Academic literature on the topic 'African Americans – Social conditions – 20th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "African Americans – Social conditions – 20th century"
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DUBOIS, SYLVIE, and MEGAN MELANÇON. "Creole is, Creole ain't: Diachronic and synchronic attitudes toward Creole identity in southern Louisiana." Language in Society 29, no. 2 (April 2000): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500002037.
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Creole identity in Louisiana acquired diverse meanings for several ethnic groups during the French and Spanish regimes, before and after the purchase of the Louisiana Territory, and through the last part of the 20th century. In spite of a strong shift toward “Black” identity by many African Americans in the state, those who are fluent Creole French speakers now seem to be the repository of Louisiana Creole identity. This article presents a diachronic study of the different meanings applied to Creole identity which resulted from dramatic social, political, and economic changes. It also delimits and defines the actual attributes of Creole identity within two representative African American communities. Because of the historical and political conditions underlying Creole identity, African Americans who still identify as Creoles insist on linguistic attributes, rather than on the criterion of race, as essential characteristics of their ethnic identity.
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Runstedtler, Theresa. "More Than Just Play: Unmasking Black Child Labor in the Athletic Industrial Complex." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 42, no. 3 (March 8, 2018): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723518758458.
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African Americans’ hypervisibility in sports remains a frequent point of critique. There has been a tendency to blame Black youths for their supposed “sports fixation.” Complicating this narrative of cultural pathology, I examine the foundational importance of Black boys’ athletic labor to the profitability of the sporting industries. I first trace the structural conditions (imperialism, racism, industrial capitalism) that contributed to the hypervisibility of young Black boxers at the turn of the 20th century. I then explore the contemporary conditions driving Black hypervisibility in basketball. Analyzing Hoop Dreams (1994) alongside the aggressive tactics of corporations such as Nike, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), and the National Basketball Association (NBA) to recruit talent at younger and younger ages, I illustrate that Black boys are performing a kind of child labor. Similar to Black boxers from a century before, Black youths’ focus on achieving success in basketball is not just a simple matter individual “choice.” It is also symptomatic of their continued political, social, and economic marginalization in the postindustrial, neoliberal United States, which sports companies capitalize on.
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Cassano, Graham, and Terressa A. Benz. "Introduction: Flint and the Racialized Geography of Indifference." Critical Sociology 45, no. 1 (March 12, 2018): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517753697.
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In this introduction to the Critical Sociology symposium, “The Flint Water Crisis and the Failure of Neoliberal Governance,” the authors outline the social and cultural conditions for the racialized underdevelopment of Flint and Detroit in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. We begin with an examination of the racially coded rhetoric of Oakland County manager, L. Brooks Patterson, and the manner in which those racial codes reveal the deep roots of white suburban anxiety and racism in the history of economic and spatial apartheid in Michigan. Turning to Flint itself, we draw upon Andrew Highsmith’s recent history of the city, Demolition Means Progress (2015), and examine 20th century red-lining, school segregation, and neoliberal policy decisions as they interacted, effectively rendering Flint’s African American population invisible and, finally, through emergency management, nearly powerless. We close with a survey of the articles within the symposium. Each contribution to the symposium finds that even within the structural and political limitations imposed by neoliberalism, residents and activists continue to find productive spaces for resistance.
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Mitin, A. N., and P. Uv Kuznetsov. "International Anti-Corruption Practices." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 2 (October 10, 2019): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-2-51-60-71.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of problems of corruption in foreign countries. Corruption is seen as the inefficiency of public administration associated with a violation in relations between the principal and the agent: the first receives services, the second provides them.It is noted that corruption is the abuse of state and municipal authorities for private gain. A sharp rise in corruption was noted by researchers in the XIX century. At the same time, the first attempts to counter it at the legislative level appeared. At the end of the 20th century (December 17, 1979), the UN General Assembly adopted the Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials. The legal basis for the definition of corruption was the adoption in 2003 of the UN Convention against Corruption, and three years earlier the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. For the first time, the thesis was voiced that the fight against corruption is the responsibility of states, and for its effectiveness a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach is needed. In this regard, researchers decided to note the multiplicity of causes of corruption, highlighting the legal, economic, institutional and sociocultural factors, as well as dividing corruption into white, gray and black. According to the geographical classification and the statement that there are no non-corruption countries, they build several models of corruption: Asian, African, Latin American, European.Researchers agree that the level of corruption in all countries depends on the institutional environment and social conditions; it remains an important political phenomenon.Materials and methods. The methodological basis of the study was a set of general scientific methods, special methods of cognition of international practice, phenomena and processes (analytical examination, synthesis, system-oriented and functional-analytical approaches, interpretation and characteristics of legal norms, comparative legal analysis).Results. In the course of the analytical study, the resources involved in the orbit of corruption, the terms and definitions of this dangerous phenomenon, the legal basis of such definitions proposed by the international community were characterized. International documents of a recommendatory nature relating to the fight against corruption, state anticorruption programs of individual countries, formed some recommendations of an anti-corruption nature were considered.Discussions and conclusions. The application of an integrated interdisciplinary approach to the formation and implementation of systemic activities in which the democratization of public life and the transparency of the activities of all authorities are obvious and necessary is substantiated.
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Joseph, Tiffany, and Tanya Golash-Boza. "Double Consciousness in the 21st Century: Du Boisian Theory and the Problem of Racialized Legal Status." Social Sciences 10, no. 9 (September 16, 2021): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10090345.
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In W.E.B. Du Bois’ Souls of Black Folk, he argued that the problem of the 20th century in the United States was the problem of the color line. Given that de facto and explicit racial discrimination persist, anti-immigrant rhetoric is intensifying, and legal status has become more salient, we argue Du Boisian theory remains relevant for understanding social and political cleavages in the 21st century United States. The intersection of race, ethnicity, and legal status or “racialized legal status” represents a new variation of Du Bois’ “color line,” due to how these statuses generate cumulative disadvantages and exclusion for citizens and immigrants of color, particularly the undocumented. We begin with a review of Du Bois’ double consciousness theory, highlighting the marginalization of African Americans. Next, we apply double consciousness to the 21st century U.S. context to empirically demonstrate parallels between 20th century African Americans and the marginalization faced today by people of color. We close with a discussion about how double consciousness enhances our understanding of citizenship and has also generated agency for people of color fighting for socio-political inclusion in the contemporary United States.
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Revathy, Dr P., and Dr V. Peruvalluthi. "The Challenges of Contemporary Criticism in Recent Studies of August Wilson." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, no. 11 (November 28, 2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i11.10118.
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August Wilson was one of the most skilful African-American playwrights of this century and was one of only seven to win the Pulitzer Prize. He devoted his career to acknowledge the 20th century struggles of African-Americans, decade by decade, in a sequence of ten plays. He completed the phase soon before he died of liver cancer on October 2, 2005. The themes of racism and inequity are the core elements in his plays which are depicted in Ma Rainey's Black Bottom and Joe Turner's Come and Gone. The selected novels are of African Americans' struggle for survival in racial separated society of America in which male characters struggling with financial problems due to their helplessness to find adequate work is a re-occurring theme in his plays, which weakens their power position in the family. Ma Rainey's Black Bottom articulate the weakness of black occupied males to make effectively in their social accepted roles and the various approaches the weak marginalized black men adopted to be considered men in America. This paper is aimed to study of the inability and subjectivity of the marginalized African Americans.
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BONDARENKO, D. M., and N. E. KHOKHOLKOVA. "Metamorphoses of the African American Identity in Post-segregation Era and the Theory of Afrocentrism." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 2 (August 27, 2018): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-2-30-45.
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The article deals with the issue of African American identity in the post-segregation period (after 1968). The problem of African Americans’ “double consciousness”, marked for the first time yet in the late 19th – early 20th century, still remains relevant. It is that descendants of slaves, who over the centuries have been relegated to the periphery of the American society, have been experiencing and in part are experiencing an internal conflict, caused by the presence of both American and African components in their identities. The authors focus on Afrocentrism (Afrocentricity) – a socio-cultural theory, proposed by Molefi Kete Asante in 1980 as a strategy to overcome this conflict and to construct a particular form of “African” collective identity of African Americans. This theory, based on the idea of Africa and all people of African descent’s centrality in world history and culture, was urged to completely decolonize and transform African Americans’ consciousness. The Afrocentrists proposed African Americans to re- Africanize their self-consciousness, turn to African cultural roots in order to get rid of a heritable inferiority complex formed by slavery and segregation. This article presents a brief outline of the history of Afrocentrism, its intellectual sources and essential structural elements, particularly Africology. The authors analyze the concepts of racial identity, “black consciousness” and “black unity” in the contexts of the Afrocentric theory and current social realities of the African American community. Special attention is paid to the methodology and practice of Afrocentric education. In Conclusion, the authors evaluate the role and prospects of Afrocentrism among African Americans in the context of general trends of their identities transformations.
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Porter, Jeremy R., Emory Morrison, Sriram Chintakrindi, and Derrick Shapley. "The historically enduring gap in death penalty support." Kriminologija & socijalna integracija 26, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 136–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31299/ksi.26.2.1.
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This paper evaluates four racial‑ecological theories regarding the historically enduring racial divide in public opinion regarding death penalty support. Using geo‑coded data from the 20th century, this research examines the relative representation of African Americans, the level of black‑white economic inequality, and the extent of racial residential segregation on race‑spe‑ cific odds of supporting the death penalty. The research finds support for aspects of racial social context accounting for a portion of the black-white gap in death penalty support at the time. We find differential effects, by race, of representation and segregation as mediators of public opinion regarding the death penalty.
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Childress, Micah. "LIFE BEYOND THE BIG TOP: AFRICAN AMERICAN AND FEMALE CIRCUSFOLK, 1860–1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 2 (June 19, 2015): 176–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000250.
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At the turn of the twentieth century, most Americans celebrated the arrival of a circus. Circus Day had become a local holiday that brought together ethnicities, races, and classes (of both genders) that did not usually assemble at the same place and time. Within the circus itself, however, race and gender provided boundaries and fostered acrimony. The racism and segregation of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries could be found aboard any circus train and throughout every show lot. African Americans were relegated to certain jobs, segregated within those jobs, and usually paid less than their white counterparts. The show's scheduled route often took them into areas in which they experienced the racial volatility typical of the era. Although the public perception of circus employment often produced thoughts of travel and fun adventures, African American circusfolk endured harsh treatment, low pay, and vile racism.For African Americans, the work environment at a circus reflected the national social atmosphere, but female circus employees encountered conditions that most other women were not afforded. Indeed, female employees were confined to one or two train cars and lived under specific rules about when (or even if) they could entertain guests. Yet circus employment provided women with the ability to leave the restraints of the home during the height of Victorian domesticity, as well as the even rarer opportunity to outearn their male counterparts. Moreover, employment under the big top gave circuswomen a public platform to advocate for suffrage.
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CARSON, SCOTT ALAN. "INEQUALITY IN THE AMERICAN SOUTH: EVIDENCE FROM THE NINETEENTH CENTURY MISSOURI STATE PRISON." Journal of Biosocial Science 40, no. 4 (July 2008): 587–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932007002489.
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SummaryThe use of height data to measure living standards is now a well-established method in economic history. Moreover, a number of core findings in the literature are widely agreed upon. There are still some populations, places and times, however, for which anthropometric evidence remains thin. One example is 19th century African-Americans in US border-states. This paper introduces a new data set from the Missouri state prison to track the heights of comparable black and white men born between 1820 and 1904. Modern blacks and whites come to comparable terminal statures when brought to maturity under optimal conditions; however, whites were persistently taller than blacks in the Missouri prison sample by two centimetres. Throughout the 19th century, black and white adult statures remained approximately constant, while black youth stature increased during the antebellum period.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African Americans – Social conditions – 20th century"
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Ondaatje, Michael L. "Neither counterfeit heroes nor colour-blind visionaries : black conservative intellectuals in modern America." University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0029.
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This thesis focuses on the rise to prominence, during the 1980s and 1990s, of a coterie of African American intellectuals associated with the powerful networks and institutions of the New Right. It situates the relatively marginalised phenomenon of contemporary black conservatism within its historical context; explores the nature and significance of the racial discourse it has generated; and probes the intellectual character of the individuals whose contributions to this strand of black thought have stood out over the past three decades. Engaging the writings of the major black conservative figures and the literature of their supporters and critics, I then evaluate their ideas in relation to the key debates concerning race and class in American life debates that have centred, for the most part, on the vexed issues of affirmative action, poverty and public education. In illuminating this complex, still largely misunderstood phenomenon, this thesis reveals the black conservatives as more than a group but as individuals with their own distinctive arguments.
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Smith, Greta Katherine. ""The Battling Ground": Memory, Violence, and Resistance in Greenwood, North Tulsa, Oklahoma, 1907-1980." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4559.
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Tulsa, Oklahoma's historically African American neighborhood of Greenwood in North Tulsa has long been contested terrain. Built by black settlers beginning in the late nineteenth-century, the neighborhood evolved into a vibrant community challenged by waves of violence--segregation at statehood in 1907, the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, ongoing disinvestment, and processes of urban renewal beginning in the late 1950s--that contributed to the erosion of the neighborhood and the eventual displacement of many area residents into remote housing projects further into North Tulsa. These waves of violence were propelled by Oklahoma lawmakers, local Tulsa government officials, members of the Ku Klux Klan, and private white citizens who worked to expand the city's color line by controlling the placement and visibility of black people in Tulsa and gain ownership of Greenwood--as the neighborhood was, and is, located on desirable land.
The people of Greenwood met these waves of violence with acts of resistance. They organized and lobbied against segregation at statehood, fought to save their community during the Tulsa Race Riot, and galvanized to rebuild almost immediately after. They maintained a culture of interdependence that contributed to strength in community and economy. Beginning in the late 1950s, they protested their displacement. However, by the late 1980s, the ravages of slum clearance and expressway building had rendered much of Greenwood unlivable and many residents had no choice but to relocate. The loss of historic place and increased distance between community members made it difficult to maintain their shared identity and culture of interdependence.
Taken altogether, these four waves of violence functioned as tools to carry out the city of Tulsa's longstanding agenda of reclaiming the prime urban real estate of Greenwood while broadening the area of land that segregated black & white Tulsa. At the root existed white supremacy: the belief in the inherent superiority of the white race and its fundamental right to dominate society.
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Vipperman, Justin LeGrand. ""On This, We Shall Build": the Struggle for Civil Rights in Portland, Oregon 1945-1953." PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3124.
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Generally, Oregon historians begin Portland Civil Rights history with the development of Vanport and move quickly through the passage of the state's public accommodations law before addressing the 1960s and 70s. Although these eras are ripe with sources and contentious experiences, 1945 to 1953 provide a complex struggle for civil rights in Portland, Oregon. This time period demonstrates the rise of local leaders, wartime racial tensions, and organizational efforts used to combat inequality. 1945 marked a watershed moment in Portland Civil Rights history exhibiting intergroup collaboration and interracial cooperation converging to eventually provide needed legislation. Although discrimination continued after 1953, the era between 1945 and 1953 provided an era of change upon which subsequent movements in Portland were based. My thesis uses material from various collections to piece together the early struggle for civil rights in Portland, and more broadly, Oregon. These documents show that the local struggle started before the classical phase of the Civil Rights Movement, usually defined as Brown v. Board of Education to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. By focusing on the classical phase of civil rights, historians miss the building of a strong foundation for Portland's Civil Rights history. My research proves the existing nuances of the fight for equality by looking at local movements rather than the national struggle. This study demonstrates the nuances by focusing on rising racial tension, the efforts to document them, and the strategies used to combat discrimination.
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Alvarez, Luis Alberto. "The power of the zoot : race, community, and resistance in American youth culture, 1940-1945 /." Thesis, Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008265.
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Petway, David Michael. "What effect did the Los Angeles riots have on the perceptions of young African American males regarding their future while confined to a penal institution?" CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/816.
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Sprunger, Luke. ""Del Campo Ya Pasamos a Otras Cosas--From the Field We Move on to Other Things": Ethnic Mexican Narrators and Latino Community Histories in Washington County, Oregon." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1977.
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This work examines the histories of the Latino population of Washington County, Oregon, and explores how and why ethnic Mexican and other Latino individuals and families relocated to the county. It relies heavily on oral history interviews conducted by the author with ethnic Mexican residents, and on archival newspaper sources. Beginning with the settlement of a small number of tejano families and the formation of an ethnic community in the 1960s, a number of factors encouraged an increasing number of migrant Latino families--from tejanos to Mexican nationals to Central and South Americans to indigenous migrants of various nationalities--to settle permanently in the county. This work studies how the growth and diversification of the population altered the nature of community among Latinos, how changing social conditions and the efforts of early community builders improved opportunities for new arrivals, and how continuing migration has assisted in processes of cultural replenishment.
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Fortney, Jeffrey L. Jr. "Slaves and Slaveholders in the Choctaw Nation: 1830-1866." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28371/.
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Racial slavery was a critical element in the cultural development of the Choctaws and was a derivative of the peculiar institution in southern states. The idea of genial and hospitable slave owners can no more be conclusively demonstrated for the Choctaws than for the antebellum South. The participation of Choctaws in the Civil War and formal alliance with the Confederacy was dominantly influenced by the slaveholding and a connection with southern identity, but was also influenced by financial concerns and an inability to remain neutral than a protection of the peculiar institution. Had the Civil War not taken place, the rate of Choctaw slave ownership possibly would have reached the level of southern states and the Choctaws would be considered part of the South.
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Cook, Christopher Joseph. "Agency, Consolidation, and Consequence: Evaluating Social and Political Change in New Orleans, 1868-1900." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/535.
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In the last twenty years, recent scholarship has opened up fresh inquiry into several aspects of New Orleans society during the late nineteenth century. Much work has been done to reassess the political and cultural involvement, as well as perspective of, the black Creoles of the city; the successful reordering of society under the direction of the Anglo-Protestant elite; and the evolution of New Orleans's social conditions and cultural institutions during the period initiating Jim Crow segregation. Further exploration, however, is necessary to make connections between each of these avenues of study. This thesis relies on a variety of secondary sources, primary legal documents, and contemporary newspaper articles and publications, to provide connections between the above topics, giving each greater context and allowing for the exploration of several themes. These include the direction of black Creole public ambition after the end of that community's last civil rights crusade, the effects of Democratic Party strategy and the Lost Cause of the Confederacy movement on younger generations of white residents, and the effects of changing social expectations and increasing segregation on the city's diverse ethnic immigrant community. In doing so, this thesis will contribute to enhancing the current understanding of New Orleans's complex and changing social order, as well as provide future researchers with a broad based work which will effectively introduce the exploration of a variety of key topics and serve as a bridge to connect them with specific lines of inquiry while highlighting the above themes in order to make new connections between various facets of the city's troubled racial history.
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Bryan, Joshua Joe. "Portland, Oregon's Long Hot Summers: Racial Unrest and Public Response, 1967-1969." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/995.
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The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced.
The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging.
The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.
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Jessie, Alison Leigh. "Questions of Citizenship: Oregonian Reactions to Japanese Immigrants' Quest for Naturalization Rights in the United States, 1894-1952." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2644.
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This study examines the discrimination against Japanese immigrants in U.S. naturalization law up to 1952 and how it was covered in the Oregonian newspaper, one of the oldest and most widely read newspapers on the West Coast. The anti-Japanese movement was much larger in California, but this paper focuses on the attitudes in Oregon, which at times echoed sentiments in California but at other times conveyed support for Japanese naturalization. Naturalization laws at the turn of the century were vague, leaving the task of defining who was white, and thus eligible for naturalization, to the courts. Japanese applicants were often denied, but until the federal government clarified which immigrants could or could not become citizens, the subject remained open to debate. "Ineligibility to naturalization" was often used as a code for "Japanese" in discriminatory land use laws and similar legislation at the state level in California and in other western states. This study highlights several factors which influenced Oregonian editorials on the subject.
First, the fear of offending Japan and provoking war with that empire was a foremost concern of Oregonian editors. California's moves to use naturalization law to prevent Japanese immigrants from owning land were seen as dangerous because they damaged relations with Japan and could lead to war. The Oregonian went so far as to recommend Japanese naturalization during the First World War. However, war and foreign relations were federal issues, thus the second theme seen throughout Oregonian editorials was deference to federal authority on questions related to naturalization. While suggesting that naturalization for existing immigrants might be good policy, the Oregonian urged the federal government to settle the matter. Once the Supreme Court ruled against Asian naturalization in 1922 and 1923, the Oregonian dropped its push for such rights. Nativism was another theme that influenced opinions at this time, and before 1923 the Oregonian generally opposed extreme nativist positions, while at the same time advocating for limits to Japanese immigration and against mixed marriages.
This paper does not deal with the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II because naturalization was not the issue for the anti-exclusion movement at the time. Citizenship did not give the Nisei, second generation Japanese American citizens, any protection against their wartime removal from the West Coast.
This study returns to the issue of naturalization for Japanese immigrants after the war, as a number of Issei, first generation Japanese immigrants, still lived in the United States but were denied citizenship, even though most had been in the country for decades at that point. There was less opposition to Japanese naturalization after the war due to the noted loyalty of the Japanese during the war, the focus on human rights as an issue promoted by the new United Nations, and Cold War politics which demanded better relations with Japan and thus fairer treatment of Japanese living in the United States. The Oregonian editorials reflected the shift in public opinion throughout the country in favor of lifting the racial bar to citizenship. Japanese Americans in Oregon were active in the campaign to change U.S. naturalization law. The issue was more important to the Japanese American community than it was to the Oregonian editorial board by then, as other Cold War events took precedence on the front and op-ed pages of the newspaper.
Books on the topic "African Americans – Social conditions – 20th century"
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Freedom struggles: African Americans and World War I. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009.
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Three Black generations at the crossroads: Community, culture, and conciousness. Chicago: Burnham, 2000.
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Smith, John David. Black Judas: William Hannibal Thomas and the American Negro. Chicago: I.R. Dee, 2002.
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Smith, John David. Black Judas: William Hannibal Thomas and The American Negro. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2000.
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Rooted against the wind: Personal essays. Boston: BeaconPress, 1996.
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Writers of the Black Chicago renaissance. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2011.
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The new Black history: Revisiting the second Reconstruction. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
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Womanism, literature, and the transformation of the Black community, 1965-1980. New York: Routledge, 2008.
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Eaton, Kalenda C. Womanism, literature, and the transformation of the Black community, 1965-1980. New York: Routledge, 2008.
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Migration, mining, and the African diaspora: Guyana in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "African Americans – Social conditions – 20th century"
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Payne, Amaniyea. "Muntu Dance Theatre of Chicago." In Hot Feet and Social Change, 114–22. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042959.003.0008.
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Long famed as a mecca of African-American culture, New Orleans occupies a special place in studies of African diasporic music and dance. By outlining the historical and social factors that shaped unique expressions of African American cultural identity, Ausetta Amenkum provides an experiential account of the formation of the Kumbuka African Drum and Dance Collective, not only as a performance troupe, but also as a community institution. Utilizing poetry and an engaging tone, Amenkum situates the emergence of African dance companies founded by African Americans in the local cultural trajectory of New Orleans mid-20th century. She, then, chronicles her work and the use of African dance as a holistic approach, as she addresses a specific example: women’s incarceration issues in Louisiana.
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Trotter, Joe William. "Confronting Decline and Facilitating Renaissance." In Pittsburgh and the Urban League Movement, 159–79. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179919.003.0008.
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During the late 20th century, as the city made the transition from its predominantly manufacturing base to a new economy driven by high technology medical, educational, financial, and marketing institutions, African Americans suffered disproportionately higher unemployment, disease, poverty, and incarceration rates than their white counterparts. Near century's end, the Urban League of Pittsburgh deepened the political side of its social service activities to address what it called a seemingly “never-ending cycle” of “revolving doors and broken ladders” for too many of the city's black residents.
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Brown, Karida L. "The Coming of the Coal Industry." In Gone Home, 11–26. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469647036.003.0002.
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This chapter provides historical context for the book and anchors the text in place. Drawing on archival data collected form Kentucky and Alabama-based archives and oral history data collected from African Americans in the sample population, Brown describes the conditions under which the coal mining industry emerged in eastern Kentucky at the turn of the twentieth century. She also describes the economic and social conditions of black life in post-Reconstruction Alabama. Through this historical analysis, Brown reveals the antecedents of the mass migration of African Americans from the Alabama black belt into the coalfields of eastern Kentucky. Moving beyond the individual level push-pull framework of mass migration analysis, this chapter focuses on the role of corporations and fin de siècle northern industrialists in initiating calculated mass migration streams to meet their demand for labor.