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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'African American Political Thought'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Cooney, Christopher Thomas. "Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed." PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3238.

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American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it.

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2

Metsner, Michael. "“Save the Young People”: The Generational Politics of Racial Solidarity in Black Cleveland, 1906–1911." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1270058042.

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3

Davis, Samuel. "“HERE THEY ARE IN THE LOWEST STATE OF SOCIAL GRADATION —ALIENS—POLITICAL—MORAL—SOCIAL ALIENS, STRANGERS, THOUGH NATIVES”: REMOVAL AND COLONIZATION IN THE OLD NORTHWEST, 1815-1870." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/592641.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines African colonization and Native removal colonization schemes and their relationship to the development of states carved out of the Northwest Territory. Colonization advocates sought to expunge the nation of slavery, free blacks, and native peoples to make a white republic. This research contends that colonization promoted racial nationalism by campaigning for a safe and homogenous nation free of slavery, ‘degraded’ free blacks, and dangerous Native Americans. It explores the execution and afterlives of American projects for African colonization, through the American Colonization Society, and Native Removal in the Old Northwest. It examines the rhetoric and procedures related to the colonization of Native Americans in the West and free blacks to Liberia in which government officials, journalists, settlers, businessmen, missionaries, and clergy in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois traded in fears of racial degradation and national security as a means to generate fiscal support and positive public opinion for legislation and policies that attempted to create a white republic. Colonizationists appropriated imperial relocation solutions to the domestic problems of black freedom and Native sovereignty that they construed as prohibitory to national expansion and development. Ventures to deport Native Americans and African Americans successfully constructed them as dangerous aliens within the nation that validated their exclusion. In their resistance African Americans, Native Americans, and their allies adapted, fled, petitioned, ridiculed, and negotiated with colonizationist endeavors to maintain residence in the Midwest. The fictions of colonization, driven by its rhetoric, required new constructions about black and Native degradation to justify the calls for their removal.
Temple University--Theses

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4

Forrester, Katrina Max. "Liberalism and realism in American political thought, 1950-1990." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283922.

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5

Williams, Ryan. "Mbeki's Africanism : the intellectual and political thought of Thabo Mbeki." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8991.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-104).
This dissertation examines and analyses the intellectual and political thought of Thabo Mbeki. The study examines Mbeki’s thought throughout his political career from his political activism during the anti-apartheid movement to his rise as major leader in the ANC and the government. The thesis argues that analysing the intellectual and political thought of a practicing politician requires moving beyond conventional ideas relating to the work of political intellectuals. The thesis establishes the importance of Mbeki's political activism and political career to the content of his political thought. The study locates Mbeki' s intellectual and political thought within the body of intellectual work that forms part of history of modern African political thought. The research also establishes that Mbeki's thought cannot be located solely in one political tradition and that the movement in his political ideas corresponds to the different phases of South African political history. The thesis argues that during the struggle against apartheid Mbeki's political thought has a distinctly revolutionary Marxist character but as result of the transition to freedom there is a movement towards issues of race and culture as well as the appropriation of certain features of Marxist-Leninism in Mbeki's idea of political leadership and political practice. The thesis concludes by arguing that Mbeki's political thought is a critical contribution to the history of modern African political thought.

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6

Mauro, Robert M. "Hegel's influence on American political thought : an analysis of the American Progressive movement." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64173.pdf.

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7

Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "African American Experiences." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/730.

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8

Iton, Richard. "Political ideology and the black American community." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22357.

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9

Evans, Jazmin Antwynette. "Scientific Racism's Role in the Social Thought of African Intellectual, Moral, and Physical inferiority." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/581847.

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African American Studies
M.A.
Scientific Racism was a method used by some to legitimize racist social thought without any compelling scientific evidence. This study seeks to identify, through the Afrocentric Paradigm, some of these studies and how they have influenced the modern western institution of medicine. It is also the aim of this research to examine the ways Africans were exploited by the western institution of medicine to progress the field. Drawing on The Post Traumatic Slave Theory, I will examine how modern-day Africans in America are affected by the experiences of enslaved Africans.
Temple University--Theses

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10

White, Derrick E. ""Not Free, Merely Licensed": The Black Middle Class As Political Language." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1363865000.

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11

Chambers, Jason P. "The greatest single power in the race : African-American newspapers and the spread of Pan-African thought, 1900-1919." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1202765398.

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12

Manners, Bucolo Catherine. "Food for Thought and Thought for Food: Applying Care Ethics to the American Eater." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/513.

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This piece provides an application of care ethics to the typical American diet. In the first chapter, the problems surrounding the Standard American Diet are discussed at both the individual, familial, global, animal, and environmental levels. The second chapter provides an overview of the theoretical components of care ethics, and lays a framework for analysis. The third and final chapter demonstrates how in applying many of the core principles of care, great strides can be made in remedying the numerous problems that are a direct result of typical consumption habits in the United States.

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13

Royles, Dan. ""DON'T WE DIE TOO?": THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF AFRICAN AMERICAN AIDS ACTIVISM." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/247947.

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History
Ph.D.
This project reveals the untold story of African Americans AIDS activists' fight against HIV and AIDS in black communities. I describe the ways that, from 1985 to 2003, the both challenged public and private granting agencies to provide funds for HIV prevention efforts aimed specifically at black communities, and challenged homophobic attitudes among African Americans that, they believed, perpetuated the spread of the disease through stigma and silence. At the same time, they connected the epidemic among African Americans to racism and inequality within the United States, as well as to the pandemic raging throughout the African Diaspora and in the developing world. In this way, I argue, they contested and renegotiated the social and spatial boundaries of black community in the context of a devastating epidemic. At the same time, I also argue, they borrowed political strategies from earlier moments of black political organizing, as they brought key questions of diversity, equality, and public welfare to bear on HIV and AIDS. As they fought for resources with which to stop HIV and AIDS from spreading within their communities, they struggled over the place of blackness amid the shifting politics of race, class, and health in post-Civil Rights America. Adding their story to the emerging narrative of the history of the epidemic thus yields a more expansive and radical picture of AIDS activism in the United States.
Temple University--Theses

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14

Logan, April Catrina. "Theorizing and Performing Socio-political Representation: Harriet Wilson, Harriet Jacobs, and Pauline Hopkins." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/124006.

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English
Ph.D.
"Theorizing and Performing Socio-political Representation: Harriet Wilson, Harriet Jacobs, and Pauline Hopkins" focuses on the performance of gender and sexuality in works by three African American women writers who were also public figures. In this study, I examine what I have named the "politics of representation" in these texts, whereby their authors articulate the benefits and drawbacks of capitalizing on the dual socio-political positions of subject and object in American culture. I argue that Wilson, Jacobs, and Hopkins critique and theorize the public demonstration or performance of gendered and sexually categorized African American bodies to achieve political ends. In particular, they challenge the conflation by whites and by black male leaders of masculinity and political recognition. Contrary to what many scholars have argued, these writers envision a political authority for black women not circumscribed by normative concepts of femininity, masculinity, and sexuality popularized by the dominant culture.
Temple University--Theses

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15

Moskowitz, Alex. "American Imperception: Literary Form, Sensory Perception, and Political Economy in Nineteenth-Century American Literature." Thesis, Boston College, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:109138.

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Thesis advisor: Robert S. Lehman
Thesis advisor: Jennifer Greiman
“American Imperception” explores how early American writers investigated the role that political economy plays in the relation between sensory perception and knowledge. This dissertation argues that nineteenth-century American writers used literature to teach their readers to understand how economic forms and forms of economic activity fundamentally shape and train the sensorium to sense in historically and contextually specific ways. In “American Imperception,” I show how literature can make legible otherwise insensible forms of social and economic relations. The impossibility of sensing social and economic form—and the way in which that impossibility is rendered through literature—is what I call in this project “imperception.” Imperception describes the way in which literary form makes intelligible the structures of social, political, and economic life: structures that themselves cannot be sensed directly and which therefore cannot be directly represented by literature. “American Imperception” is focused on how literature interacts with social life within a capitalist modernity defined by the value form and the commodity form, and how literature formalizes the structures of social life through a specifically literary logic, transforming them into something that can be read where they cannot be seen, heard, felt, or represented. This dissertation draws on Karl Marx’s thinking on the senses and the suprasensible to consider how U.S. writers of the nineteenth-century mobilized literary form to make thinkable forms of sociality that cannot be contained by the imperceptible nature of sociality under capital. As I show in this dissertation, the political economy of social life determines what can be sensed, just as what can be sensed marks the horizon of political and social possibility
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2021
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: English

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16

Laird, Chryl Nicole. "Black Like Me: The Malleability of African American Political Racial Group Identification." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1398801214.

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17

Hamilton, Aretina Rochelle. "“I THOUGHT I FOUND HOME”: LOCATING THE HIDDEN AND SYMBOLIC SPACES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN LESBIAN BELONGING." UKnowledge, 2018. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/geography_etds/53.

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This dissertation investigates the place-making practices of African American lesbians in Atlanta, Georgia, from 1990 to 2010. For this project, I ask how African American lesbians claim space to examine how race, sexuality, and class shape their place-making practices. The study is situated in the city before and following the 1996 Olympic Games, which was a period of rapid social, economic, and political growth. The primary question posed in this study is as follows: How do African American lesbians claim space in Atlanta? This dissertation posits three arguments. First, African American queer spaces are transitory, reflecting the shrinking boundaries of black neighborhoods within the contemporary city. Second, these spaces are informed and forged by the sexual, racial, and classed identities of participants. Third, through their place-making practices, struggles, and contestations over public space, African Americans have transformed sites in the city into black queer cartographies. In this empirically informed study, I employ ethnographic research methods, participant observation, archival research, oral histories, and in-depth interviews. By positioning black queer cartographies within the larger schematic of African American life, this work extends current understandings of queer space and builds on the growing subarea of black queer geographies (McBride 2007; Bailey 2011; Eaves 2017). Multiple sites that reflect the transitory and clandestine nature of locating queer space are mentioned in the work. Within Atlanta’s neighborhoods of Midtown, Southwest Atlanta, and Westside, African American lesbians curated spaces that validated their identities and provided a sense of belonging during the period studied.

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18

Stroman, Walter G. "The essential unity of the American African and the Palestinian Arab: myth or reality?" DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1991. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1699.

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The primary research question of this study is: Does a genuine congruence of circumstance and commonality of fundamental interests and goals exist between the American African community and that of the Palestinian Arab that would warrant and legitimate formal overtures for political unity, dialogue, and structured alliances of the two communities? The null hypothesis to be tested herein can be stated: A sufficient degree of homogeneity in the material condition and strategic interests/goals does not exist between the American-African community and the Palestinian Arab community to justify rationally a unified political relationship. The research method employed used both the traditionalist and behavioralist approaches; that is, while establishing a number Of normative propositions supported by instances of non-quantified data (the nature and scheme of the data analysis permitted little purely quantitative relationships) the study's investigation and assessment emphasized the empirical aspects of the phenomenon, developing specific truth claims based upon measurable criteria and an identifiable conceptual framework. The specific research procedure and techniques relied upon the use of case study for the purposes of interpretative extrapolation and the collection and interpretation of secondary data. Information-retrieval, while quite extensive, was not exhaustive. However, the data gathered was sufficient to establish a verifiable conclusion. Among the sources used in compiling the data were: (1) relevant professional literature (books and articles), (2) published interviews and surveys, and (3) the wide range of mass media communications. Content analysis was used to interpret symbolic material (e.g., references to "nationalist" rhetoric and objectives by major actors noted in the study). The study's results agree with the null hypothesis; that is, despite some siimilarities between the two groups, the collective political direction, values, orientation, and long-term objective interests of the two communities, are wholly divergent, rendering any effort at political unification impractical at best.

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19

Melanye, Price Tarea. "Warring Souls, Reconciling Beliefs: Unearthing the Contours of African American Ideology." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1046194786.

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20

Calvo, Christopher W. "An American Political Economy: Industry, Trade, and Finance in the Antebellum Mind." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/568.

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The purpose of this study is to assess American economic thought during the antebellum period. Antebellum political economy has been largely neglected by historians. They have ignored both the valuable contributions made by America’s first political economists to domestic intellectual culture, as well as the importance of American economic thought in the transatlantic discourse. A dynamic, sophisticated, and complex political economy marks the antebellum era, and when studied in its proper context provides insight into how Americans understood the transformative economic changes they experienced. This dissertation draws on an extensive body of primary and secondary literature. Special consideration is given to the more learned articulations of economic thought. However, recognizing the immature state of the science during the period under investigation works of various levels of theoretical erudition are referenced. In their attempts to fashion a distinctly American political economy domestic thinkers entertained a wide range of economic principles. Contrary to conventional wisdom the Americans were not absolutist in their dedication to British orthodoxy. Antebellum political economy manipulated British authorities to suit the immediate concerns of contemporaries, thus spoiling the essence of classical doctrine. This dissertation makes clear that few Americans accepted classical orthodoxy without important qualifications. Classical theory was confronted with its most systematic challenge by protectionists. Despite protectionism having shaped the course of American economic development, its theoretical underpinnings have been summarily discounted by historians and economists. Protectionists, however, afforded the quintessential expression of American antebellum political economy. This dissertation intends to rescue the protectionists from historical abandon and reclaim the position of relevance they enjoyed during their own time. The antebellum period also hosted a fiery set of intellectuals determined to upset the emerging free-market order, exhibiting a particular disdain for institutions of finance and the industrial ethos. Conservatives from the North and South aimed to slow America’s march into the modern economy. These elements did not operate on the fringes of intellectual society, rather they represent something central to the American discourse and are illustrative of the difficulty attendant to classifying antebellum thinkers according to traditional notions of economic ideology.

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21

Isaac, Rochell J. "AFRICAN HUMANISM: A PRAGMATIC PRESCRIPTION FOR FOSTERING SOCIAL JUSTICE AND POLITICAL AGENCY." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/186541.

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African American Studies
Ph.D.
This study explores an African conception of Humanism as distinct from the European model and challenges the notion that Humanism is an entirely European construct. I argue that the ideological core of Humanism originated in ancient Kemet, the basis of which frames the African worldview. Furthermore, the theoretical framework provided by the African Humanistic paradigm serves as a model for structuring inter and intra group relations, for tackling notions of difference and issues of fundamentalism, for addressing socio-economic political concerns, and finally, to shift the currents of political rhetoric from one of jouissance to a more progressive and pragmatic stance.
Temple University--Theses

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22

Ghosh, Cyril Arijit. "The politics of the American dream : Locke and Puritan thought revisited in an era of open immigration and identity politics." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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23

Kopacz, Maria Aleksandra. "The Implications of Stereotypical News Primes on Evaluations of African American Political Candidates." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193715.

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The present study aimed at advancing our understanding of the effects that racially stereotypical media discourse has on White voters' responses to African American candidates in mixed-race elections. In particular, a causal model was proposed where the racial stereotypicality of news messages was predicted to interact with the race of political candidates and White news consumers' racial identification in affecting perceptions of candidates' leadership prototypicality. In turn, the prototypicality ratings were hypothesized to positively predict expectations of policy performance, candidate affect, and electoral support. In particular, it was predicted that White individuals exposed to racially stereotypical crime news would view African American candidates in unrelated stories as less leader-prototypical than White candidates and this effect was expected be stronger than among Whites exposed to non-stereotypical crime news or no crime news at all. This relationship was also predicted to increase as a function of White participants' racial ingroup identification.The findings from two experimental investigations offered limited support for the mediated model. The independent variables had weak and qualified effects on the prototypicality ratings. In addition, most of these effects worked in favor of, rather than to the disadvantage of the African American candidate. However, as hypothesized, prototypicality was a consistent predictor of electoral support, candidate affect, and, less so, policy performance expectations. Overall, these findings suggest that race matters in mass mediated political processes, both as a contextual factor and as a characteristic of electoral contenders.

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24

Taylor, Jeffrey L. "From radical to respectable : the declining influence of Jefferson's political thought on twentieth-century American liberalism /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9841189.

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25

Gneivid, Mohamed. "African-American identity and political aspirations in the 21st century Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594495101&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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26

Butler, Davina Lee. ""Pride in Our Freedom" : The Political and Social Relationship between the Seminole Maroons and Seminole Indians of Florida, from the 1700s to Removal." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1391610302.

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27

Sanders, Ethan Randall. "The African Association and the growth and movement of political thought in mid-twentieth century East Africa." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607946.

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28

Cleland, Cassidy Meredith. "Raising Expectations and Failing to Deliver:The Effects of Collective Disappointment and Distrust within the African American Community." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524502315783214.

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29

Leanne, Shelly. "African-American initiatives against minority rule in South Africa : a politicized diaspora in world politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259982.

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30

Moody, Claudette A. "Informal Legislative Groups in the House: A Case Study of the Congressional Black Caucus." W&M ScholarWorks, 1985. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625311.

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31

Bensonsmith, Dionne. "Lacking legitimacy: Race, gender and the social construction of African American women in welfare policy 1935--2006." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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32

Carey, Kim M. "Straddling the Color Line: Social and Political Power of African American Elites in Charleston, New Orleans, and Cleveland, 1880-1920." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1366839959.

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33

Abramson, Brian Dean. "An examination of the possible consolidation of African American political power through selective migration." FIU Digital Commons, 2002. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1082.

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This study examined whether African Americans could consolidate political power through a migration into a specific state or set of states in sufficient numbers to establish a voting majority within that state. In order to examine the feasibility and efficacy of this strategy, a variety of factors were reviewed, including the historical context leading to the current situation; the political benefits to be derived from the control of a state; and the population and migration patterns of African Americans. The results indicated that this strategy could succeed in providing significant substantive and symbolic political benefits to the African American community, but could also have some negative repercussions.

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Joens, David A. "John W. E. Thomas : a political biography of Illinois' first African American state legislator /." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1791777391&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2009.
"Department of History." Keywords: Thomas, John W. E., Illinois, State legislators, African-Americans. Includes bibliographical references (p. 353-364). Also available online.

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35

Joens, David Arthur. "John W. E. Thomas: A Political Biography of Illinois' First African American State Legislator." OpenSIUC, 2009. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/293.

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John W. E. Thomas (1847-1899) was elected as Illinois' first African American state legislator in 1877 and served three terms in the Illinois General Assembly. This dissertation serves as the first full length biography of Thomas and seeks to discuss African American politics and society in post Civil War Chicago.

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36

Hutchinson, Debra S. "Destiny and Purpose Driving School Turnaround: The Portraits of Three African American Women Principals." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1581333329211659.

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37

Sullivan, Brenda Ann. "African-American political empowerment in the realignment era: a case study of the North Carolina General Assembly." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1729.

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This dissertation is an exploratory longitudinal case study of Black political effectiveness within state legislative structures. More specifically, it examines the development of a Black legislative base during an era of emerging control by the Republican Party. Chapters I and II serve as introductory chapters by outlining the basis for the study and historical overviews of the role Blacks have played in North Carolina's politics. Chapter III sketches North Carolina's governmental structure while Chapter IV discusses the crucial issues surrounding the 1984 reapportionment plans. Chapter V identifies the criteria for effective state representation and Chapter VI discusses how effective North Carolina's African-American legislators have been. It is hoped that this study is a scholarly contribution to discussions that will bring us closer to effective political power.

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38

Coil, William Russell. "Mayoral politics and new deal political culture: James Rhodes and the African-American voting bloc in Columbus, Ohio, 1943-1951." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399627321.

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39

Smith, Trevor K. "Relationships Between Political Competition and Socioeconomic Status in the United States." ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1032.

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Over the past 30 years there has been an increase in socioeconomic inequities between Black and White persons in the United States. Some research suggests that political ideology, which in turn impacts political competition levels, may at least partially explain these disparities, though the body of academic literature in this area is sparse. Little is known about how Black political ideology is formed by perceptions of inequality. The purpose of this study was to examine the phenomenon of Black political ideology, political competition, and socioeconomic status to determine how political competition relates to social inequities between Blacks and Whites. The theoretical framework of the study was Lockean social contract theory. The overarching question guiding this study explored how competition could better defend natural rights to reduce social disparities and the obligations of government to equally protect, similarly to the protections of government historically extended to Whites. Multiple and multivariate regression models were developed using data from the 2010 General Social Survey, the 2010 American Community Survey, and the presidential election results of 2008. Results showed no significant relationship between Black beliefs of inequality with Black political ideology and that high political competition rates might contribute to the increasing Black/White socioeconomic gaps. Contrary to economic competition models developed through Locke's social contract, there was no evidence that political competition reduces socioeconomic inequities between Blacks and Whites. The implications for positive social change include education of policy makers that higher political competition rates in their states contribute to lower socioeconomic outcomes for Blacks.

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40

Watkins, Trinae. "Panther Power: A Look Inside the Political Hip Hop Music of Tupac Amaru Shakur." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2018. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/165.

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In this study, seven rap songs by hip hop icon Tupac Shakur were examined to determine if the ideology of the Black Panther Party exists within the song lyrics of his politically oriented music. The study used content analysis as its methodology. Key among the Ten Point Program tenets reflected in Tupac’s song lyrics were for self-determination, full employment, ending exploitation of Blacks by Whites (or Capitalists), decent housing, police brutality, education, liberation of Black prisoners, and the demand for land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice, peace, and a United Nations plebiscite.

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Wilson, Laurie Ann. "From the Roman republic to the American revolution : readings of Cicero in the political thought of James Wilson /." St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/911.

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42

Doughty, James. "Pragmatism and Christian Realism in the Political Thought of Reinhold Niebuhr : An Analysis and Evolution of American Liberalism." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30026/document.

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Ce travail visera à analyser la pensée politique du théologien et politologue américain Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971), et plus particulièrement la façon dont le Pragmatisme a pu influencer son oeuvre. Critique à l’égard de l’idéalisme libéral de John Dewey (1859-1952), et plus spécifiquement à l’encontre de l’optimisme dont faisait preuve le pragmatisme politique vis-à-vis de la nature de l’homme, Niebuhr n’arriva pourtant pas à échapper à l’influence du pragmatisme, d’où le sujet de ce travail de recherche : les influences du Pragmatisme politique, celui de John Dewey plus particulièrement, sur l’oeuvre de Reinhold Niebuhr et sur son réalisme chrétien. Cette thèse rassemblera les grandes oeuvres des deux penseurs pour comparer la pensée politique de chacun. Selon Niebuhr, la pensée de Dewey n’était qu’une continuation de l’idéalisme des Lumières ; Dewey restait figé dans un optimisme injustifié à propos de la vision globalement bonne de la nature humaine. Néanmoins, malgré cette critique, Niebuhr fut influencé par ce dernier. L’objectif de cette thèse est de souligner ces influences sur le travail de Niebuhr afin de montrer que la pensée niebuhrienne est un prolongement de la pensée pragmatiste de Dewey, démontré par le Pragmatisme chrétien, et que Niebuhr fait partie du courant de pensée libérale malgré lui. Au mépris des différences fondamentales entre les deux hommes, nous allons donc tenter de démontrer que Niebuhr s’inscrit dans une tradition intellectuelle typiquement américaine, le Pragmatisme étant considéré comme le seul mouvement philosophique authentiquement américain, afin de parvenir à une plus grande connaissance de ces deux penseurs majeurs, mais, aussi, du paysage politique américain
This work aims to analyze the political thought of the American theologian and political scientist Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971). More specifically, it will analyze the way in which Pragmatism was able to influence Niebuhr’s writings. Critical towards the liberal idealism of John Dewey (1859-1952), Niebuhr’s Christian realism was a counter against the optimism that political Pragmatism demonstrated in regards to the nature of man. Despite these criticisms, Niebuhr was unable to escape Pragmatism’s influence. This influence is the reason for this research: how political Pragmatism, specifically that of John Dewey was able to have an impact on Reinhold Niebuhr’s works and his Christian realism. This thesis will study the major works of these two thinkers in order to compare the political thought of each thinker. Younger than Dewey, Niebuhr had for a long time considered Dewey’s thought as nothing more than an idealized and outdated continuation of Enlightenment optimism which was incapable of accurately analyzing the contemporary world. Nevertheless, Niebuhr was influenced by Dewey. This thesis’s goal is to highlight the influences of Pragmatism in Niebuhr’s works in order to show that Niebuhrian thought is a continuation of Dewey’s pragmatic thought, specifically through the notions of Christian Pragmatism and therefore, fits within an overall framework of American Liberalism. In spite of the fundamental differences in thought, we are going to attempt to show that Niebuhr was a part of the typically American intellectual tradition, that is to say, Pragmatism; considered to be a uniquely American philosophical movement. It will be analyzed in order to achieve a greater understanding of these important thinkers, but also, of America’s political landscape

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43

Wilson, Laurie Ann. "From the Roman Republic to the American Revolution : readings of Cicero in the political thought of James Wilson." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/911.

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As a classical scholar and prominent founding father, James Wilson was at once statesman, judge, and political thinker, who read Cicero as an example worthy of emulation and as a philosopher whose theory could be applied to his own age. Classical reception studies have focused on questions of liberty, civic virtue, and constitutionalism in the American founding, and historians have also noted Wilson’s importance in American history and thought. Wilson’s direct engagement with Cicero’s works, however, and their significance in the formulation of his own philosophy has been long overlooked. My thesis argues that Wilson’s viewpoint was largely based on his readings of Cicero and can only be properly understood within this context. In the first two chapters of my thesis I demonstrate that Wilson not only possessed a wide-ranging knowledge of the classics in general, but also that he borrowed from Cicero’s writings and directly engaged with the texts themselves. Building upon this foundation, chapters three and four examine Cicero’s perspective on popular sovereignty and civic virtue, situate Wilson’s interpretations within contemporary discussions of Roman politics, and analyse the main ways in which he adapts Cicero’s arguments to his own era. Wilson retains a broader faith in the common people than seen in Cicero’s opinions, and he abstracts from Cicero a doctrine of sovereignty as an indivisible principle that is absent in the text; nevertheless, Cicero’s conception of a legitimate state and his insistence on the role of the people provided the foundation for Wilson’s thought and ultimately for his legitimization of the American Revolution. At the same time, like Cicero, Wilson views the stability of the state as resting in the personal virtue of the individual. While his enlightenment philosophy imparts optimism to his conception of the good citizen, his definition of virtue closely follows that of Cicero. As the final chapter of my thesis concludes, their individual interpretations of these theories of popular consent and virtue were instrumental in forming Cicero’s and Wilson’s justifications of civil disobedience.

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Lapping, Claudia. "Institution, discipline and gender : an empirical study of in/exclusion in undergraduate American literature and political thought classes." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2004. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10007416/.

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This research clarifies some processes of inclusion and social (re )production within the UK higher education system. It constitutes a description of the realisation in practice of differential modes of participation in undergraduate classes. The analysis presented here foregrounds the interaction between gender, academic discipline and educational institution in the production of these differential modes of participation. To do this, the thesis conceptualises gender, discipline and institution as relatively stable, relatively autonomous discursive fields, in relation to which students are positioned/position themselves when they contribute to class discussions. The empirical basis of the thesis comprises my observations of four undergraduate degree modules. I videoed a series of sessions on Political Thought and American Literature modules in a 'new', access oriented university and a 'traditional', highly selective university. I interviewed both students and tutors, basing the interview on extracts from the observed sessions. The opemng chapters present an initial analytic description of the disciplines, the institutions and the conception of gender that constitute the relatively stable structures in relation to which students position themselves. The description of the disciplines constitutes a detailed account of the object, methodology, and thus of the form of legitimate knowledge claims in Political Thought in contrast to American Literature. It also foregrounds the differential social positioning of the two disciplines. The conceptualisation of gender is based on a Lacanian definition of the feminine. The later chapters constitute my interpretation of students' positioning in the observed sessions. The main argument is that the intersections between discursive fields overdetermine the extent to which students can construct a position within the class that is both legitimate, in relation to the discipline, and coherent, in relation to the students' gender, institutional context and their existing interests and experiences. This analysis constitutes an innovative framework for the sociological description of the relationship between gender and academic disciplines.

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Nunis, Roxie Ann. "The impact of social media on young adults of African-American or African descent." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/802.

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Throughout history, technology has evolved to help empower communities of color. In the twenty-first century, online social networking sites have changed the way people communicate with their peers, employers and the world. Online social media sites have brought demands for further exploration using social media sites. Online social media has influenced social change, and has become the voice of the new era. Facebook and Twitter have been the leading tools used to communicate world events, social gatherings, revolutions and everyday events. Communication scholars have begun to research the phenomenon of how social media sites are being used to socialize communities of color. In the digital age, researchers are using methods such as uses and gratification to understand and investigate why African-Americans are using online social media sites as a tool to communicate. Researchers focus on questions such as why are African-Americans interested in sharing personal information online, and how do African-Americans use different social media sites to engage. In this research, Facebook was one of the most popular sites used in the African-American communities to communicate by posting pictures, exchanging information and posting daily activities. There are several reasons for social online media sites in the African-Americans community, such as entertainment, socialization, information-seeking, business and education. The study found African-American young adults use social media sites to engage in daily activities and information seeking. Further explanations of observed finding were provided in the thesis.

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Street, Joe. "Liberation culture : African American culture as a political weapon in the 1960s civil rights movement." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15092/.

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This thesis addresses the use of African American culture as a political weapon in the 1960s civil rights movement. It argues that African American culture was an important weapon for the movement and focuses on how the three major 1960s civil rights organisations - the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Congress of Racial Equality and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference - engaged with cultural forms such as song, theatre, literature and art. It also examines smaller groups, such as the Free Southern Theater, the Southern Folk Cultural Revival Project, the Black Panther Party and Us, and important individuals such as Guy Carawan, Robert F. Williams, Amiri Baraka and Malcolm X. A particular concern of the thesis is the role that education played in spreading the civil rights movement's message. Although based in historical method, it is also grounded in cultural theory, addressing Antonio Gramsci's conception of hegemony and oppositional culture and incorporating ideas of identity and memory. It presents SNCC's 1964 Summer Project as a central event of the civil rights movement, where the relationship between education, culture and the movement peaked. In doing so, the thesis addresses the periodisation of the movement, suggesting that 1964 be interpreted as the turning point of the movement. Implicit in the thesis is the relationship between the civil rights organisations and the North. The thesis argues that the movement started to look north prior to 1965. It suggests that African American culture proved to be a unifying force between the 'Civil Rights' and 'Black Power' eras and examines events and individuals that straddled both periods. It therefore proposes that the relationship between these historical phenomena be re-examined and that Black Power be reassessed as an outgrowth of the civil rights movement.

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Ribeiro, Clarissa Correa Neto. "Overlapping organizations, political crises, and coexistence : complementarity and fragmentation in south american and african regionalisms /." Marília, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/192681.

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Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
Abstract: The present research has the occurrence of overlapping regionalisms as its object, with a comparative cut for South America and Africa. The purpose of this thesis is to study types of institutional interaction and to analyze the effects of overlapping in the coexistence between regional processes in order to understand their dynamics in the above-mentioned regions. The observation of organizational behaviors and interaction is made through cases of political crises on the selected regions, as we assume that the interactions between overlapping regional organizations in those situations would tend to be more fragmenting than complementary as they go beyond the traditional membership-mandate relationship. Therefore, we also analyze overlapping performances and seek to understand how regional organizations will behave and interact while dealing with political crises, which constitute critical junctures, in accordance with the theoretical and methodological framework of the thesis. This work aims to produce a broad qualitative analysis of the given regions by considering applicable cases that cover all of the sub-regions and hence to contribute to the field of comparative regionalism by providing generalization and institutional learnings which are not derived by a given model of regionalism, but nonetheless based on a cross regional approach. The data is processed through document analysis and further systemized via the construction of presence and absence exercises, consisting ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumo: A presente pesquisa tem por objeto a ocorrência de regionalismos sobrepostos, com recorte comparativo para a América do Sul e a África. O propósito desta tese é estudar tipos de interação institucional e analisar os efeitos da sobreposição na coexistência entre processos regionais, de modo a entender sua dinâmica nas regiões supramencionadas. A observação de comportamentos organizacionais e interações é feita através de casos de crises políticas nas regiões selecionadas, uma vez que se assume que ditas interações entre organizações regionais sobrepostas tenderiam a produzir efeitos mais fragmentantes do que complementares para o espaço, uma vez que as mesmas ultrapassam a tradicional relação entre filiação e mandato. Portanto, se analisa também a sobreposição de performances enquanto se procura compreender como as organizações regionais irão se comportar e interagir ao lidar com crises políticas, que constituem conjunturas críticas, de acordo com o referencial teóricometodológico da pesquisa. A tese pretende produzir uma análise qualitativa de grande dimensão das regiões dadas, considerando casos aplicáveis que abarquem todas as sub-regiões e, assim, contribuir para o campo do regionalismo comparado, fornecendo generalizações e aprendizagens institucionais que não são derivadas de um dado modelo de regionalismo, mas, baseadas em uma abordagem regional cruzada. Os dados são processados através da análise de documentos e posteriormente sistematizados através da construção de ex... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Resumen: La presente investigación tiene como objeto la superposición de regionalismos como su objetivo, con un corte comparativo para América del Sur y África. El objetivo de esta tesis es estudiar los tipos de interacción institucional y analizar los efectos de la superposición en la coexistencia entre procesos regionales para comprender su dinámica en las regiones mencionadas. El objetivo de esta tesis es estudiar los tipos de interacción institucional y analizar los efectos de la superposición en la coexistencia entre procesos regionales para comprender su dinámica en las regiones mencionadas. La observación de los comportamientos e interacciones organizacionales se realiza a través de casos de crisis políticas en las regiones seleccionadas, ya que suponemos que las interacciones entre las organizaciones regionales superpuestas en esas situaciones tenderían a ser más fragmentarias que complementarias, ya que van más allá de la relación tradicional de membresía-mandato. Por lo tanto, también analizamos desempeños superpuestos y buscamos comprender cómo se comportarán e interactuarán las organizaciones regionales al enfrentar crisis políticas, que constituyen coyunturas críticas, de acuerdo con el marco teórico y metodológico de la tesis. La tesis tiene como objetivo producir un análisis cualitativo amplio de las regiones dadas al considerar los casos aplicables que cubren todas las subregiones y, por lo tanto, contribuir al campo del regionalismo comparativo al proporcionar general... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
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Gilliard, Dominique DuBois. "Political Accommodation: The Effects of Booker T. Washington's Leadership and Legacy on Tuskegee University and The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2010. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1667.

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In this re-evaluation of the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, I identify the original causes that made the Study emerge, examine why the intent of this research shifted over time, reveal the manner in which the Study was conducted, expose the role the government played in the manipulation of the Experiment, and, finally, investigate the ways, as well as the reasons, for the selection of the participants involved in the Study. After exploring the Experiment itself, I investigate the lasting effects of it on the community in which it occurred and the ways in which it further affected the relationship between African Americans and the United States Government. I explore the reasons for the involvement of Tuskegee Institute. Also, the philosophies of its founder, Booker T. Washington, are examined to discover the rationale behind the Institution's participation in an Experiment, which eventually became harmful. Finally, I hope to reveal why Tuskegee has been historically omitted from any blame in the Study.

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Brown, Melanie. "The creation of Huey P. Newton." FIU Digital Commons, 2002. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1877.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the creation of Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party in 1966. I argued that Huey P. Newton was a creation of several elements: the black ghetto of Oakland; the rise of Black Power and the death of non-violence in the civil rights movement; the New Left and its factions; and, the Black Panther Party through the "Free Huey" campaign. The "Free Huey" campaign that arose from Newton's imprisonment in 1968, constructed an iconic image of Newton that he inherited on his release in 1970. This study will contextualize Newton and refute the claims of Hugh Pearson, author of the 1994, The Shadow of the Panther, who deemed Newton as a common criminal, not worthy of historical debate.

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50

Miller, George A. "Leadership characteristics of Ohio black mayors /." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487267024998416.

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