Journal articles: 'African political economy'

1

Kennes, Erik. "Political economy of African diamonds." Minerals & Energy - Raw Materials Report 13, no. 2 (January 1998): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14041049809409133.

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Mkandawire, Thandika. "Neopatrimonialism and the Political Economy of Economic Performance in Africa: Critical Reflections." World Politics 67, no. 3 (May 6, 2015): 563–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711500009x.

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During the past two decades, neopatrimonialism has become the convenient, all purpose, and ubiquitous moniker for African governance. The school of thought behind this research program, which the author refers to as the neopatrimonialism school, has produced an impressive literature on Africa. Its analysis informs policymakers and its language permeates media reportage on African states. While neopatrimonialism has long been a focus of development studies, in recent times it has assumed politically and economically exigent status. The school identifies causal links between neopatrimonialism and economic performance, and makes predictions drawing from what is referred to as the "logic of neopatrimonialism." Neopatrimonialism is said to account for trade policies, hyperinflation, economic stagnation, low investment in infrastructure, urban bias, andultimately, the lack of economic development in Africa. This article examines the empirical basis of predictions and policy prescriptions. It argues that while descriptive of the social practices of the states and individuals that occupy different positions within African societies, the concept of neopatrimonialism has little analytical content and no predictive value with respect to economic policy and performance.

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Diamond, G., and G. Price. "The political economy of corporate governance reform in South Africa." South African Journal of Business Management 43, no. 1 (March 30, 2012): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v43i1.176.

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This study describes the political-economic dimension of corporate governance reform in South Africa. It then investigates the relationship between corporate governance institutions and systems on the one hand and the political, economic and historical context of South African society on the other. The study establishes the political, economic and historical determinants of corporate governance reform as they evolved in the course of South African corporate history. The study concludes that South African corporate governance reform and such reform in the Commonwealth economic systems have a lot in common in terms of their historical evolution. This is despite the reasons for such reform being vastly different. The outcome of the political process in South Africa, for very specific reasons, is that a specific shareholder model of corporate governance became the corporate governance system in South Africa.

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Abramova, I. O. "Coronavirus in African: Social, Economic and Political Consequences." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 5 (November 27, 2020): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-5-3.

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The article offers an analysis of the current situation with the coronavirus in Africa. It reveals the specific features of the pandemic and the socio-political and economic consequences thereof. The author concludes that, taking exploiting the pandemic, the United States and its allies are like likely to attempt weakening the PRC’s position in Africa and preventing Russia from building up its influence. The latter, especially, in view of the success of the Russia-Africa Summit and Economic Forum held in October 2019, in Sochi. However, Washington’s grand plans on the African continent are seriously constrained by the fact that Africans have long asserted themselves as full-capacity subjects in international relations and refuse to be pawns in the intricate games between the United States, China and other players for world leadership. The coronavirus pandemic will undoubtedly change the position of the continent in the new “post-coronavirus” world, but these changes largely depend on how and with whose assistance Africans are to overcome this serious test.The paper contains the results of online opinion-polling of African experts conducted by the author of the article.The author makes an attempt to explain the “Africa phenomenon” of the coronavirus pandemic, assesses the main risks of the spread of the epidemic and the possibilities of overcoming it. Special attention is paid to new opportunities for the development of the African economy in the “post-coronavirus world”, as well as the actions of the authorities to mitigate its socio-economic consequences.The author arrives to the conclusion that African countries, while less affected by the pandemic than other regions of the world, are not satisfactorily ready to fight it. The pessimistic scenario of the spread of coronavirus infection in Africa cannot be completely ruled out, and the socio-economic consequences of the pandemic can become a very serious test for most countries of the continent. At the same time, a certain redistribution of the balance of power in the region should be expected. The nations that are able in a timely manner to offer Africa significant support in the fight against the pandemic will gain. The Russian Federation has a real chance to strengthen its positions on the continent, cooperation with which may increasingly become a priority for Moscow, given the changing model of world development.

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5

Cartwright, John, and Fredoline O. Anunobi. "International Dimensions of African Political Economy." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221611.

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6

Collier, P. "International Political Economy: Some African Applications." Journal of African Economies 17, Supplement 1 (January 1, 2008): 110–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jae/ejm032.

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7

Sommers, Marc, and R. E. Downs. "The Political Economy of African Famine." Man 29, no. 1 (March 1994): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803529.

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8

Enaifoghe, Andrew O., and Toyin C. Adetiba. "South African Economic Development in SADC Sub-Regional Integration." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (March 15, 2018): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2097.

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Following the end of colonialism in the Southern African sub-region, the SADC has experienced a thorough rearrangement with South Africa as the front-runner as opposed to her pre-1994 stance on integration. African regional cooperation has nevertheless been revitalised in some ways as a result of the two major events which started in the beginning of the 1990s that include the abolition of the apartheid regime in South Africa, and the eventual stabilisation of both political and economic relationships in the Southern Africa sub-region. This study employs the use of content analyses to assess the position of South Africa investments in SADC. Through the use ofregional integration, the studyfurther examined various South Africaâ€™s Key Economy Performance since 1994 which are the main contributing factors to South African economic growth; furthermore it looks at her material, commodity and political investment in the subregional integration process to determine if it serves as the strategy for National Economic Development for South Africa.The paper find out thatregardless of South Africaâ€™s economic clout within the SADC region, its Foreign Direct Investment is predominantly from its investment and market penetration of Southern Africa region while maintaining constant economic growth.

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9

Piasecki, Mary-Anne, and Piet Croucamp. "Contested confines: political risk and the media in South Africa." Problems and Perspectives in Management 14, no. 2 (June 6, 2016): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.14(2-1).2016.03.

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The South African private news media industry represents a substantial portion of the overall media industry and the most successful in terms of profit acquired. It is critical however to assess the shareholders and private ownership of the news media industry in order to determine the likely success of investment in this industry. However, additional risk factors need to be considered along with the shareholders and ownership; macro factors such as, legislation and economic stability as well as micro factors such as the restructuring of ownership and transparency within the industry. It is also fundamental that the news media industry of South Africa is assessed through the lens of its historical landscape and transformation and its Fourth Estate responsibilities. Through this assessment it is possible to conclude three likely outcomes of investment in the news media industry. These outcomes are based on the measured growth and current stability of the industry and the South African economy. The most concerning risk for investment is the continued economic downturn of the South African economy and its effect on restructuring of media ownership and a declining profit. This can be coupled with the risk of legislative turnover and executive overreach within the news media industry

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Phiri, Douglas Tendai. "Studying intergenerational processes in 21st century rural African societies." BARN - Forskning om barn og barndom i Norden 37, no. 2 (June 19, 2019): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/barn.v37i2.3088.

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This paper illustrates the impact of political economy on young people’s life courses and intergenerationalprocesses in rural Africa. Rapid transformations and social changes in rural Africa often asa result of political economy contributes to the increasing malleability of rural contexts and tensionsacross the life courses of children and youth. The temporality and spatiality of globalisation are illustratedusing the neo-liberal policies in the Economic Structural Adjustments Programmes (ESAPs) andthe global educational policies in the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs). The paper discusses theepistemological and methodological implications of political economy in rural African societies includingapproaches that capture complex interpenetrating factors contributing towards “constructions ofyoung lives”, “contexts and identities” and “agency and social responsibilities”.

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11

Kalu, Kelechi A., and Jiyoung Kim. "The Political Economy of Development Assistance: Lessons from South Korea for Sub-Saharan Africa." International Studies Review 10, no. 1 (October 15, 2009): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01001002.

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This paper examines the political economy of development assistance in sub-Saharan African countries and South Korea focusing on the importance of good governance and domestic policies in a successful management and utilization of development aid. South Korea, along with Malaysia, has been widely recognized as one of the successful cases where foreign aid actually led to a significant level of economic development. From one of the major recipient nations and the poorest countries, South Korea, in about 40 years, has emerged as a donor nation with the 12th largest economy in the world. Comparatively, despite international efforts to help Africans out of their economic and political malaise, there has been a lack of visible progress in sub-Saharan African nations as far as changing the lives of the people. In the paper, we argue that weak institutional and political structures dominated by autocrats and democrats that practice illiberal politics are the main cause of poor development policies in sub-Saharan Africa. lt is weak institutional structures that continue to undermine the efficient use of foreign aid in the interest of the people. In this context, we examine political factors that contributed to a successful management of development aid in South Korea, and extract some lessons and policy suggestions from the South Korean case for sub-Saharan African countries.

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12

Clapham, Christopher. "The Political Economy of African Population Change." Population and Development Review 32, S1 (December 2006): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2006.tb00004.x.

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13

By some anonymous editors. "Inside the review of African political economy." Review of African Political Economy 12, no. 32 (April 1985): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056248508703623.

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14

Leeson, Peter T. "Self-enforcing arrangements in African political economy." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 57, no. 2 (June 2005): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2004.06.022.

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15

LeVan. "The Political Economy of African Responses to the U.S. Africa Command." Africa Today 57, no. 1 (2010): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2010.57.1.2.

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16

Poirier, Robert A., and Stephen Wright. "The Political Economy of Tourism in Tunisia." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1993): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001185x.

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The African continent currently faces severe political and economic crises. Massive debts, unpopular structural adjustment programmes (S.A.P.s), spiralling population growth, democratisation, and régime transformation are all testing national cohesion. Externally, the rapidly changing global environment, marked by the demise of the cold war and the continuing difficulties being experienced in Europe and the Middle East, also provides immense challenges to African policy-makers.

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17

Erdis, Cindy, Johannes Arnoldus Wiid, and Michael Colin Cant. "Motivation for starting a business: Opportunity or survival? A South African perspective." Corporate Ownership and Control 12, no. 4 (2015): 630–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv12i4c6p2.

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Labour and trade union disputes and political uncertainty continue to negatively affect the South African economy. Strike action hampers productivity in many industries, affecting foreign investment. These factors all contribute to a slower economy, weakening the exchange rate and increasing cost of imports (Anon1 2014:1). A struggling electricity supply is also adding to current South African economic woes. The above factors add to the reasons why small businesses (SMEs) are being started as a means for South Africans to establish their own forms of income during these tough economic times. SMEs often form the backbone of national economies and have lately increased in importance (Hove & Tarisi 2013:57). This research paper aims to explore the reasons why small businesses are started in South Africa by focusing on intrinsic and extrinsic driving forces. Once the reasons are known as to why small businesses are started, researchers can begin to develop interventions and strategies for the successful establishment and long-term survival of these SMEs.

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18

Chege, Michael. "African Journal of Political Economy: June 1997, Harare." Foreign Policy, no. 108 (1997): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149105.

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19

Paton, Patricia L., George W. Shepherd, and Mark O. C. Anikpo. "Emerging Human Rights. The African Political Economy Context." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 2 (1994): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485766.

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20

Howard, Rhoda E., George W. Shepherd, and Mark O. C. Anikpo. "Emerging Human Rights: The African Political Economy Context." African Studies Review 34, no. 3 (December 1991): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524138.

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21

Marire, Juniours. "The Political Economy of South African Trout Fisheries." Journal of Economic Issues 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2015.1013878.

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22

Cross, Hannah. "Understanding people and power in African political economy." Review of African Political Economy 41, no. 140 (April 3, 2014): 167–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2014.873161.

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23

Labrousse, Agnès. "Poor Numbers: Statistical Chains and the Political Economy of Numbers." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 71, no. 04 (December 2016): 507–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568218000109.

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Morten Jerven'sPoor Numberssheds light on the acute fragility of African statistics, itself linked to the precarious conditions in which aggregates are produced. As patchy and problematic as they are, these numbers are nevertheless ubiquitous as instruments of proof and tools of government. Quantified fictions take shape in complex statistical chains that stretch from their producers to the economists who use them, and are mediated by international organizations. Focusing on the criterion of accuracy,Poor Numberspowerfully conveys its message of “garbage in, garbage out,” but leaves important questions related to the relevance of statistics unanswered. The history, sociology, and political economy of numbers sketched by Jerven merit closer consideration with a view to the following: identifying the connections between evolving state forms and the development of statistics; establishing a historical ethnography of the organizations that produce and use numbers; understanding the growing role of multinationals in the political economy of statistics; taking a less conciliatory view of the involvement of international organizations; and, last but not least, denaturalizing the dominant economic categories by integrating the plurality of economic approaches to statistics. The article concludes with a call for a comparative political economy of numbers that would no longer consider the African case in isolation, and would work against the idea that Africa has not entered statistical history, or has only done so “by mistake.”

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STONE, RANDALL W. "The Political Economy of IMF Lending in Africa." American Political Science Review 98, no. 4 (November 2004): 577–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540404136x.

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Why has IMF lending achieved such poor results in Africa? Is it because the Fund imposes the wrong conditions, or because it fails to enforce them? Analysis of monthly data on 53 African countries from 1990 to 2000 shows that the IMF's loans-for-reform contract lacks credibility because donor countries intervene to prevent rigorous enforcement. Countries that have influence with developed-country patrons—as measured by U.S. foreign aid, membership in postcolonial international institutions, and voting profiles in the UN—are subject to less rigorous enforcement (shorter program suspensions). They have more frequent program suspensions, because they violate their conditions more often. The IMF will have to become more independent in order to become an effective champion of reform.

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Yeh, Stuart S. "Corruption and the Rule of Law in Sub-Saharan Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 4, no. 2 (2011): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/170873811x577870.

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AbstractThe World Bank and IMF attribute underdevelopment in sub-Saharan Africa to the practice of directing economic activity through centralized planning. They prescribe privatization and economic liberalization to restructure African economies, promote competition, reduce the scope for corruption, and promote good governance. However, inadequate checks on political power permit African elites to subvert these reforms. This article reviews the political economy of sub-Saharan countries as well as a case study of Sierra Leone to illustrate the problem. The analysis suggests the need for an international agency such as the UN to provide the capacity to investigate, expose and check corruption by employing UN inspectors who are immune to pressure from powerful African elites. This type of check on corruption is necessary to promote the rule of law in sub-Saharan Africa.

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Abegunrin, Layi. "Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC): Towards Regional Integration of Southern Africa for Liberation." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 17, no. 4 (June 1, 1985): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558501700405.

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Southern Africa has become a battleground between two ideologically and fundamentally opposed constellation of states, Pretoria and Lusaka constellations. The conflict between the two basically concerns the domestic racial policies and the future of South Africa. The Pretoria constellation was launched on July 22, 1980, and is led by P. W. Botha, the South Africa's Prime Minister. The Botha's axis is a designed strategy which essentially aims at using South Africa's economic power and wealth to manipulate its neighboring nine black ruled states; and to exert subtle pressure to ensure that they cohere with the white minority regime of South Africa. This ambition of the Pretoria constellation is a vital part of the total strategy of survival of the Botha government. This particularly involves the use of the economy as an instrument of maintaining ultimate political power and control based on the maintenance of the basic structures of apartheid. This has in turn motivated South Africa's opposition to the policies of economic and political liberation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) states. The second, the Lusaka constellation and also known as the “Southern Nine” was launched on April 1, 1980. It consists of the nine Southern African States of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The declared aim of the Southern Nine is to form an alliance which would pursue an economic strategy that would reduce or eliminate their economic dependence on South Africa. To this end, the Southern Nine and the South African-occupied territory of Namibia unanimously adopted a Programme of Action aimed at stimulating inter-state trade with the ultimate objective of economic independence from South Africa.

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Ugwuanyi, J. U., and Chukwudi Obinne. "Promoting Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa." Outlook on Agriculture 27, no. 1 (March 1998): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003072709802700109.

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Access to adequate food constitutes the most serious problem for most African households today. Low productivity rapid population growth, food aid and food importation, structural adjustment programmes, illiteracy, environmental degradation, poorly formulated and executed food policies, wars and political instability are among the factors held responsible for food insecurity and food inadequacy in Sub-Saharan Africa. The promotion of food security and improvement of living conditions of the African people should form the core of development programmes in Africa for years to come. Therefore, policy reversals are urgently needed to put Africa on the path of development, and a cooperative regionalism is advocated. Africans both at home and in the diaspora must collectively assume the responsibility for the advancement of African agriculture and economy.

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CHRISMAN, LAURA. "American Jubilee Choirs, Industrial Capitalism, and Black South Africa." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700189x.

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Focusing on the Virginia Jubilee Singers, an African American singing ensemble that toured South Africa in the late nineteenth century, this article reveals how the transnational reach of commercialized black music informed debates about race, modernity, and black nationalism in South Africa. The South African performances of the Jubilee Singers enlivened debates concerning race, labor and the place of black South Africans in a rapidly industrializing South Africa. A visit from the first generation of global black American superstars fueled both white and black concerns about the racial political economy. The sonic actions of the Jubilee Singers were therefore a springboard for black South African claims for recognition as modern, educated and educable subjects, capable of, and entitled to, the full apparatus, and insignia, of liberal self-determination. Although black South Africans welcomed the Jubilee Singers enthusiastically, the article cautions against reading their positive reception as evidence that black Africans had no agenda of their own and looked to African Americans as their leaders in a joint struggle.

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Osirim, Mary Johnson. "SWS Distinguished Feminist Lecture: Feminist Politcal Economy in a Globalized World: African Women Migrants in South Africa and the United States." Gender & Society 32, no. 6 (October 31, 2018): 765–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243218804188.

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Based on research conducted over the past two decades, this lecture examines how the feminist political economy perspective can aid us in understanding the experiences of two populations of African women: Zimbabwean women cross-border traders in South Africa and African immigrant women in the northeastern United States. Feminist political economy compels us to explore the impact of the current phase of globalization as well as the roles of intersectionality and agency in the lives of African women. This research stems from fieldwork conducted in Harare and Bulawayo, Zimbabwe and Johannesburg and Cape Town, South Africa, as well as in metropolitan Boston and Philadelphia. Despite the many challenges that African migrant women face in these different venues, they continue to demonstrate much creativity and resilience and, in the process, they contribute to community development.

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Enaifoghe, Andrew O., and Toyin C. Adetiba. "South African Economic Development in SADC Sub-Regional Integration." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1.2097.

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Following the end of colonialism in the Southern African sub-region, the SADC has experienced a thorough rearrangement with South Africa as the front-runner as opposed to her pre-1994 stance on integration. African regional cooperation has nevertheless been revitalised in some ways as a result of the two major events which started in the beginning of the 1990s that include the abolition of the apartheid regime in South Africa, and the eventual stabilisation of both political and economic relationships in the Southern Africa sub-region. This study employs the use of content analyses to assess the position of South Africa investments in SADC. Through the use ofregional integration, the studyfurther examined various South Africa’s Key Economy Performance since 1994 which are the main contributing factors to South African economic growth; furthermore it looks at her material, commodity and political investment in the subregional integration process to determine if it serves as the strategy for National Economic Development for South Africa.The paper find out thatregardless of South Africa’s economic clout within the SADC region, its Foreign Direct Investment is predominantly from its investment and market penetration of Southern Africa region while maintaining constant economic growth.

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Jones, Barbara A. P. "Lloyd Leroy Hogan." Review of Black Political Economy 47, no. 2 (May 8, 2020): 134–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644620922557.

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Lloyd Leroy Hogan was the first permanent editor of The Review of Black Political Economy who edited Volumes IV through XI. Under his leadership, The Review became a primary journal devoted to understanding the forces and policies that influence the economic, social, and political forces that influence the well-being of African Americans; Third World economies, particularly those in Africa; and other members of the African diaspora. This article presents an overview of Hogan’s career and his contribution to the development of The Review.

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Obeng-Odoom, Franklin, and Matthew Marke Beckhio Bockarie. "The Political Economy of the Ebola Virus Disease." Social Change 48, no. 1 (March 2018): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717743832.

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Public health has much to contribute to the global understanding and action on the past, present and future of Ebola but it is currently constrained by the construction of the ‘risk’ of catching Ebola. There has been a consequential emphasis on ‘health systems’, which has deflected attention from social alienation and implosion of social ties at the family, community, national and regional levels, instead justifying a colonial top-down response strategy. Indeed, that neglects class and social relations. It follows that the response strategy has reinforced social barriers that stand in the way of the development of social medicine, collective self-reliance in Africa, empowering social ties, social protection and socially inclusive development. What is needed, then, is not public health but critical postcolonial public health to pull down these impediments and develop socially sensitive alternatives that prioritise social relations and ties, inclusivity of diversity and complexity in African societies.

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Zakic, Katarina, and Bojan Radisic. "The economic aspect of Chinese-African relations: Possibilities and challenges." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 3 (2018): 282–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1803282z.

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The paper analyses Chinese-African economic relations, starting from the 1970s until today, with a view on possible trends in their future development. This cooperation was first founded on a political level and then followed economic cooperation. The goal of this paper is to present the development of Chinese-African relations, to point out the crucial moments and possibilities of these relations and to analyse the present and future problems. Considering extensive economic and political documentation, the authors analyze the phase development of these relations, looking upon the correlation between the economy and politics. Besides that, the level of trade and investments in both directions is examined. Special attention is paid to Chinese investments in Africa, with an analysis of the value and type of investments, as well as the field of industry in which they are engaged. The authors conclude that China and Africa have attained political and economic relations on the highest level so far and that through new initiatives, such as the Forum on China African Cooperation, this cooperation is developing even further. Nevertheless, there are also serious challenges for future cooperation such as a huge debt of African countries, disbalance in trade and extensive use of natural resources in Africa.

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De Wet, Francois, and Ian Liebenberg. "IDEOLOGIES (NEW), ECONOMICS, DEFENCE AND PEOPLE: FIVE DECADES IN THE STATE OF SOUTH AFRICA." Politeia 33, no. 1 (October 20, 2016): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1644.

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The economy of politics and the politics of economy converge in interesting ways, sometimes with long-term consequences for a state. In a crucial and dynamic interface economy, community, (non-)diplomacy, defence posture, balance sheets, the hapless ‘citizen’ and ‘leaders’ are all precariously intertwined. It is often argued that the South African economy declined under apartheid as a result of the Border War and international sanctions, with the result that theNational Party had little choice other than to engage its contenders in political talks to ensure transition to democracy as a counter to the eventual economic and political collapse of South Africa. Some were of the opinion that the military over-extension of South Africa, especially in Namibia and Angola, became a core reason for the non-sustainability of apartheid. While this argument may hold, it does not mean that transition at the end of the Border War brought guarantees for future economic growth and political stability.

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Doortmont, Michel R. "Producing a Received View of Gold Coast Elite Society? C.F. Hutchison's Pen Pictures of Modern Africans and African Celebrities." History in Africa 33 (2006): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0010.

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In the early 1920s British West Africa saw a flurry of colonial activity, in which the formation of the colonial state—originally started in this region in the 1870s—was brought to a higher plane. The introduction of Indirect Rule in the newly-amalgamated Nigeria by governor Frederick Lugard called for a rethinking of colonial political and administrative structures. Where before, the relatively small administrative units were dominated by Europeans and western-educated Africans, now the position and role of “traditional” leaders was enhanced on all levels of colonial government. Control over the economy came more and more into the hands of European businesses and business conglomerates, at the expense of African firms. As a result, relations between African elites, who had vested economic and political interests in the colonial states, and the growing European colonial establishment hardened.In the case of the Gold Coast, the African urban coastal elite of merchants, educators, missionaries, and others faced an overwhelming onslaught of change and modernization in all parts of society. In many cases these changes undermined the elites' social status, as well as their political and economic position. One of the weapons in the battle between British colonial authorities and African urban elite society was the written word. Within this context, expert knowledge about African achievements, molded in the form of biographies, was the two-edged sword of African cultural nationalists of diverse plumage.

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Patterson, Rubin. "Building the New African Eco-Industrial Economy: Circulating Brains and Recycling Materials." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 5, no. 3 (2006): 213–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915006778620106.

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AbstractThis paper develops an original proposition for debate in the fields of African studies, transnationalism, environmental studies, and technology studies. Essentially, the paper posits that, for a few key reasons, Sub-Saharan Africa will not likely have an opportunity to experience industrialization with the reigning "destructo-industrial" technologies pioneered by Europeans and Americans. An industrial experience appears achievable for Sub-Saharan Africans only in the context of a new ecological economy. Not only are there no unassailable national frontrunners in this future area, but Sub-Saharan Africans have a credible opportunity of being among the leaders in the future. The process would commence with "brain circulation," the movement of Africans into rich, technologically advanced countries to have their human, economic, and social capital enhanced, some of which to be reinvested in their respective homelands, particularly in ecological industrial areas.

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Harmse, Chris, and Charlotte Du Toit. "An empirical capital market rate function for an emerging market economy in international financial crisis." South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 2, no. 3 (September 30, 1999): 335–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v2i3.2584.

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After the first democratic election in South Africa in April 1994, South Africa's financial markets became more exposed and vulnerable to international developments, vide the financial crisis of 1998. This vulnerability raises some important questions. Has its greater degree of openness led to a structural change in the South African economy? Are long-term interest rates now primarily determined by international sentiment regardless of domestic economic and political conditions, during periods of international financial market volatility? And, in the event, what is the consequent effect on monetary policy in South Africa? The aim of this paper is to investigate these questions by using a cointegration approach to estimate a long-run interest or bond rate function for South Africa.

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Olukoju, Ayodeji. "African seaports and development in historical perspective." International Journal of Maritime History 32, no. 1 (February 2020): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419886806.

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This article presents a long-term explanation of port evolution in Africa. It focuses on the economic, political and social characteristics that influenced the development of maritime infrastructures and their interaction with inland transport systems. This article demonstrates how seaport evolution in Africa has been heavily affected by path-dependence patterns. In addition, this study provides evidence of the insertion of the African economy into the waves of globalization through the modernization of seaports and the necessary institutional and technological flexibility.

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Orogun, Paul. "Plunder, Predation and Profiteering: The Political Economy of Armed Conflicts and Economic Violence in Modern Africa." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 2 (2003): 283–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322763593.

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AbstractThis paper presents a comparative analytical study that is based on a political economy perspective concerning the effects of economic violence and the specter of predation-induced armed conflicts in modern African states. Although "blood diamonds," crude oil, "conflict timber," and illicit arms trafficking have engendered and exacerbated civil wars, cross-border raids, and protracted regional destabilization in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, my primary focus is on the ongoing military debacle in Liberia and the recently concluded mayhem in Sierra Leone. The "resource curse" hypothesis will be utilized to examine and to illuminate the impact of economic pillaging, illicit arms trade, and predatory warlordism on the political instability and humanitarian atrocities in these two West African countries. A review of the internal regime types and the regional security relations within the sub-region will help to contextualize the recurrent trends and discernable systemic patterns that have been associated with these pillaging wars in the post-cold war era of Africa's international relations. In short, armed conflicts have weakened state capabilities, strained the financial resources of nongovernmental organizations and even raised provocative questions about the political will and sustaining capacities of the international community and regional security organizations to keep the peace and create conditions that are conducive to long-term, sustainable and viable political stability and economic development in the conflict-ridden and war-ravaged Sub-Saharan African States.

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Guelke, Adrian. "The political economy of African foreign policy: comparative analysis." International Affairs 61, no. 3 (1985): 545–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618748.

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Mozaffar, Shaheen, Timothy M. Shaw, and Olajide Aluko. "The Political Economy of African Foreign Policy: Comparative Analysis." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 4 (1985): 724. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/218808.

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Jarmon, Charles. "Book Review: The Political Economy of African Foreign Policy." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 17, no. 3 (March 1985): 279–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558501700305.

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Martin, Guy. "Uranium: a Case-Study in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020474.

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France continues to wield considerable power and influence in Africa three decades after her former colonies achieved their independence. Based on a variety of socio-economic, political, and cultural interests, many of her actions in Africa are essentially neo-colonial in so far as they are designed to perpetuate the prevailing pattern of dominance.1 Yet, France also suffers from an almost excessive dependence on African sources for the supply of cheap minerals essential to her economy and national defence.

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Rogerson, Christian M. "‘Second economy’ versus informal economy: A South African affair." Geoforum 38, no. 6 (November 2007): 1053–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2007.01.005.

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Shaw, Timothy M. "Reformism, Revisionism, and Redicalism in African Political Economy During the 1990s." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 2 (June 1991): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00002718.

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African states and studies are in a profound period of revisionism as the ‘lost decade’ of the 1980s yields to the ‘adjustment reforms’ of the 1990s. The relative optimism and expansion of the initial years of independence have long since been superseded by pessimism and contraction as successive energy, drought, debt, and devaluation shocks have resulted in impoverishment and inequalities. The former has affected ‘vulnerable groups’ in particular – women, children, elderly and peripheral communities1 – while the latter has occurred both within and between states. A few classes and countries have thrived despite or because of the continental crisis – more bourgeois fractions and more informal sectors on the one hand and, on the other, Botswana, Mauritius, and Zimbabwe. Africa at the end of the 1990s will likely be more marginal, vulnerable, and unequal than ever, as indicated in the final section, hardly the revolutionary, nationalist scenario anticipated after World War II, but more realistic and realisable none the less.2

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Hewitt, Cynthia Lucas. "Pan-African Brain Circulation." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 5, no. 3 (2006): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915006778620098.

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AbstractThis paper presents a quantitative analysis of the relationship between the number of immigrants from a country and the amount of U.S. direct investment into that country, showing a direct relationship supportive of the emerging brain-circulation model, and discusses the possible use of this model to assist in bringing about the goals of Pan-Africanism. The principles underlying Pan-Africanism are considered in respect to the outcomes of the movement, given the recent political economy of capitalism. Brain circulation provides one focused approach to designing policies and projects for sustainable development in Africa that will impact the lives of Africans there and globally. The transnationalism paradigm, which provides analysis of immigrant communities' identification and allegiance both with their homeland and their U.S. communities, is useful in highlighting factors important to the global Pan-African networking that is required for a successful African/African American brain circulation.

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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (May 10, 2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.

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Pepa, Mariasole. "Rethinking the Political Economy of Chinese-African Agricultural Cooperation: The Chinese Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centers." Afrika Focus 33, no. 2 (March 11, 2020): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03302007.

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This paper explores the Chinese agricultural technology demonstration centers (ATDCs) in Africa, a recent evolution of Chinese-African agricultural cooperation often recognized as a representative example of South-South cooperation. More specifically, the study observes the development of the ATDCs in Africa, through a literature review, and indicates major limitations in ATDCs research. This paper proposes a new political economy approach that accounts for place and space, which are crucial lenses for the analysis of ATDCs in Africa. The reconsideration of spatial relations takes into account the importance of the local territory, where operations are based, as an active constituent in China-Africa agricultural cooperation.

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Mpofu, William Jethro. "Coloniality in the Scramble for African Knowledge: A Decolonial Political Perspective." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 43, no. 2 (March 10, 2017): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/2305.

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The scramble to describe Africa, and to name the African condition in the global information and knowledge economy is a colossal enterprise whose stampede is as suffocating as the Berlin Conference of 1884 that saw Africa being sliced up into convenient pieces of colonies, to be shared among the self-appointed masters of the universe. A bold assumption of this paper is that all powers, be they dominating or liberating, are accompanied by complementing knowledges. The resistance to Eurocentric knowledge of Africa by scholars and intellectuals in the African academy is as sweaty and as bloody as the nationalist and pan-Africanist battles that dethroned judicial colonialism in Africa and liquidated administrative apartheid in South Africa. Colonialism was accompanied by colonial knowledge of Africa, consequently Afrocentric activists and scholars are generating decolonial African knowledge in resistance and negation to coloniality, which is a power that is the oxygen of colonialism and which lives after colonialism has died. Combative Afrocentric schools of thought such as Afrikology, Afrocentricism, negritude, bolekaja criticism and decolonial thought have been generated by thinkers and philosophers in the global South to contest the Eurocentric domineering epistemologies on Africa. Decolonial thought and its view on ‘unthinking’ Eurocentric epistemologies on Africa is used to unpack the hidden elements of coloniality in the scramble for African knowledge.

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Ibonye, Vincent. "China–Africa cooperation: Struggling commodities and the silver-lining in the innovation economy." International Area Studies Review 20, no. 2 (January 18, 2017): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916688845.

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Recently, African economies that withstood the global economic crisis out of increased cooperation with China are reeling from the country’s declining demand for primary commodities, as it shifts to a domestic-driven growth model. Consequently, Sino-scepticism has rebounded on the premise that the downturn in major African markets is an aftermath of the indentured capitalism fuelling ‘China in Africa’. However, China and Africa can instrumentalise (inter)dependency in their economic engagement, particularly as they undergo unique economic transformations. These changes reveal more diverse avenues for productive investment and beneficial economic cooperation, and demand that both sides place a great deal on appropriate responses to internal and externalist adjustments of their economies. In light of China’s strategic pivot to innovation, it is useful to recommend the exploration of the digital innovation economy where Africa is fast gaining global recognition. With the promise of cross-cultural cooperation in business and technology, the adoption, building and implementation of strategies placing innovation as an integral part of China–Africa cooperation, will ensure China’s investments support Africa’s diversification from commodities trading more constructively, and in a manner that neatly keys into the former’s multipolar vision for technological governance.

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Journal articles on the topic 'African political economy'

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