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Academic literature on the topic 'African Americans – Suffrage – Wisconsin'

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Published: 27 July 2024
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Journal articles on the topic "African Americans – Suffrage – Wisconsin"

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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.
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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.
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Michalowski, Kristin M., Jay A. Gold, Debra L. Morse, and Joseph N. Bluestein. "Reducing Disparities in Lipid Testing for African-Americans with Diabetes: Interim Report." Journal of Health and Human Services Administration 26, no. 3 (September 2003): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107937390302600304.

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Health care disparities exist throughout the United States. MetaStar, the Quality Improvement Organization (QIO) for Wisconsin, has developed a project designed to define, study, and reduce an identifiable health care disparity in Wisconsin. A disparity of 17% exists between the rate that African-American Medicare beneficiaries with diabetes and non-African-American Medicare beneficiaries receive lipid panel tests in Wisconsin. This article reviews the various methods that MetaStar has used to learn about this disparity, the African-American community, and the providers who serve this population. In addition, interventions developed from the information gathered through the learning activities are briefly described.
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Gidlow, Liette. "THE SEQUEL: THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT, THE NINETEENTH AMENDMENT, AND SOUTHERN BLACK WOMEN'S STRUGGLE TO VOTE." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 3 (July 2018): 433–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000051.

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This essay reframes both the woman suffrage narrative and narratives of African American voting rights struggles by focusing on the experiences of southern African American women between the 1870s and the 1920s. It argues that the Fifteenth Amendment remained central to their suffrage strategy long after the failure of the “New Departure” to win court sanction caused white suffragists to abandon it. As white supremacists in the South worked at the turn of the century to disfranchise black men, leading African American suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell, Gertrude Bustill Mossell, and Adella Hunt Logan called for the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments as well as the enfranchisement of black women. After the federal woman suffrage amendment was ratified in 1920, many southern African American women encountered the same barriers to voting—obstructionist tactics, threats, and violence—that black men had faced a generation earlier. In short, for aspiring African American voters in the South, the failure of the Nineteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black women constituted a sad sequel to the failure of the Fifteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black men.This interpretation offers three significant interventions. It pairs the Reconstruction-era Amendments with the Nineteenth Amendment, recognizing their shared focus on voting rights. It connects the voting rights struggles of southern African Americans across genders and generations. Finally, it finds that, for some women, the canonical “century of struggle” for voting rights continued long after the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified.
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Pruitt, John. "History, Hollywood, and the Hood: Challenging Racial Assumptions in Rural Central Wisconsin." Teaching English in the Two-Year College 35, no. 1 (September 1, 2007): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/tetyc20076514.

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In light of research on diversity learning and teaching, an introductory course on cinematic depictions of African Americans taught at a predominately white, rural university campus leads students to see the impact of history and Hollywood on their own local and statewide communities.
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Oneil Thomas, Dorell. "Beyond Disciplinary Drama: Federal Dollars, ESL Instruction for African Americans, and Public Memory." College Composition & Communication 73, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 52–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc202131587.

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A 1969 English 101 class at the University of Wisconsin, where linguists used ESL pedagogy to teach Black American students, has dense connections to the Dartmouth Conference. This work recovers a matrix of related linguists who did not disclose their interest in defining who qualifies as a native English speaker.
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Stinson, Jennifer Kirsten. "Black Bondspeople, White Masters and Mistresses, and the Americanization of the Upper Mississippi River Lead District." Journal of Global Slavery 1, no. 2-3 (2016): 165–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00102002.

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African Americans inhabited a multicultural spectrum of bondage and resistance in the antebellum Illinois-Wisconsin lead district. Contests between early Upper Mississippi River Valley Native American, French, and British inhabitants first forced bondspeople into the lead country. There, overlapping US and French practices of bondage and lengthy race-based indentures made a mockery of the Northwest Ordinance that forbade slavery, consigning black men and women to outright slavery at worst or a liminal, limited freedom at best. Bondage fractured families and imposed arduous mining and domestic labor upon African Americans. Simultaneously, it underpinned white Americans’ bids for supremacy in the region, making elite masculinity, protecting whiteness, promoting political advancement, and civilizing the “wilderness” in the process. In response to the miseries inflicted upon them, bondspeople pursued courtroom resistance and sought extralegal respite through religion and within military culture. Too often, their efforts yielded disappointment or devastation. Freedom eluded most until 1850.
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Swanson, Kara W. "Inventing the Woman Voter: Suffrage, Ability, and Patents." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000316.

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AbstractIn 1870, the New York State Suffrage Association published a pamphlet titled “Woman as Inventor.” White suffragists distributed this history of female invention to prove women's inventiveness, countering arguments that biological disabilities justified women's legal disabilities. In the United States, inventiveness was linked to the capacity for original thought considered crucial for voters, making female inventiveness relevant to the franchise. As women could and did receive patents, activists used them as government certification of female ability. By publicizing female inventors, counting patents granted to women, and displaying women's inventions, they sought to overturn the common wisdom that women could not invent and prove that they had the ability to vote. Although partially successful, these efforts left undisturbed the equally common assertion that African Americans could not invent. White suffragists kept the contemporary Black woman inventor invisible, relegating the technological creations of women of color to a primitive past. White suffragists created a feminist history of invention, in words and objects, that reinforced white supremacy—another erasure of Black women, whose activism white suffragists were eager to harness, yet whose public presence they sought to minimize in order to keep the woman voter, like the woman inventor, presumptively white.
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Childress, Micah. "LIFE BEYOND THE BIG TOP: AFRICAN AMERICAN AND FEMALE CIRCUSFOLK, 1860–1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 2 (June 19, 2015): 176–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000250.

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At the turn of the twentieth century, most Americans celebrated the arrival of a circus. Circus Day had become a local holiday that brought together ethnicities, races, and classes (of both genders) that did not usually assemble at the same place and time. Within the circus itself, however, race and gender provided boundaries and fostered acrimony. The racism and segregation of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries could be found aboard any circus train and throughout every show lot. African Americans were relegated to certain jobs, segregated within those jobs, and usually paid less than their white counterparts. The show's scheduled route often took them into areas in which they experienced the racial volatility typical of the era. Although the public perception of circus employment often produced thoughts of travel and fun adventures, African American circusfolk endured harsh treatment, low pay, and vile racism.For African Americans, the work environment at a circus reflected the national social atmosphere, but female circus employees encountered conditions that most other women were not afforded. Indeed, female employees were confined to one or two train cars and lived under specific rules about when (or even if) they could entertain guests. Yet circus employment provided women with the ability to leave the restraints of the home during the height of Victorian domesticity, as well as the even rarer opportunity to outearn their male counterparts. Moreover, employment under the big top gave circuswomen a public platform to advocate for suffrage.
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Hayduk, Ron, Marcela Garcia-Castañon, and Vedika Bhaumik. "Exploring The Complexities of “Alien Suffrage” in American Political History." Journal of American Ethnic History 43, no. 2 (January 1, 2024): 70–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.2.03.

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Abstract Although historians and political scientists have long acknowledged the significant place of immigrants in American political history, the role of “alien suffrage” has not been well appreciated, and gaps remain in the scholarship about the nature of its practice. How extensively was “alien voting” practiced and what were its effects? This study addresses these questions by examining eleven of the forty states that allowed non-citizens to vote before obtaining citizenship. These states, located in the Midwest, South and West, were selected because immigrants comprised a significant proportion of their total population and allowed alien suffrage for an extended period of time (1848–1920). We develop estimates of non-citizen voters and examine ethnic voting patterns in these states to gauge their impacts on partisan dynamics in gubernatorial elections. Our findings show non-citizens voted and factored into election outcomes, furthering the incorporation of European immigrants. We also shed light on the unsavory side of alien suffrage, which contributed to a form of settler colonialism and functioned to block or delay the enfranchisement of African Americans and women. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for our understanding of immigrant political incorporation in American political history, as well as for contemporary debates about the revival of the legal practice of non-citizen voting in the United States.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African Americans – Suffrage – Wisconsin"

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Iton, Richard. "Political ideology and the black American community." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22357.

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Kelley, Lucas Patrick. "Suffrage for White Men Only: The Disfranchisement of Free Men of Color in Antebellum North Carolina." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/73510.

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This thesis explores the disfranchisement of free men of color in 1835 North Carolina through the lens of antebellum citizenship and within the context of the racial turmoil of the 1830s. Citizenship and the evolution of southern racial ideology converged in the 1835 North Carolina Constitutional Convention. On the one hand, free men of color voted, a right permitted in North Carolina for all taxpaying men regardless of race and one of the most crucial components of citizenship in the early republic and Jacksonian periods. But on the other hand, some North Carolina white slaveholders saw free people of color as instigators of slave uprisings and a threat to their social order and economic system. As convention delegates debated disfranchisement, they drew on their notions of citizenship and their fear of people of color, and a majority ultimately decided that free nonwhites did not deserve a voice in the political arena. My explanation of why delegates disfranchised free men of color is twofold. First, members of the convention supported disfranchisement because of the perceived connection between free people of color and slave violence. Disfranchisement also came about because the majority of delegates determined that political citizenship was reserved exclusively for white men, and the elimination of nonwhite suffrage in North Carolina was one of the most explicit representations of the ongoing transition of citizenship based on class to a citizenship based on race in the antebellum United States.
Master of Arts
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Walch, Barbara Hunter. "Sallye B. Mathis and Mary L. Singleton: Black pioneers on the Jacksonville, Florida, City Council." UNF Digital Commons, 1988. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/704.

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In 1967 Sallye Brooks Mathis and Mary Littlejohn Singleton were elected the first blacks in sixty years, and the first women ever, to the city council of Jacksonville, Florida. These two women had been raised in Jacksonville in a black community which, in spite of racial discrimination and segregation since the Civil War, had demonstrated positive leadership and cooperative action as it developed its own organizations and maintained a thriving civic life. Jacksonville blacks participated in politics when allowed to do so and initiated several economic boycotts and court suits to resist racial segregation. Black women played an important part in these activities--occasionally in visible leadership roles. As adults, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton· participated as educators, family members and leaders in various community efforts. Both had developed wide contacts and were respected among many blacks and whites. Mary Singleton had learned about politics as the wife of a respected black politician, and Sallye Mathis became a leader in the civil rights struggles of the 1960s in Jacksonville. In 1967, a governmental reform movement in Duval County, a softening of negative racial attitudes, and perhaps their being female aided their victories. While Sallye Mathis remained on the Jacksonville City Council for fifteen years until her death in 1982, Mary Singleton served in the Florida House of Representatives from 1972 to 1976--the third black in the twentieth century and the first woman from Northeast Florida. From 1976 to 1978 she was appointed director of the Florida Division of Elections and in 1978 she campaigned unsuccessfully for Lt. Governor of Florida. As government officials, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton emphasized the needs of low-income people and were advocates for black interests when they felt it was necessary. They were active as volunteers in numerous other community organizations and projects to further their goals. PALMM
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Pfeffer, Miki. "Exhibiting Women: Sectional Confrontation and Reconciliation in the Woman's Department at the World's Exposition, New Orleans, 1884-85." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2006. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/339.

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At the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition, the Woman's Department offered women of all regions of the country an opportunity to exhibit what they considered "woman's work." As women came together and attempted sectional reconciliation, controversy persisted, especially over the selection of northern suffragist Julia Ward Howe, author of the "Battle Hymn of the Republic," as the Department's president. However, during the course of the event, which lasted from December 16, 1884 to May 31, 1885, New Orleanians and other southern women learned skills and strategies from participants and famous women visitors, and these southerners insinuated their voices into the national debate on late-nineteenth-century women's issues.
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Books on the topic "African Americans – Suffrage – Wisconsin"

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R, Belknap Michal, ed. Voting rights. New York: Garland Pub., 1991.

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1949-, Finkelman Paul, ed. African-Americans and the right to vote. New York: Garland, 1992.

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Fighting chance: The struggle over woman suffrage and Black suffrage in Reconstruction America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

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Slesinger, Doris Peyser. Blacks in Wisconsin: A 1980 chartbook : a demographic profile of the Black and total population in Wisconsin. Madison, Wis: Applied Population Lboratory, Dept. of Rural Sociology, College of Agricultural and Life Sciences, Cooperative Extension Service, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1988.

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Grigsby, E. Howard. Blacks in Wisconsin, 1980-1987: A demographic profile. Madison, Wis: E.H. Grigsby, 1988.

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Calvin, Carol J. Matson. The search for Russell's Corners: A Wisconsin African American family history. Milwaukee: C.J. Calvin, 1998.

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Rabinove, Samuel. The voting rights dilemma: The legacy of discrimination. New York, NY: The American Jewish Committee, 1994.

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Light, Steven Andrew. "The law is good": The Voting Rights Act, redistricting, and black regime politics. Durham, N.C: Carolina Academic Press, 2010.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights. Proposed changes to regulations governing section 5 of the Voting Rights Act: Oversight hearings before the Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-ninth Congress, first session ... November 13 and 20, 1985. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1986.

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Porter, Kirk Harold. A history of suffrage in the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "African Americans – Suffrage – Wisconsin"

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Rhodes, Jane. "Suffrage and the New Negro in the Black Public Sphere." In Front Pages, Front Lines, 98–114. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043109.003.0006.

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The era immediately following World War I was tumultuous for African American communities, with its widespread backlash against black American soldiers, urban antiblack violence and riots, and lynching. The black press, which conveyed the communities’ sense of anxiety and grievance, was critical to the formation and maintenance of a radical black counterpublic—a formation that operated outside the mainstream public sphere. While some black publications stayed on the margins of radical politics, this chapter shows that others embraced more militant ideas and strategies. Socialism and the Communist Party held special sway for some African Americans seeking a way out of their social, economic, and political isolation. A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, who founded The Messenger in New York in 1917, supported woman suffrage and promised to help women make the most profitable and desirable use of the ballot. The Messenger’s editors viewed black women’s suffrage as part of a larger political and social transformation that would give the masses a voice and equal opportunity. W. E. B. Du Bois also articulated strong “profeminist” politics in the pages of The Crisis, promoting women’s suffrage as a key element in the quest for black liberation.
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Hoy, Benjamin. "New Countries, Old Problems." In A Line of Blood and Dirt, 52–73. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197528693.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 focuses on the Great Lakes in the 1860s and 1870s to argue that the border’s importance shifted in response to Reconstruction and Confederation. National consolidation encouraged each nation to rethink how African Americans, Indigenous people, immigrants, and settlers fit into each country. By dividing those who constituted the nation from those who threatened it, battles over belonging helped to usher in new immigration laws and extradition provisions. Debates over suffrage required each country to outline the core tenants of the socieities they intended to create. This forced them to weigh the relative importance of cultural beliefs, gendered norms, contract freedom, racial background, and private property against one another. In this uncertain environment, sexual morality, suffrage rights, citizenship, and ideas about the family created the terrace that border control grew from.
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Wheeler, Marjorie Spruill. "Southern Suffragists and “the Negro Problem”." In New Women of the New South, 100–132. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195075830.003.0004.

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Abstract Products of the South’s socioeconomic and political elite, most leading suffragists shared the idea characteristic of their race and class and then gaining currency throughout the nation that suffrage was not a right of all citizens but the privilege and duty of those best qualified to exercise it. Indeed, the contemporary meaning of the phrase “the negro problem” to white Southern suffragists was not the use of the race issue against their cause—though this concerned them greatly—but the enfranchisement after the Civil War of several million African-Americans considered by whites to be ignorant, purchasable, and unfit for political participation.
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Splawn, P. Jane. "Mothers and the God of the Oppressed." In Activism in the Name of God, 164–80. University Press of Mississippi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496845672.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the pre-Harlem Renaissance writer Carrie Williams Clifford’s role in the building of Black America in the first quarter of the twentieth century. Specifically, the chapter argues that Clifford merits a place in the African American literary canon, particularly given the historical context in which she wrote. As activist, writer, and teacher, Clifford consciously chose to focus on communal interests rather than her own ambitions, and like many of her educated, elite Black women contemporaries, she understood and accepted her obligation to improve the educational, social, and economic condition of African Americans still facing the crisis of illiteracy sixty years after Emancipation. Clifford viewed education and strong black community leadership as paths to end racial injustice, and as a member of a select vanguard of leaders within the African American community, she devoted herself to issues taken up in the NAACP’s Crisis Magazine, such as women’s suffrage.
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Gustafson, Kristin L. "Death of Democracy, North Carolina." In Journalism and Jim Crow, 187–224. University of Illinois Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252044106.003.0008.

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This chapter shows how Josephus Daniels used the Raleigh News & Observer to spread white supremacist Democratic Party propaganda in the North Carolina election of 1898 and foment the Wilmington Massacre. The propaganda demonized Black men as unfit for suffrage and elective office and as sexual predators of white women, a strategy meant to disrupt the state’s fragile, bi-racial Fusionist government. Alexander L. Manly, editor of the Black Wilmington Daily Record, fought back with a blistering editorial exposing white hypocrisy, which the Democrats weaponized against him and the Fusionists. The immediate results: the killing and exile of untold numbers of African Americans from Wilmington, the destruction of a fighting Black press, the overthrow of democratic institutions and norms, the erection of white supremacy, and Black disfranchisement.
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Lytle, Mark H. "Segmented America and the New Identity Politics." In The All-Consuming Nation, 117–46. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197568255.003.0006.

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Cultural historian Gary Cross articulated one theme of this chapter: “Consumerism redefined democracy, creating social solidarities and opportunities for participation that transcended suffrage rights or political ideologies.” Indeed, many of those who participated in the counterculture expressed their rebellion through new forms of consumption and simplified lifestyles. At the same time, another major theme emerged that underlay the turmoil of the 1960s: At the dawn of the Populuxe era, Americans had begun to define their consumer society by what made them different more than by the values they held in common. Suburbs like Levittown that had blurred social class distinctions became more segregated by race, religion, and class. Cities provided refuges for those seeking to distance themselves from conventional behaviors. Teen fads, rock and roll, feminism, and African American consumerism are among the areas covered in this chapter.
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Richard, Carl J. "The Classics and American Political Rhetoric in a Democratic and Romantic Age." In The Call of Classical Literature in the Romantic Age, 289–312. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474429641.003.0012.

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This essay demonstrates that during the same period when new grammar schools, academies, and colleges were introducing the Greek and Roman classics to the western frontier of the United States, to a rising middle class, to girls and women, and to African Americans, states were expanding the voting population to include all free adult white males. While the spread of manhood suffrage led to a more democratic style of politics, the expansion of classical education ensured that American speeches continued to bristle with classical allusions. Political leaders took advantage of every opportunity to showcase their classical learning, even to broader audiences they hoped might respect, if not fully comprehend, their allusions. Classically trained, American politicians lived a double rhetorical life, attempting to assure common voters of their ability to empathize with their concerns while demonstrating their wisdom and virtue to constituents of all classes through their knowledge of the classics.
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Norman, Brian. "Crossing Identitarian Lines." In A Political Companion to James Baldwin. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813169910.003.0010.

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This chapter’s content proves relevant in its advocacy for the political implications of individual experience. Brian Norman’s Baldwin is an author very much concerned with gender; Norman demonstrates how Baldwin’s writings can be read as protofeminist pieces whose focus on the importance of individual experiences dovetails with suffrage, exclusion, and gender violence in America. Although Baldwin never explicitly announces his feminism, his treatments of race and sexuality, when read through a feminist lens, prove to be intersectional insofar as they can inform gendered experiences of oppression and suffering. Norman is careful to establish that oppression faced by African Americans and women are not interchangeable; rather, the early examination of one can shed light on the progress of the other. Norman’s reading of Baldwin further aids our understanding of Baldwin’s tying together of democracy and identity in that democracy is dependent on the liberation of all rather than a few.
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"William Goodell Frost." In Writing Appalachia, edited by Katherine Ledford and Theresa Lloyd, 111–17. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813178790.003.0016.

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William Goodell Frost was born into a New York reformist family who offered their home as a station on the Underground Railroad. Additionally, his aunt, Lavinia Goodell, was the first woman to practice law before the Wisconsin Supreme Court. In 1876, Frost received an AB at the progressive Oberlin College, where he later returned to teach Greek. While teaching at Oberlin, Frost became interested in Appalachia, and his interest deepened when he became the president of Berea College in Berea, Kentucky, in 1893. Berea College was founded in 1855 by Kentucky abolitionist John G. Fee as an interracial institution; its supporters, both black and white, also championed black colleges such as Howard and Fisk. In the years after Kentucky’s 1904 legislation outlawing interracial education, Berea kept its white students at the Berea campus and founded Lincoln Institute in Louisville to educate African Americans. Frost implemented programs at Berea that he felt were suited to white mountain students....
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Bell, Derrick. "The Racial-Sacrifice Covenants." In Silent Covenants. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195172720.003.0008.

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In Prehistoric Times, a people fearing that they had irritated their gods would seek to make amends by sacrificing a lamb, a goat, or sometimes a young virgin. Somehow, the shedding of innocent blood effected a renewed connection between the people and their gods. A similar though seldom recognized phenomenon has occurred throughout American racial history. To settle potentially costly differences between two opposing groups of whites, a compromise is effected that depends on the involuntary sacrifice of black rights or interests. Even less recog­nized, these compromises (actually silent covenants) not only harm blacks but also disadvantage large groups of whites, including those who support the arrangements. Examples of this involuntary racial-sacrifice phenomenon abound and continue. Afew of the more important are: the slavery understandings, the Constitution, universal white male suffrage, the Dred Scott v. Sandford case, the Hayes-Tilden compromise, and the southern disenfranchisement compromise. Contemporary sacrifices of black rights and interests underlie policies on the death penalty, drug-penalty sentencing rules, and reliance on standardized test scores in college and graduate school admissions procedures. Historian Edmund Morgan explains that plantation owners in the early seventeenth century recognized that they needed a stable work force to grow and profit from tobacco. Because Native Americans woulde scape or die, and the indentures of whites came to an end, the solution, over a decade or so, was to sentence African laborers to slavery indenture for life. The landowners convinced working class whites to support African enslavement as being in their interests, eventhough these yeoman workers could never compete with wealthy land owners who could afford slaves. Slaveholders appealed to working-class whites by giving them the chance to vote and by urging them, owing to their shared whiteness, to unite against the threat of slave revolts or escapes. The strategy worked. Wealthy whites retained all their former prerogatives, but the creation of a black subclass enabled poor whites to identify with and support the policies of the upper class. With the safe economic advantage provided by their slaves, large landowners were willing to grantpoor whites a larger role in the political process. Thus, paradoxically, slavery for blacks led both to greater freedom for poor whites and aneconomic structure that would keep them poor.
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