Journal articles: 'African American Political Thought'

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Febriyanti, Irma. "THE POWER OF AMIRI BARAKA’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS TO THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN MOVEMENT IN AMERICA." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v2i2.34259.

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Imamu Amiri Baraka is an artist, activist, and also an African-American leader who was born in Newark, New Jersey. Throughout his prolific career in American literature, he was able to generate some important political issues in defending the Black Power which was a perpetuating challenge for African-American intellectuals in the 1960s-1970s.This research is written under American Studies discipline, which takes politics to gain an African-American politics’ point of view, sociology to explore the theory of race and social conflict in the United States, and cultural studies to understand the struggle of African-Americans towards white Americans.The findings of this research show Baraka’s adeptness in his dual role as artist and politician through his political thoughts which has a never-ending development of his political consciousness. Baraka’s intellectual and political thought formation has moved through verydistinct stages and they are: Black Cultural Nationalism, Black Solidarity and Black Marxism. His final political stage has a broader consciousness that reveals capitalism in the Western world and this revelation of capitalism declared its theme of death and despair, moral and social corruption with its concomitant decrying Western values and ethics, the struggle against selfhatred, and a growing ethnic awareness.Keywords: Amiri Baraka, black power, political thought, African-American politics, andconflict

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McCloud, Aminah Beverly. "African-American Muslim Intellectual Thought." Souls 9, no. 2 (June 6, 2007): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940601057366.

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Harris, Daryl B. "Postmodernist Diversions in African American Thought." Journal of Black Studies 36, no. 2 (November 2005): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934704266077.

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Young, Alford A., and Donald R. Deskins. "Early Traditions of African-American Sociological Thought." Annual Review of Sociology 27, no. 1 (August 2001): 445–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.27.1.445.

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Muwakkil, Salim, and John T. McCartney. "Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought." Contemporary Sociology 22, no. 3 (May 1993): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074515.

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King, Richard H., and John T. McCartney. "Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought." Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993): 753. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080020.

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Kilson, Martin, and John T. McCartney. "Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 1 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206154.

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Morrison, Minion K. C. "Afro-Americans and Africa: Grass Roots Afro-American Opinion and Attitudes toward Africa." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 2 (April 1987): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001450x.

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It has long and widely been assumed that Afro-Americans have a special concern for African affairs, an assumption resulting from the West African ancestry of Afro-Americans. It is thought that these descendants, like other ethnic entities in the United States, desire some form of continuing linkage to the “motherland.” Historically this has been illustrated in several ways: Often descendants of Africa in America have referred to themselves as African and identified their organizations as such (Berry and Blassingame 1982:389), there are direct sociocultural “African survivals” (Herskovits 1958:7), and Afro-Americans often express sympathy for continental “African aspirations” (Hoadley 1972:490). The pinnacle of this may have been reached during the 1960s, a period referred to as the era of cultural nationalism, when African dress, inter alia, was adopted by Afro-Americans (Brisbane 1974:175).

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Agbere, Dawud Abdul-Aziz. "Islam in the African-American Experience." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 150–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i1.2138.

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African-American Islam, especially as practiced by the Nation oflslam, continuesto engage the attention of many scholars. The racial separatist tendency,contrasted against the color blindness of global Islam, has been the focal pointof most of these studies. The historical presence of African Americans in themidst of American racism has been explained as, among other things, the mainimpetus behind African-American nationalism and racial separatism. Islam inthe African-American Experience is yet another attempt to explain this historicalposition. Originally the author's Ph.D. dissertation, the book spans 293pages, including notes, select biographies, indices, and thirteen illustrations. Itstwo parts, "Root Sources" and "Prophets of the City," comprise six chapters; there is also an introduction and an epilogue. The book is particularly designedfor students interested in African-American Islam. The central theme of thebook is the signifktion (naming and identifying) of the African Americanwithin the context of global Islam. The author identifies three factors thatexplain the racial-separatist phenomenon of African-American Islam:American racism, the Pan-African political movements of African-Americansin the early twentieth century, and the historic patterns of racial separatism inIslam. His explanations of the first two factors, though not new to the field ofAfrican-American studies, is well presented. However, his third explanation,which tries to connect the racial-separatist tendency of African-AmericanMuslims to what he tern the “historic pattern of racial separatism” in Islam,seems both controversial and problematic.In his introduction, the author touches on the African American’s sensitivityto signification, citing the long debate in African-American circles. Islam, heargues, offered African Americans two consolations: first, a spiritual, communal,and global meaning, which discoMects them in some way from Americanpolitical and public life; second, a source of political and cultural meaning inAfrican-American popular culture. He argues that a black person in America,Muslim or otherwise, takes an Islamic name to maintain or reclaim Africancultural roots or to negate the power and meaning of his European name. Thus,Islam to the black American is not just a spiritual domain, but also a culturalheritage.Part 1, “Root Sources,” contains two chapters and traces the black Africancontact with Islam from the beginning with Bilal during the time of theProphet, to the subsequent expansion of Islam to black Africa, particularlyWest Africa, by means of conversion, conquest, and trade. He also points to animportant fact: the exemplary spiritual and intellectual qualities of NorthAmerican Muslims were major factors behind black West Africans conversionto Islam. The author discusses the role of Arab Muslims in the enslavement ofAfrican Muslims under the banner of jihad, particularly in West Africa, abehavior the author described as Arabs’ separate and radical agenda for WestAfrican black Muslims. Nonetheless, the author categorically absolves Islam,as a system of religion, from the acts of its adherents (p. 21). This notwithstanding,the author notes the role these Muslims played in the educational andprofessional development of African Muslims ...

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Sesay, Chernoh M. "Struggle on Their Minds: The Political Thought of African American Resistance." Journal of American History 105, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay126.

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Dobson, Jennifer L. "Review: African-American Social and Political Thought edited by Howard Brotz." Explorations in Ethnic Studies ESS-14, no. 1 (August 1, 1994): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ess.1994.14.1.10.

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Blum, Edward J. "“Look, Baby, We Got Jesus on Our Flag”." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 637, no. 1 (July 25, 2011): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211407464.

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Examining debates about the person, place, and meaning of Jesus Christ in African American social development, creative expression, political thought, civil rights activism, international visions, and economic plans, this article suggests that religious discussions have revealed robust democratic cultures. From the age of slavery to the era of Obama, religious discussions and political cultures have been intertwined. Spiritual debates have played a role in community formation; individualism and universalism have worked in tandem; and Jesus Christ—a provincial figure executed thousands of years ago—became essential to international and political visions. This article suggests that Jesus functioned historically in two prominent political ways for African Americans. First, he stood as a counterpoint to American racism that limited the social, legal, political, and cultural rights of African Americans. Second, he functioned as a focus of intraracial and interracial debate, dialogue, and dissension over the role of religion in black politics.

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Jones, Douglas A. "Pragmatics of Democracy: A Political Theory of African American Literature before Emancipation." American Literary History 33, no. 3 (August 3, 2021): 498–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajab046.

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Abstract “Pragmatics of Democracy: A Political Theory of African American Literature before Emancipation” reads scenes of embodied experience in early African American literary culture to theorize how persons come to regard democratic cultures as productive of the most excellent forms of life. The book proposes a typology of these iterative bodily events which dispose persons toward democratic subjectivity: ecstasy, violence, impersonality, respectability, and autonomy. [E]arly African American narratives offer speculations, categories, and hermeneutics concerning democracy grounded in Black life amid new-world chattel slavery that sometimes contradict, sometimes complement those that prevailed in early US political thought.

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Stein, Judith, and Cary D. Wintz. "African American Political Thought, 1890-1930: Washington, Du Bois, Garvey, and Randolph." Journal of Southern History 63, no. 2 (May 1997): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211329.

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Horne, Gerald, and Cary D. Wintz. "African American Political Thought, 1890-1930: Washington, Du Bois, Garvey, and Randolph." Western Historical Quarterly 27, no. 4 (1996): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970545.

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Hall, Stephen G. "African American political thought, 1890-1930: Washington, Du Bois, Garvey, and Randolph." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 34, no. 4 (1998): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199823)34:4<424::aid-jhbs31>3.0.co;2-d.

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Dahl, Adam. "The Black American Jacobins: Revolution, Radical Abolition, and the Transnational Turn." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 3 (August 18, 2017): 633–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716004151.

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While scholars of African American political thought have done a remarkable job centering focus on black thinkers, they still largely frame their endeavor in reference to the geo-political boundaries of the U.S. nation-state, thereby ignoring the transnational and diasporic dynamics of black politics. The consequence is that alternative traditions of thought in the Americas—e.g., Caribbean traditions—are cast as irrelevant to questions of racial exclusion in U.S. political thinking. I seek to correct nation-centric perspectives on U.S. political thought and development by demonstrating the utility of the “transnational turn.” Drawing on the framework developed in C.L.R. James’s The Black Jacobins, I trace how an influential cohort of abolitionists in the antebellum United States looked to the Haitian Revolution as a model for the overthrow of slavery. Engaging the writings and speeches of David Walker, James Theodore Holly, and Frederick Douglass, I then argue that radical abolitionists operated in the same ideological problem-space as Haitian revolutionaries and adopted a specific model of revolution as much indebted to Haitian political thought as Anglo-American models of anti-colonial revolt. By implication, racially egalitarian movements and moments in U.S. political development cannot be adequately understood with exclusive reference to national traditions of thought.

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Kamugisha, Aaron. "Review: African American Anti-Colonial Thought, 1917–1937." Race & Class 59, no. 2 (October 2017): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817722681.

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Lai-Henderson, Selina. "Color around the Globe: Langston Hughes and Black Internationalism in China." MELUS 45, no. 2 (2020): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlaa016.

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Abstract Langston Hughes was the first African American writer to set foot on Chinese soil. Having visited Mexico, Europe, and West Africa before he turned twenty-two, Hughes eventually also made his way to the Soviet Union, Japan, and China in 1933. At the age of thirty-one, he accomplished what none of his contemporaries or predecessors had been able to achieve—to rewrite the public image of African Americans in the Chinese cultural and intellectual imagination. Crucially, his visit to China pushed beyond the limits of black internationalism as he responded to American and European global hegemony through using China as an experimental ground. At a time when the Soviet Union held center stage in communist revolutionary thought, Hughes's Chinese encounters challenged the assumption within the American and African American communities that China was largely irrelevant in the discourse of proletarianism. The internationalist perspectives that he obtained from the sojourn offered him a powerful tool to communicate the struggles of black citizenship at home in a global context. It stimulated a racial consciousness that defied national, geographical, and political boundaries of the US color line.

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Gooding-Williams, Robert. "Response to Melanye T. Price's review of In the Shadow of Du Bois: Afro-Modern Political Thought in America." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001386.

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In In the Shadow of Du Bois, I argue that Du Bois' early political thought, as mainly expressed in The Souls of Black Folk, turns on three critical claims: 1) that African American politics is a practice of group leadership—thus, a practice of group rule, or governance, for Du Bois interprets leadership as a form of rule, or governance; 2) that African American politics should take the form of political expressivism, such that it expresses the spiritual identity of the black folk; and 3) that African American struggles to counter white supremacy are best understood as struggles against social exclusion. In her review of In the Shadow, Melanye Price notes that the “book emphasizes” claims 1 and 2, yet neglects to discuss its treatment of 3, which is no less critical to the book's argument and to which I will return.

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HOOKER, JULIET. "“A Black Sister to Massachusetts”: Latin America and the Fugitive Democratic Ethos of Frederick Douglass." American Political Science Review 109, no. 4 (November 2015): 690–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541500043x.

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The aim of this article is to read Frederick Douglass as a theorist of democracy. It explores the hemispheric dimensions of Douglass' political thought, especially in relation to multiracial democracy. Douglass is generally viewed as an African-American thinker primarily concerned with U.S. politics, and the transnational scope of his ideas is rarely acknowledged. Instead, this article traces the connections between Douglass’ Caribbean interventions and his arguments about racial politics in the United States. It argues that Douglass not only found exemplars of black self-government and multiracial democracy in the Caribbean and Central America, he also sought to incorporate black and mixed-race Latin Americans in order to reshape the contours of the U.S. polity and challenge white supremacy. Viewed though a hemispheric lens Douglass is revealed as a radically democratic thinker whose ideas can be utilized to sketch a fugitive democratic ethos that contains important resources for contemporary democratic theory and comparative political theory.

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Price, Melanye T. "Response to Robert Gooding-Williams' review of Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African American Public Opinion." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 899. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001362.

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In Dreaming Blackness, I had two major goals. First, I hoped to elucidate how changes in the American racial landscape have impacted African American support for black nationalism. To this end, I used a mixed methodological approach that included both statistical and qualitative analysis and allowed me to make claims based on a national cross section of African Americans and on more intimate discussions in smaller groups. Second, I wanted to ground my arguments in a robust discussion of African American political thought. This would ensure that my hypotheses and findings were resonant with a longitudinal understanding of how black nationalist ideology is characterized. Robert Gooding-Williams, with some caveats, suggests that I have accomplished these goals. I now address his two areas of concern related to evolving definitions of black nationalism and possible alternative interpretations, and I conclude by addressing our differing impressions of the future viability of this ideological option.

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Khawaja, Mabel. "Islam and Arabs in Early American Thought." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 4 (January 1, 1992): 570–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i4.2544.

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The introduction to this book credits the author with clarifying theoperative attitudes of Americans towards Islam by looking at the causeand result of the Muslim image in American literature. However, regretis expressed that Sha'ban had to be heroically selective about a subjectradiating in many rich directions. Apparently, the book offers fresh insightsand new possibilities for exploration and discovery, therebycontributing significantly to the enhancement of a literary tradition thatcame to the forefront with Said's Orientalism. Sha'ban studies orientalismin tenns of America's exposure to and understanding of Islam by focusingon Muslims of nineteenth-century North Africa and the Middle East.Even though the book's thrust is political, Sha 'ban challenges the readerto review familiar American writers and trends from an unfamiliar perspectiveas he traces the historically biased approach of Americans intheir dealings with the Muslim world.In chapter one, “A Place for My People,“ the author explains howAmerica’s Puritan beginnings shaped its self-image and its attitude towads“the Arab world, its people and land.” The Pilgrims saw themselvesas the chosen people in a promised land. Under the umbrella of aprovidential plan and the divine covenant, they were heirs to the kingdomof God in the new world and therefore shared a common responsibilityto execute the divine mission. Unlike European monamhs who relied onreligion for personal privilege (i.e., the Divine Right theory), Puritansshifted away from emphasizing the personal and private aspects of Christianityto its communal or corporate nature. They constantly endorsedtheir national responsibility to share the benefits of their chosen status ascitizens of God’s kingdom with the rest of the world ...

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Lyle, Monique L. "Effects of Anti-Black Political Messages on Self-Esteem." Journal of Experimental Political Science 2, no. 1 (2015): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2014.27.

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AbstractThis study examines how anti-Black political rhetoric affects race-specific collective self-esteem (R-CSE) and internal political efficacy among African–Americans and Whites. Results from an experiment in which subjects received an anti-Black stereotype-accentuating message attributed to either a political figure or an “ordinary American,” or no message at all, demonstrate that the political message undermined how African–Americans regard their own racial group, activated beliefs about how others regard African–Americans as a predictor of how African–Americans regard their own racial group, and undermined internal political efficacy. For Whites, the results demonstrate that the political message moderated the relationship between how they regard their own racial group and beliefs about how others regard their racial group, though the political message did not significantly increase or decrease racial group-regard or political efficacy overall. These results provide empirical confirmation of the role that government and politics can play in self-esteem.

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Radney, El-Ra Adair. "A Place in the Sun: Black Placemaking in Pan African Detroit." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 3 (March 19, 2019): 316–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719834696.

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The article argues that a distinctive character of the Black city is revealed in its connections to African heritage preservation. The Africanized Black city is situated within the long foundations of Pan African thought. A main assertion is that Black dignity is (re)instilled through the reconstruction of Afrocentric identity and philosophy for the Black urbanite navigating the unresolved problem(s) of the color line. Pan African legacies in the African American encounter with the modern city erected the localization of “African Home,” where the spiritual citizenship inhabited by Pan African architects generated an agency of self-determination in Black placemaking. In this way, Black placemaking “refers to the ways that Black Americans create sites of endurance, belonging, and resistance through social interaction.”

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Kirkwood, Patrick M. "Alexander Hamilton and the Early Republic in Edwardian Imperial Thought." Britain and the World 12, no. 1 (March 2019): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2019.0311.

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In the first decade of the twentieth century, a rising generation of British colonial administrators profoundly altered British usage of American history in imperial debates. In the process, they influenced both South African history and wider British imperial thought. Prior usage of the Revolution and Early Republic in such debates focused on the United States as a cautionary tale, warning against future ‘lost colonies’. Aided by the publication of F. S. Oliver's Alexander Hamilton (1906), administrators in South Africa used the figures of Hamilton and George Washington, the Federalist Papers, and the drafting of the Constitution as an Anglo-exceptionalist model of (modern) self-government. In doing so they applied the lessons of the Early Republic to South Africa, thereby contributing to the formation of the Union of 1910. They then brought their reconception of the United States, and their belief in the need for ‘imperial federation’, back to the metropole. There they fostered growing diplomatic ties with the US while recasting British political history in-light-of the example of American federation. This process of inter-imperial exchange culminated shortly after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles when the Boer Generals Botha and Smuts were publicly presented as Washington and Hamilton reborn.

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Sullivan, Jaswant M., and Marijke Breuning. "UNDERSTANDING DIVERSITY IN AFRICAN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT: COMPARING DU BOIS, WASHINGTON, GARVEY AND ELIJAH MUHAMMAD." Southeastern Political Review 28, no. 2 (November 12, 2008): 213–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2000.tb00574.x.

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Anthony, David Henry. "Max Yergan Encounters South Africa: Theological Perspectives On Race." Journal of Religion in Africa 34, no. 3 (2004): 235–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066041725466.

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AbstractWhile scholarship on the missionary encounter with Southern Africa has grown ever more sophisticated over the last decade, with a few notable exceptions scholars have tended to ignore religious traditions other than those of the 'historic' European churches. This paper sheds light upon one such overlooked tradition, that of the African-American sojourner Max Yergan (1892-1975), who worked in South Africa between 1922 and 1936 under the auspices of the North American YMCA. While he is known generally as a public figure who subsequently exerted influence upon a surprisingly broad range of political actors and events in and beyond South Africa, little has been written about a body of texts that help to reveal the evolution of his social thought and practice in South Africa. For nearly fifteen years Yergan left behind a trail of writings (which hitherto have not been explored) in local and overseas publications, together with numerous rich caches of correspondence, and inspired reportage in YMCA, Student Christian Association (SCA), African training school and mission periodicals. Much of this work was religiously inspired, and theological or missiological in content. Representative examples of this oeuvre are here deployed to provide a sense of Yergan's worldview, its relationship to his South African mission and his later career outside of it.

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Nnamani, Amuluche-Greg. "The Flow of African Spirituality into World Christianity." Mission Studies 32, no. 3 (October 15, 2015): 331–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341413.

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Much of the spirituality peculiar to African Christians bears traces of the influence of African Traditional Religions (atr). Prayer traditions like incantations, melodious choruses and appeal to spirits, typical of atr, have infiltrated the religious life of African Christians both at home and in Diaspora, amongst Christians in the mainline churches as well as in the African Independent Churches. Though the flow of African spiritual heritage into Christianity happened in the early history of Christianity, it accelerated in the lives of slaves in diaspora in the West Indies, the Americas and Europe. Today, the process continues amongst African migrants fleeing the unbearable political and economic strangulations in Africa; they migrate with their culture and spirituality and impact on Christianity worldwide. It is the intent of this paper therefore to explore how the African mystic sentiment, frenzied excitement and spirit-laden spirituality, which combine the sacred and the secular in practical life, influenced Christian worship and thought down the ages and, in recent times, contributed to the emergence of the Pentecostal and charismatic spirituality.

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Rüter, Alexander. "Politics that Matter in Nas’s "Illmatic"." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 13, no. 1 (April 28, 2022): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2022.13.1.4423.

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This essay focusses on a single, seminal piece of American hip-hop music: Nas’s Illmatic. Taking prompts from ANT and new materialism, and from Bruno Latour more specifically, I argue that Illmatic can and should be read as an exploration of the specific urban ecology from which it originated. This ecology is one of the urban landscape of New York’s housing projects as much as of the social practices of their inhabitants. At the same time, it is a concrete articulation, to borrow Latour’s famous phrase, of the racist policies that those who planned and oversaw its construction aimed to enforce. Though Nas’s music is often thought of as not as explicitly political as that of Public Enemy or KRS-One, a reading of it in this context reveals that it has no less political potential. Throughout the album, there is a detailed and complex engagement with the housing projects and how they contain and modify the possible mental landscapes of those who inhabit them. Incarceration, a central question for both Nas and Black America, must then be thought of as something that is not limited to the milieu of the prison. Instead, it is the prevailing condition in the urban ecologies of the housing projects. This imprisonment Nas understands in two ways: materially and mentally, working on bodies and working on minds. The very possibilities of thought are limited and formed by the ecologies of concrete that they take place in. Ultimately, through a close and careful reading of Illmatic, it becomes clear that the oppression of African Americans is not simply a social one: it is material. The housing projects themselves are an attempt to construct an urban environment that constrains thought, to make impossible the imagination of an alternative.

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Durham, Aisha. "On Collards1." International Review of Qualitative Research 10, no. 1 (May 2017): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/irqr.2017.10.1.22.

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Durham describes autoethnography as a spiritual act of political self-determination and reclamation in a narrative that privileges the matrifocal ritual of cooking collards. As a site of creative, intellectual, and political production, Durham uses the kitchen to connect to the living memories of her mothers, broader Southern Black American culture, and black feminist thought. She also uses foodways to link the lived experiences of women of African descent who recall, remember, and represent their interior worlds in word.

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Pinderhughes, Dianne. "DISGUST, VISIBLE VENERATION, AND ROSA PARKS: African American Visions of a Democratic America." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 2, no. 2 (September 2005): 303–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x05050228.

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Melissa Victoria Harris-Lacewell, Barbershops, Bibles, and BET: Everyday Talk and Black Political Thought. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004, 336 pages, ISBN: 0-691-11405-6, Cloth, $37.95.Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003, 496 pages, ISBN: 0-8078-2778-9, Cloth, $34.95, ISBN: 0-8078-5616-9, Paper, $19.95.Ange-Marie Hancock, The Politics of Disgust: The Public Identity of the Welfare Queen. New York: New York University Press, 2004, 210 pages, ISBN: 0-814-736-580, Cloth, $60.00, ISBN: 0-814-736-70X, Paper, $20.00.

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Bromell. "“That Third and Darker Thought”: African-American Challenges to the Political Theories of Jacques Rancière and Axel Honneth." Critical Philosophy of Race 7, no. 2 (2019): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/critphilrace.7.2.0261.

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McKay, Nellie Y. "Guest Column: Naming the Problem That Led to the Question “Who Shall Teach African American Literature?”; or, Are We Ready to Disband the Wheadey Court?" PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 113, no. 3 (May 1998): 359–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900061307.

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We whose names are underwritten, do assure the World, that the poems in the following Page, were (as we verily believe,) written by phillis, a young Negro Girl, who was but a few Years since, brought an uncultivated Barbarian from Africa. […] She has been examined by some of the best Judges, and is thought qualified to write them.Attestation in Phillis Wheatley'sPoems on Various Subjects, Religious and MoralThe poems written by this young negro bear no endemial marks of solar fire or spirit. They are merely imitative; and, indeed, most of those people have a turn for imitation, though they have little or none for invention.Anonymous reviewer of Wheatley's poems in 1764 (Shields 267)It was not natural. And she was the first. […] Phillis Miracle Wheatley: The first Black human being to be published in America. […] But the miracle of Black poetry in America, the difficult miracle of Black poetry in America, is that we have been rejected […] frequently dismissed […] because, like Phillis Wheatley, we have persisted for freedom. […] And it was not natural. And she was the first. […] This is the difficult miracle of Black poetry in America; that we persist, published or not, and loved or unloved: we persist.June Jordan (252, 254, 261)More than two hundred years have gone by since the spring of 1773, when Phillis Wheatley, subject of the epigraphs of this essay, an African slave girl and the first person of her racial origin to publish a book in North America, collected her best poems and submitted them to public scrutiny. In search of authentication, she appeared with them before eighteen white men of high social and political esteem, “the best Judges” for such a case in colonial Boston. Wheatley's owners and supporters arranged this special audience to promote her as a writer. According to popular wisdom of the time, Africans were intellectually incapable of producing literature. None of the Anglo-Americans beyond her immediate circle could imagine her reading and writing well enough to create poetry.

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STOW, SIMON. "Agonistic Homegoing: Frederick Douglass, Joseph Lowery, and the Democratic Value of African American Public Mourning." American Political Science Review 104, no. 4 (November 2010): 681–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000481.

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What does the furor over the “politicization” of Coretta Scott King's funeral reveal about contemporary black mourning practices? What does it reveal about black political thought, rhetoric, and practice? Identifying two key modes of mourning and their concomitant conceptions of democracy, this article situates the funeral within a tradition of self-consciously political responses to loss that played a significant role in abolitionism and the struggle for civil rights. Tracing the tradition's origins, and employing the speeches of Frederick Douglass as an exemplar, it considers the approach's democratic value and the consequences of its failure. Arguing that the response to the King funeral indicates that the tradition is in decline, the article locates causes of this decline in significant changes among the black population and in the complex consequences of the tradition's previous successes. It concludes by considering the decline's potentially negative impact, both for African Americans and for the broader political community.

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Wilson, George, and Vincent J. Roscigno. "JOB AUTHORITY AND EMERGING RACIAL INCOME INEQUALITIES IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 1 (December 19, 2016): 349–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000333.

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AbstractHas the adoption of “new governance” reforms over the last two decades eroded the public sector as a long-standing occupational niche for African Americans? Utilizing data from the General Social Survey, we address this issue in the context of earnings “returns” to three levels of job authority for African American men and women relative to their White counterparts. Findings, derived from analyses of three waves of the General Social Survey, indicate that the acceleration of this “business model” of work organization in the public sector has had relatively profound and negative consequences for African American income. Specifically, racial parity in earnings returns at all levels of authority in the “pre-reform” period (1992–1994) progressively eroded during “early reform” (2000–2002) and then even more so during the “late reform” (2010–2012) period. Much of this growing public sector disadvantage—a disadvantage that is approaching that seen in the private sector—is driven largely by income gaps between White and African American men, although a similar (though smaller) racial gap is witnessed among women. We conclude by discussing the occupational niche status of public sector work for African Americans, calling for further analyses of the growing inequality patterns identified in our analyses, and drawing attention to the implications for contemporary racial disadvantages.

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Mani, Manimangai. "Racial Awareness in Phillis Wheatley’s Selected Poems." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 56 (July 2015): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.56.74.

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Slavery in America began when Africans were brought in as slaves to the North American Colony of Jamestown Virginia around 1619. Slavery in America lasted for almost four hundred years though the trade was legally abolished by Britain in March 1807 (Walvin 163). Although the trade ended, slavery itself continued to survive. Phillis Wheatley (1753-1784) is considered the first prominent Black writer in the United States to publish a book of imaginative writing. She is also the first to start the African-American literary tradition, as well as the African-American women literary tradition. Her work, which was derivative, was published in the collection, Poems on Various Subjects (1773) and in various magazines. Her choice of words was mostly biblical where it helped to camouflage her view on slavery. This paper intends to show that all of Wheatley’s poems actually carried the theme of freedom. She has intelligently used this theme to articulate her desires in a subtle manner. On the surface, the poems are all preaching the greatness of Christianity to the readers and urging them to find solace through religion. She shows her racial awareness and resistance through various themes of the poems that she wrote. This paper highlights Wheatley’s disapproval of slavery through her praise for religion, political commentaries, supporting elegies and death and finally through her escapism into an imaginary world.

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Williams, Daniel G. "'Assimilation through Self-Assertion': Aspects of African American and Welsh Thought in the Nineteenth Century." Comparative American Studies An International Journal 8, no. 2 (June 2010): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/147757010x12677983681352.

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Ogunyemi, Folabomi L. "Trauma and Empowerment in Tina McElroy Ansa’s Ugly Ways." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 3 (January 11, 2021): 331–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720986424.

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Ugly Ways (1993) by Tina McElroy Ansa has been overlooked as a significant contribution to African American feminist literary fiction. This paper performs a close reading examining the novel’s thematic intersection of Black feminist theory and trauma theory. Part one of this essay defines Black feminist theory and outlines key concepts of Black feminist thought. Parts two and three focus on the protagonist, Esther “Mudear” Lovejoy, and analyze her “change” through the lenses of Black feminist theory and trauma theory, respectively, highlighting the ways in which Ugly Ways articulates a conception of Black womanhood defined in equal parts by empowerment and psychic pain. Part four argues that Black feminist theory and trauma theory are not just compatible, but consonant. Ultimately, Ugly Ways depicts African American women as complex human subjects and moves beyond conventional historical, literary, and popular representations.

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Helbling, Mark. "Alain Locke: Personality and the Problematic of Pragmatism in the Construction of Race." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000212x.

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In the current interest in American pragmatism, the role of African American intellectuals within that tradition, together with questions of race and ethnic identity, has increasingly been given serious attention. Cornel West, for example, argued in The American Evasion of Philosophy (1989) that pragmatism represented our most important intellectual tradition for confronting the inequalities that existed due to “hierarchies based on class, race, gender and sexual orientation.” Nevertheless, West claimed, it was a flawed tradition still limited in its intellectual and social reach because “the complex formulations and arguments of American pragmatists shape and are shaped by the social structures that exploit and oppress.” Given this claim, West challenged his readers to expand “the pragmatist canon to encompass a major body of critical reflection on ‘race’ and racism in the United States.”Of those who have responded to West's challenge, Nancy Fraser was one of the first to link her critical project directly with that of his. In “Another Pragmatism: Alain Locke, Critical ‘Race’ Theory, and the Politics of Culture” (1995), Fraser writes, “I intend to take up Cornel West's challenge. I am going to discuss a recently rediscovered work by another African-American theorist of ‘race’ and racism who was trained in philosophy at Harvard under Josiah Royce and William James early in this century and who also deserves a place in the “pragmatist pantheon.” Thus, whereas W E. B. Du Bois was the only African American to appear in West's “pragmatist pantheon,” Fraser gave a careful reading of five lectures that Locke gave at Howard University in the spring of 1916 — “Race Contacts and Interracial Relations: A Study of the Theory and Practice of Race” — to establish his pragmatic credentials. These credentials, however, included his specific use of race as a form of social solidarity; that is, as an expression of group solidarity, race served to articulate as well as shape the cultural and political needs of African Americans. For this reason, Fraser argued that although “pragmatism undoubtedly lay at the core of Locke's 1916 vision,” his “lectures present a strand of pragmatist thought that differs importantly from the mainstream of the movement.”

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Morrison, Minion K. C. "Intragroup Conflict in African–American Leadership: The Case of Tchula, Mississippi." Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 4 (October 1990): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016704.

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Black electoral leaders in the post-civil rights South have exhibited broad agreement on the nature of the political task of displacing unresponsive white elites from power and directing attention to the previously excluded black constituency. There are a few cases, however, in which the commonly expected solidarity and consensus among the black elected leaders has not occurred, despite intensified hostility from the white elite. In this analysis these circumstances are explored from one small town in Mississippi where blacks won nearly total administrative control in 1977. However, the apparent leadership consensus, though fragile, quickly evaporated, due to conflicts of ideology, class, idiosyncrasy, and racial invidiousness. This ultimately led to administrative paralysis in the allocation and management of scarce political goods. In this town where there were broad disagreements between three sets of political contenders, each sought to dominate the policy process by staffing various public positions. The scarcity of these positions, the diametrically opposed goals of the contenders, and the precariousness of the control exerted even by the administrative leadership produced a hopeless struggle. Eventually the government crumbled. Analysis reveals that the complex sociopolitical environment and certain aspects of the political structure contributed to this breakdown. The rapid development of a tripartite leadership cleavage was hardly accommodated by political structures designed to serve the ends of a racial caste system. The fragility of the political environment and the absence of structural mechanisms for conflict resolution severely diminished the ability of the new leaders to perform.

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Ogungbure, Adebayo. "The Political Economy of Niggerdom: W. E. B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr. on the Racial and Economic Discrimination of Black Males in America." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 3 (March 19, 2019): 273–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719834828.

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In The Color of Money, Baradaran argues that the defining feature of America’s racial divide is the wealth gap which is where the seeds of historic anti-Black injustice and the present economic sufferings of African Americans were sown. While exploring the philosophical thoughts of W. E. B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr., this essay grapples with such roots of anti-Black economic injustice by highlighting how the American capitalist economy was designed to, ultimately, destroy Black families through the exclusion of Black males from the system of wealth creation. I argue that insights from the structural, socio-political and economic critiques of W. E. B Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr. reveal how America operated a “political economy of niggerdom”—a system that utilizes various modes of anti-Black misandry, and the stereotype of criminalization as the basis for racial and economic discrimination against Black males.

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Akyeampong, Emmanuel K. "Race, Identity and Citizenship in Black Africa: The Case of the Lebanese in Ghana." Africa 76, no. 3 (August 2006): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0033.

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AbstractAs we approach the post-colonial half century, transnationalism has become a major reality in Africa and the wider world with the proliferation of immigrants, refugees and displaced persons. But transnationalism is not a new development, and diaspora and globalization – both historical processes – have long served as contexts for the remaking of identity, citizenship and polity. Today, concepts such as ‘cosmopolitanism’ and ‘flexible citizenship’ are in vogue in a globalized world, as transnationalism challenges statist concepts of political citizenship. In this article, using the case of Ghana, I revisit the historic presence of a Lebanese diaspora in west Africa from the 1860s, and the intellectual and political obstacles that have worked against their full incorporation as active political citizens. I seek to understand why the prospect of non-black citizenship was considered problematic in black Africa during the era of decolonization, interrogating the institutional legacies of colonial rule and pan-Africanist thought. The intellectual rigidity of pan-Africanism on race is contrasted with current notions of the constructedness of identity. I probe the ways in which the Lebanese in Ghana constructed their identities, and how these facilitated or obstructed assimilation. As African governments seek to tap into the resources of the new African communities in Europe and North America, the article suggests the timeliness of exploring alternative criteria to indigeneity when defining citizenship in black Africa.

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Magness, Phillip W. "THE AMERICAN SYSTEM AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF BLACK COLONIZATION." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 37, no. 2 (June 2015): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837215000206.

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From 1816 through to the end of the Civil War, the colonization of emancipated slaves in Africa and the American tropics occupied a prominent place in federal policy discussions. Although colonization has traditionally been interpreted as an aberration in anti-slavery thought on account of its dubious racial legacy and discounted for its impracticality, its political persistence remains a challenge for historians of the antebellum era. This article offers an explanation by identifying a distinctive economic strain of colonization in the moderate anti-slavery advocacy of Mathew Carey, Henry Clay, and Abraham Lincoln. From the nullification crisis until the Civil War, adherents of this strain effectively integrated colonization into the American System of political economy. Their efforts were undertaken to both reconcile their respective anti-slavery views with a raw-material-dependent domestic industrialization program, and to adapt American System insights to an intended program of gradual, compensated emancipation.

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Ambar, Saladin. "Du Bois and James at Harvard: The Challenges of Fraternal Pairings and Racial Theory." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 4, no. 2 (July 29, 2019): 352–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2019.21.

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AbstractThis article seeks to illuminate the relationship between two of the most important figures in American political thought: the pragmatist philosopher William James, and the pioneering civil rights leader and intellectual, W.E.B. Du Bois. As Harvard's first African American PhD, Du Bois was a critical figure in theorizing about race and identity. His innovative take on double consciousness has often been attributed to his contact with James who was one of Du Bois's most critical graduate professors at Harvard. But beyond the view of the two thinkers as intellectual collaborators, is the fraught history of liberal racial fraternal pairing and its role in shaping national identity. This article examines Du Bois and James's relationship in the context of that history, one marked by troubled associations between friendship and race.

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German, Daniel, and Caitlin Lally. "A Profile of Americans’ Media Use and Political Socialization Effects: Television and the Internet's Relationship to Social Connectedness in the USA." Policy Futures in Education 5, no. 3 (September 2007): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2007.5.3.327.

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This research project traces the media use habits of children and adults. Over time, television consumption is increasing even though computer and Internet activities are also rapidly increasing. The American people are consuming greater amounts of electronic media while traditional newspaper use is declining. It appears that people are not connecting face to face as much as in the past and live more and more in the individualized world of media. Furthermore, a digital divide based on socio-economic status and race is evident. Blacks use television more than Whites and Hispanics and African Americans and Hispanics use the computer less than Whites. Both of the developments of increased media use and the digital divide do not bode well for (1) building the social capital of connectedness, and (2) widening access to political information which fuels democracy. The political socialization process and hence American political culture are developing new patterns which should be carefully monitored in the future.

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Hagan, John, Carla Shedd, and Monique R. Payne. "Race, Ethnicity, and Youth Perceptions of Criminal Injustice." American Sociological Review 70, no. 3 (June 2005): 381–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240507000302.

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This paper advances a comparative conflict theory of racial and ethnic similarities and differences in youth perceptions of criminal injustice. We use HLM models to test six conflict hypotheses with data from more than 18,000 Chicago public school students. At the micro-level African American youth are more vulnerable to police contacts than are Latinos, who are more at risk than whites, and there is a corresponding gradient in minority group perceptions of injustice. When structural sources of variation in adolescents' experiences are taken into account, however, minority youth perceptions of criminal injustice appear more similar to one another, while remaining distinct from those of white youth. At the micro-level, Latino youth respond more strongly and negatively to police contacts, even though they experience fewer of them. At the macrolevel, as white students in schools increase cross-sectionally, perceptions of injustice among both African American and Latino youth at first intensify and then ultimately abate. Although there are again signs of a gradient, African American and Latino responses to school integration also are as notable in their similarities as in their differences. Reduced police contacts and meaningful school integration are promising mechanisms for diminishing both adolescent African American and Latino perceptions of criminal injustice.

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Bolden, Tony. "Reflections on Black Visual Artist Doug Redd." Journal of Foreign Languages and Cultures 4, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.53397/hunnu.jflc.202002013.

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This essay was inspired by the death and devastation related to the pandemic of Covid-19 which intensified the ways that preexisting sociopolitical contradictions affected black people. Before the pandemic it was commonplace for thinkers to describe themselves as radicals. However, in the moment of crisis, their voices were often silent or they offered superficial commentaries. And the magnitude of their limitations—conflating moral protestations with political analyses, for instance—evoked memories of perceptive thinkers that I knew as a young man, such as visual artist Doug Redd whose worldview and aesthetics exemplify our need for alternative sensibilities, perspectives, and centers of thought in African American culture.

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Pulido, Laura, and Juan De Lara. "Reimagining ‘justice’ in environmental justice: Radical ecologies, decolonial thought, and the Black Radical Tradition." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 1, no. 1-2 (March 2018): 76–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2514848618770363.

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In this article, we rethink the spatial and racial politics of the environmental justice movement in the United States by linking it to abolitionist theories that have emerged from the Black Radical Tradition, to critical theories of urban ecology, and to decolonial epistemologies rooted in the geopolitics of Las Americas. More specifically, we argue that environmental justice organizing among multi-racial groups is an extension of the Black Radical Tradition's epistemic legacy and historical commitment to racial justice. The article is divided into two parts. First, we review how this remapping of environmental justice through the lens of the Black Radical Tradition and decolonial border thinking reshapes our understanding of anti-racist organizing. Part of our remapping includes an examination of African American and Latinx social movement organizing to reveal how such geographies of interracial solidarity can reframe abolitionist politics to take nature and space seriously. In the second part of the article, we present a series of maps that illustrate the geography, temporality, and inter-racial solidarity between Chicanx social movement organizations and the Black Radical Tradition. Our mapping includes identifying sites of interracial convergence that have explicitly and implicitly deployed abolitionist imaginaries to combat the production of racialized capitalist space. We use environmental justice to argue for a model of abolitionist social movement organizing that invites interracial convergence by imagining urban political ecologies that are free of the death-dealing spaces necessary for racial capitalism to thrive.

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Israel-Trummel, Mackenzie L., and Ariela Schachter. "Does Shared Social Disadvantage Cause Black–Latino Political Commonality?" Journal of Experimental Political Science 6, no. 1 (June 19, 2018): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2018.15.

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AbstractShared social disadvantage relative to Whites is assumed to motivate inter-minority political behavior but we lack causal evidence. Using a survey experiment of 1,200 African Americans, we prompt respondents to consider group social position when evaluating political commonality with Latinos. The experiment describes racial disparities in a randomized domain (education or housing), varies the description of inequality (either Black versus White, Latino versus White, or Black and Latino versus White), and offers half of the respondents a political cue to test whether shared social disadvantage causes Blacks’ perceptions of political commonality with Latinos. We find little evidence of a causal relationship. We conclude that cross-racial minority political coalitions may be more difficult to activate than previously thought.

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Journal articles on the topic 'African American Political Thought'

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