Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'African American Studies / Political Science'
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Cleland, Cassidy Meredith. "Raising Expectations and Failing to Deliver:The Effects of Collective Disappointment and Distrust within the African American Community." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524502315783214.
Full textMoody, Claudette A. "Informal Legislative Groups in the House: A Case Study of the Congressional Black Caucus." W&M ScholarWorks, 1985. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625311.
Full textSmith, Trevor K. "Relationships Between Political Competition and Socioeconomic Status in the United States." ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1032.
Full textSmith, Lindsey Marie. "The Politics of Social Intimacy| Regulating Gendered and Racial Violence." Thesis, The University of Alabama, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10784120.
Full textThis project explores the constructions of gender, intimacy, and race and the ways these issues are informed by history and the law. The idea of consent, while originally described in texts as a legal concept between citizens, transformed into a way to navigate intimate relationships in the private sphere. This muddied the ways women and men were understood to form relationships and the limits of those relationships. In the same ways that gender was arbitrated through legal language, race is often ensnared in the same processes and institutions. Tolerance has been offered as one approach, but instead of mitigating this violence, it has more firmly entrenched it into the democratic process. Hannah Arendt’s description of the social frames an understanding of intimacy and narratives. Arendt’s work critically creates a space for the category of the social, something found around but outside of the public and private. Instead of working to make the private seen as a sphere for political action, I will focus on the potential of the social as a method of political action. While Arendt has obvious racial bias, I will use her own response to anti-semitism to develop a different approach to Black politics that allow for identity-based responses. Lauren Berlant’s Intimate Publics addresses the potential for coalition building in the social. Using the sorority system as a way of teasing out notions of femininity, discipline, sexual violence, and intimacy, I will describe the ways that a woman subject is produced and how this then works to shape our notions of race. Women’s identities, particularly white women, are constructed through an association with race and sexuality, by unpacking this development, its possible to see how this is socially and institutionally enforced. Part of this enforcement will focus on the narratives of sexual violence. Rape is an issue that not only confronts legal questions, but also the nature of a woman’s ability to participate in democracy. Tying this together will be the importance of political theory. This serves to define the contemporary issues, solutions that have been offered and new potential approaches to intimate violence.
Mkhize, Gabisile. "African Women| An Examination of Collective Organizing Among Grassroots Women in Post Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, The Ohio State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3710319.
Full textThis dissertation examines how poor black South African women in rural areas organize themselves to address their poverty situations and meet their practical needs – those that pertain to their responsibilities as grandmothers, mothers, and community members – and assesses their organizations' effectiveness for meeting women's goals. My research is based on two groups that are members of the South African Rural Women's Movement. They are the Sisonke Women's Club Group (SSWCG) and the Siyabonga Women's Club Group (SBWCG). A majority of these women are illiterate and were de jure or de facto heads of households. Based on interviews and participant observation, I describe and analyze the strategies that these women employ in an attempt to alleviate poverty, better their lives, and assist in the survival of their families, each other, and the most vulnerable members of their community. Their strategies involve organizing in groups to support each other's income-generating activities and to help each other in times of emergency. Their activities include making floor mats, beading, sewing, baking, and providing caregiving for members who are sick and for orphans. I conclude that, although their organizing helps meet practical needs based on their traditional roles as women, it has not contributed to meeting strategic needs – to their empowerment as citizens or as heads of households.
Hutchinson, Yvette. "Womanpower in the Civil Rights Movement." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625696.
Full textLaird, Chryl Nicole. "Black Like Me: The Malleability of African American Political Racial Group Identification." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1398801214.
Full textWasow, Omar. "Three Essays on Race and Politics." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3567119.
Full textUnderstanding how race shapes the lives of individuals and transforms institutions is central to social science. Yet, for many scholars, race is widely understood as a fixed and monolithic category that is resistant to manipulation. As a result, making causal claims about ``immutable characteristics'' such as race or ethnicity has been strongly discouraged by statisticians and experts of causal inference. In contrast to previous literature, I propose a different framework that, in some cases, reconciles race and causation. Using a lab experiment and observational data about the urban uprisings of the 1960s, I test whether racialized and politicized cues from a subordinate group (in this case, blacks) can change psychological, behavioral and attitudinal measures among a dominant group (in this case, whites).
Looking at more than 750 violent protests that flared up in black neighborhoods across the United States, I examine whether increased exposure to signals of black unrest is associated with decreased support for the Democratic party. In the 1964, 1968 and 1972 presidential elections, I find a strong negative relationship between exposure to civil unrest and the county-level Democratic vote share. I find a similar negative relationship between exposure to violent protests and Democratic vote share in congressional elections between 1968 and 1972. Finally, I find that in counterfactual scenarios of fewer violent protests the Democratic presidential nominee, Hubert Humphrey, would have beaten the Republican nominee, Richard Nixon, in the 1968 election.
In the lab experiment, I test how exposure to images of politicized and armed white and black men changes psychological, behavioral and attitudinal measures among subjects in the dominant (white) group. Methodologically, this study investigates the degree to which at least some aspects of race are better operationalized as variable, divisible, continuous and responsive to manipulation. Substantively, this experiment also attempts to assess the degree to which media representations of violence and politics might increase the salience of ethnic/racial identities, particularly in a dominant group. In the context of the 1960s urban uprisings, such a result might help explain why a significant subset of white voters switched away from the Democratic party, that had become identified with black interests, and towards candidates promising ``law and order.'.
Alam, Nabeela. "Politics, Trade and Foreign Aid." Thesis, Brandeis University, International Business School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721587.
Full textThis dissertation examines the influence of donor-driven and recipient-driven interests on foreign aid allocation.
Chapter 1 examines how the donor's trade interests together with elections and the political competitiveness of electoral processes in recipient countries are associated with bilateral foreign aid flows. US gives more aid to its non-competitive larger trade partners, but cuts their aid ahead of elections. It substitutes aid with market access for non-competitive countries for which it is an important export market, but not during election years. Germany, Japan and UK give more aid to countries with competitive electoral systems, but for these countries Japan and UK substitute aid with trade. The substitution disappears for UK during election years. Japan and UK also reward countries for which they are important export markets with more aid, but only during non-election years for Japan. During election years, Germany cuts aid to non-competitive countries, but gives more aid to non-competitive countries for which it is an export destination. There is weak evidence that France substitutes aid with market access for politically competitive countries.
Chapter 2 focuses on recipient incentives. I extend the Grossman and Helpman (1996) model of elections and special interests by adding foreign aid. I show that with conditional aid when the preferred policy of the donor and that of the special interest group are not aligned, the latter has an incentive to alter election probabilities so that the opposition party wins and implements the lobby's preferred policy. Under these circumstances, the government has an incentive to substitute away from conditional foreign aid. Furthermore, if the government has a higher probability of winning under unconditional aid, the lobby succeeds in asking the government to deviate the most in its policy stance.
In Chapter 3 I examine how China's growing importance as an export destination is related to countries' UN voting alignment with the US, and whether this relationship is different if the countries export oil and mineral resources that China. I find regional differences in UN voting alignment response. Latin American countries and Sub-Saharan African countries not heavily reliant on exports of oil and minerals show decreased political alignment with increased export dependence on China. UN voting alignment for the resource exporters from Sub-Saharan Africa do not vary with export dependence on China. Instead, they have a lower level of UN alignment with the US.
Cooney, Christopher Thomas. "Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed." PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3238.
Full textLumumba, Bakari K. "Is Pan-Africanism Dead?: The Relevancy of Garveyism in the Twenty-First Century: The Politics of Black Self-Determination in the Southeastern United States." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1526039138419958.
Full textRobert, Lance A. "The impact of community-based mentoring on African American boys using an attribution-retraining curriculum." Thesis, Capella University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3682251.
Full textThe purpose of the study was to determine the impact that community-based group mentoring had on improving academic efficacy and personal efficacy of 31 African American male participants. The study measured the influence of the group-mentoring program, which was arranged around an attribution-retraining curriculum. Participants attended a summer academy where they were exposed to a series of attribution retraining seminars allowing them to engage in activities making connections to attribution retraining concepts. The study aimed to determine if the participant's perceptions about their intelligence would be positively influenced by the attribution-retraining curriculum administered over a course of the 2-week summer academy. Survey responses from a pretest and posttest as related to motivational dimensions of attribution were analyzed. The quantitative results revealed a marginally significant change noted by t(29) = 1.82, p = 0.080, (.05 = statistically significant) for the two-tailed t-test reflecting that the participants' perceptions changed slightly regarding their ability to grow their intelligence. A correlational exploration was also conducted, which revealed that the group mentoring seminars influenced the participants' motivation to make better choices and to feel better about their ability to control their academic and personal destiny. Implications of the study include establishing attribution-retraining curriculum as part of group mentoring models in nonprofit organizations. Also, using attribution-retraining curricula with African American males as a motivational concept for academic and personal success was determined a worthwhile endeavor to mitigate the challenges African American male adolescents face including broken family structure, poverty, poor academic performance, high dropout rates, and behavioral challenges.
Jackson, Antoine Lennell. ""All Blacks Vote the Same?": Assessing Predictors of Black American Political Participation and Partisanship." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4693.
Full textShames, Shauna Lani. "The Rational Non-Candidate: A Theory of Candidate Deterrence." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11438.
Full textGovernment
Williams, Patricia Coleman. "The Impact of "Old-Wave" McCarthyism at Four Private Black Colleges and Universities in Atlanta, Georgia." Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10289390.
Full textDecades after the term “McCarthyism” was first coined, it continues to be used to describe those who prey on the fears of Americans to discriminate against others. In the post-world War years, and well into the sixties, it was Communism. Today, it is “terrorism,” and an irrational fear of Muslims. The word is used to describe those who perpetuate unsubstantiated claims and who practice the intimidation tactics employed against those suspected of being members of a targeted group. This resurgence of the term has piqued the interest of scholars, who like me, are studying Cold War or “old wave” McCarthyism and comparing it to the “new wave” of McCarthyism that has emerged since 9-11. Similar to what transpired during “old wave” McCarthyism most research is focused on predominantly White institutions (PWI’s). The historical development of Black colleges and universities reveals how the lack of resources and finances made these schools much more susceptible to pressures of external forces such as racism and McCarthyism. This then raises the question: “What was the impact of McCarthyism at our nation’s Black institutions of higher education?” Except for two well-documented incidents that occurred at Fisk University during the McCarthy Era (see Gilpin and Gasman, 2003; Gasman, 1999; Gilpin, 1997; and Schrecker, 2002, 1994) and my case study (2008) on McCarthyism at Cheyney and Lincoln Universities in Pennsylvania, for the most part, this question has gone unanswered.
With the use of primary and secondary sources this study will begin to address this void in educational historiography by examining the impact of “old wave” McCarthyism at four existing private historically Black institutions in Georgia: Atlanta University, Morehouse College, Clark University/College, and Spelman College. With this study, I hope to expand the existing discourse on McCarthyism by making it more comprehensive, as well as more inclusive.
Smith, Trevor K. "Relationships Between Political Competition and Socioeconomic Status in the United States." Walden University, 2013.
Find full textMkhize, Gabisile Promise. "African Women: An Examination of Collective Organizing Among Grassroots Women in Post Apartheid South Africa." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1357308299.
Full textDrago, Elliott. "NEITHER NORTHERN NOR SOUTHERN: THE POLITICS OF SLAVERY AND FREEDOM IN PHILADELPHIA, 1820-1847." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/428229.
Full textPh.D.
This dissertation examines the conflict over slavery and freedom in Philadelphia from 1820 to 1847. As the northernmost southern city in a state that bordered three slave states, Philadelphia maintained a long tradition of abolitionism and fugitive slave activity. Conflicts that arose over fugitive slaves and the kidnapping of free African-Americans forced Philadelphians to confront the politics of slavery. This dissertation argues that until 1847, Pennsylvania was in effect a slave state. The work of proslavery groups, namely slave masters, their agents, white and black kidnappers, and local, state, and national political supporters, undermined the ostensible successes of state laws designed to protect the freedom of African-Americans in Pennsylvania. Commonly referred to as “liberty laws,” this legislation exposed the inherent difficulty in determining the free or enslaved status of not only fugitive slaves but also African-American kidnapping victims. By studying the specific fugitive or kidnapping cases that inspired these liberty laws, one finds that time and again African-Americans and their allies forced white politicians to grapple with the reality that Pennsylvania was not a safe-haven for African-Americans, regardless of their condition of bondage or freedom. Furthermore, these cases often precipitated into desperate rescues and bloody riots on the streets of Philadelphia; these civil wars in miniature reflected the negotiated and compromised realities of living while black in the city. Ordinary African-Americans living in Philadelphia bore the burden of comity, or friendly relations between states, by practicing what I term “street diplomacy”: the up-close and personal struggles over freedom and slavery that had local, state, and national ramifications. In a larger sense, street diplomacy in Philadelphia magnified the stakes of national comity, i.e. the Union, by showcasing how dividing states by their condition of bondage remained impossible due to permeable geographic borders that fostered perpetual fugitive slave and kidnapping crises. Thus, this dissertation argues that African-Americans and their allies’ struggles with slave-masters, slave-catchers, kidnappers and proslavery politicians disrupted the best efforts of white politicians to maintain a compromised and compromising Union.
Temple University--Theses
Mootoo, Alexis Nicole. "Structural Racism: Racists without Racism in Liberal Institutions within Colorblind States." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6909.
Full textWasow, Omar Tomas. "Three Essays on Race and Politics." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11054.
Full textAfrican and African American Studies
Alexander, Kenneth Cooper. "Developing and Sustaining Political Citizenship for Poor and Marginalized People: The Evelyn T. Butts Story." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1566483543046846.
Full textSimmons, Matthew Ellis. "The Voter ID: The New Black Codes." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216529.
Full textM.A.
The Black Codes were laws set in place by various states-particularly those located in the South-to limit the political power and social influence of African-Americans in the U.S. These laws came into existence during Reconstruction and transformed into the Jim Crow Laws, ushering in a new form of discrimination that sought to subjugate the African-American people under the foot of white power. These laws were overturned by the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The intent of these legislative acts were to guarantee all individuals of voting age the right to participate in the political process of this nation and to affect change in the social fabric of society. In recent years, states have proposed laws that require identification before voting at the voting polls. These laws appear to affect minorities in a negative way, particularly those on a lower socio-economic scale. Are these laws being approved to prevent voter fraud... or are they being used to strip Africans in America of their right to vote? I examine the historical context of the Black Codes and look at the contemporary public policy of the United States through a Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework. I compare these two legislative traditions to identify similarities and continuities. To achieve these goals, I use historical documents, peer-reviewed journals, and other publications to explore this phenomenon, and from there, describe the probable ramifications that these policies will have for the African-American community. This project also evaluates a number of solutions proposed by black political figures to address these challenges, who have offered ways to empower the African-American community to combat the newly-reborn Black Codes.
Temple University--Theses
Dillender, Amber Nichole. "The Integration of African Muslim Minority: A Critique of French Philosophy and Policy." Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3073.
Full textMcKinney, Cynthia Ann. ""El No Murio, El Se Multiplico!" Hugo Chávez : The Leadership and the Legacy on Race." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1431957422.
Full textMack, Brianna Nicole. "Roles of Linked Fate and Black Political Knowledge in Shaping Black Responses to Group Messages." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1534664862644535.
Full textSumner, Lindsay McRae. "Problematizing Humanitarianism: A Critical Analysis of Major American Newspaper Coverage of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243880099.
Full textRemse, Christian. "Vodou and the U.S. Counterculture." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1368710585.
Full textJacobs, Michael D. "Hegemonic Rivalry in the Maghreb: Algeria and Morocco in the Western Sahara Conflict." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4086.
Full textBuchsbaum, Robert Michael III. "The Surprising Role of Legal Traditions in the Rise of Abolitionism in Great Britain’s Development." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416651480.
Full textSmith, Lauren. "The Politics of the Visitor Experience: Remembering Slavery at Museums and Plantations." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1587733890900649.
Full textGonzález, Andrés Emil. "Horror Without End: Narratives of Fear Under Modern Capitalism." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1525201674240955.
Full textFeldhaus, Claudia G. "What's in a Word: The Opposition to Welfare." Xavier University Psychology / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=xupsy1629976679245301.
Full textWhite, Derrick E. ""Not Free, Merely Licensed": The Black Middle Class As Political Language." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1363865000.
Full textMayo-Bobee, Dinah. "African American Experiences." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/730.
Full textBenavente, Gabriel. "Reimagining Movements: Towards a Queer Ecology and Trans/Black Feminism." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3186.
Full textButler, Davina Lee. ""Pride in Our Freedom" : The Political and Social Relationship between the Seminole Maroons and Seminole Indians of Florida, from the 1700s to Removal." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1391610302.
Full textStroman, Walter G. "The essential unity of the American African and the Palestinian Arab: myth or reality?" DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1991. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1699.
Full textAllison, Benjamin V. "Through the Cracks of Detente: US Policy, the Steadfastness and Confrontation Front, and the Coming of the Second Cold War, 1977–1984." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1587394697039162.
Full textSenger, Saesha. "Gender, Politics, Market Segmentation, and Taste: Adult Contemporary Radio at the End of the Twentieth Century." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/music_etds/150.
Full textRoyles, Dan. ""DON'T WE DIE TOO?": THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF AFRICAN AMERICAN AIDS ACTIVISM." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/247947.
Full textPh.D.
This project reveals the untold story of African Americans AIDS activists' fight against HIV and AIDS in black communities. I describe the ways that, from 1985 to 2003, the both challenged public and private granting agencies to provide funds for HIV prevention efforts aimed specifically at black communities, and challenged homophobic attitudes among African Americans that, they believed, perpetuated the spread of the disease through stigma and silence. At the same time, they connected the epidemic among African Americans to racism and inequality within the United States, as well as to the pandemic raging throughout the African Diaspora and in the developing world. In this way, I argue, they contested and renegotiated the social and spatial boundaries of black community in the context of a devastating epidemic. At the same time, I also argue, they borrowed political strategies from earlier moments of black political organizing, as they brought key questions of diversity, equality, and public welfare to bear on HIV and AIDS. As they fought for resources with which to stop HIV and AIDS from spreading within their communities, they struggled over the place of blackness amid the shifting politics of race, class, and health in post-Civil Rights America. Adding their story to the emerging narrative of the history of the epidemic thus yields a more expansive and radical picture of AIDS activism in the United States.
Temple University--Theses
Marchbanks, Jack R. "Pride and Protest in Letters and Song: Jazz Artists and Writers during the Civil RightsMovement, 1955-1965." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1522929258105629.
Full textIsaac, Rochell J. "AFRICAN HUMANISM: A PRAGMATIC PRESCRIPTION FOR FOSTERING SOCIAL JUSTICE AND POLITICAL AGENCY." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/186541.
Full textPh.D.
This study explores an African conception of Humanism as distinct from the European model and challenges the notion that Humanism is an entirely European construct. I argue that the ideological core of Humanism originated in ancient Kemet, the basis of which frames the African worldview. Furthermore, the theoretical framework provided by the African Humanistic paradigm serves as a model for structuring inter and intra group relations, for tackling notions of difference and issues of fundamentalism, for addressing socio-economic political concerns, and finally, to shift the currents of political rhetoric from one of jouissance to a more progressive and pragmatic stance.
Temple University--Theses
Watkins, Trinae. "Panther Power: A Look Inside the Political Hip Hop Music of Tupac Amaru Shakur." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2018. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/165.
Full textFarnia, Navid. "National Liberation in an Imperialist World: Race and the U.S. National Security State, 1959-1980." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563474429728204.
Full textLeanne, Shelly. "African-American initiatives against minority rule in South Africa : a politicized diaspora in world politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259982.
Full textLogan, April Catrina. "Theorizing and Performing Socio-political Representation: Harriet Wilson, Harriet Jacobs, and Pauline Hopkins." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/124006.
Full textPh.D.
"Theorizing and Performing Socio-political Representation: Harriet Wilson, Harriet Jacobs, and Pauline Hopkins" focuses on the performance of gender and sexuality in works by three African American women writers who were also public figures. In this study, I examine what I have named the "politics of representation" in these texts, whereby their authors articulate the benefits and drawbacks of capitalizing on the dual socio-political positions of subject and object in American culture. I argue that Wilson, Jacobs, and Hopkins critique and theorize the public demonstration or performance of gendered and sexually categorized African American bodies to achieve political ends. In particular, they challenge the conflation by whites and by black male leaders of masculinity and political recognition. Contrary to what many scholars have argued, these writers envision a political authority for black women not circumscribed by normative concepts of femininity, masculinity, and sexuality popularized by the dominant culture.
Temple University--Theses
April, Leah Catherine. "The Development of Political Consciousness in the South African Novel." W&M ScholarWorks, 1985. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625314.
Full textSullivan, Brenda Ann. "African-American political empowerment in the realignment era: a case study of the North Carolina General Assembly." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1729.
Full textSampson, Kristin Morgan. "African-American Female Students and STEM| Principals' Leadership Perspectives." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10743506.
Full textAs the U.S. becomes more diverse, school leaders, major corporations, and areas of national defense continue to investigate science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) education issues. African-American female students have historically been underrepresented in STEM fields, yet educational leadership research, examining this population is limited. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore how principals support African-American female students in schools with a STEM program.
The Critical Race Theory (CRT)was used as a theoretical framework to highlight the inadequacies to support educational inequalities. The application of the CRT in this study is due to the embedded inequality practices within the educational system, that have resulted in the underrepresentation of African-American female students in STEM. To complement CRT, the transformative leadership model was also utilized to examine the emancipatory leadership practices principals utilized. These theories framed the context of this study by recognizing the need to address how support is actualized to African-American female students in STEM by their principals.
A case study approach was an appropriate method to answer the two research questions, 1) How do principals feel they support African-American female students in their STEM programs? and 2) What practices do principals engage in that support underrepresented students in STEM? This approach intended to uncover how a principal leads a multifaceted population of underrepresented students in STEM programs. Two principals of STEM schools, where more than 50% of the population were African-American, were interviewed and observed completing daily operations at community-wide events. The STEM Coordinators and a teacher were also interviewed, and test scores were examined to provide further information about the STEM program, and public records were obtained to analyze the principals’ means of communication.
I found that principals supported African-American female students by engaging the community, and exhibiting leadership practices that align with the school culture. The results of this research bring voice to principals who lead schools with thriving STEM programs with majority African American female students. Leaders that exhibit transformative leadership practices by acknowledging race, and recognizing obstacles students of color face, support negating color-blinding ideologies that could impede the progress of all students.
Bensonsmith, Dionne. "Lacking legitimacy: Race, gender and the social construction of African American women in welfare policy 1935--2006." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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