance. Bridging operations can be conducted as temporary EU military crisis management undertakings in support of other multinational missions. The current deployment of an EU-led military contingent in the Central African Republic (CAR) began originally to help the AU intervention force, then it continued its operation to complement the subsequent UN mission on the way to its full operational capability. EU bridging operations are closely coordinated with the UN, implemented under explicit Security Council authorizations and concluded with the transfer of tasks and responsibility to a succeeding UN mission.
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Silva Campo, Ana María. "Through the Gate of the Media Luna: Slavery and the Geographies of Legal Status in Colonial Cartagena de Indias." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 391–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8349840.
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Abstract This article examines the fate of people who had escaped slavery in colonial Cartagena de Indias as well as that of their descendants. In the 1690s, colonial military troops captured many individuals of African descent who had long lived as free in the hinterlands and forcibly transported them to Cartagena city. In the aftermath of these military campaigns, some putative owners filed lawsuits claiming that their ancestors had never relinquished ownership claims to the ancestors of freeborn residents of the forests. Since many of the captives had lived in the hinterlands all their lives, strategies such as performing acts of possession over people of African descent were not available to the claimants. This essay shows how some claimants were nonetheless able to obtain rulings that granted them rights of ownership over free Afro-descended people who had been seized and exiled from their home communities in Cartagena province's hinterlands.
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Kiyani, Asad G. "Third World Approaches to International Criminal Law." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001550.
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A pattern of affording impunity to local power brokers throughout Africa pervades the application of international criminal law (ICL) in Africa. The International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into Uganda is a notorious but representative example, although similar analyses can be made of the Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Libya. In Uganda, only members of the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) have been indicted for international crimes, even though the United Nations, international human rights groups, and local NGOs have documented years of abuses perpetrated by government troops and local auxiliary units, often against the same populations victimized by the LRA. The ICC is thereby implicated in the power structures and political arrangements of a repressive state that both combats the LRA and often brutalizes the civilian populations of northern Uganda. Inserting itself into Uganda, the ICC becomes a partisan player in the endgame of a civil war that extends back over a generation, and is itself rooted in ethnic and tribal animosities cultivated through 19th century Euro-colonial benedictions of favor. Here, the ICC and the war it adjudicates become surprising bedfellows, repurposed by local elites for the consolidation of domestic power.
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Chebanenko, Sergey B. "Regarding the problem of restitution of African art pieces removed from Benin during the British military expedition of 1897: practice and legal aspects." Issues of Museology 11, no. 2 (2020): 319–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu27.2020.214.
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The question of the fate of the “Benin bronze” is part of a more general problem of the restitution of African art pieces exported from the continent, during the period of European colonial rule. The difference between the history of the looting of the monuments of the Benin Kingdom (the territory of modern Nigeria) by British troops from many other examples of the removal of original African heritage, is in the fact, that in this case there was a robbery committed as a result of a military conflict, both sides of which were politically independent. The political independence of each party, strictly speaking, does not allow for the situation to be considered in the system of relations “metropolis — colony”. Modern owners of Benin monuments, spread across a number of museums and other collections in the world, recognize the injustice of their acquisitions, but they do not always recognize the possibility and necessity of restitution of these artifacts. This is facilitated by the complexity of the history of objects after their exportation from Africa and the absence of, in most cases, legal grounds for their direct return. Recently, the situation has changed significantly, making it possible to transfer a vast portion of art pieces, originating from Benin, on the basis of not so much the letter of the law, but on the desire to restore justice.