Relevant bibliographies by topics / African American Political Thought

Academic literature on the topic 'African American Political Thought'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "African American Political Thought"

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Febriyanti, Irma. "THE POWER OF AMIRI BARAKA’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS TO THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN MOVEMENT IN AMERICA." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v2i2.34259.

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Imamu Amiri Baraka is an artist, activist, and also an African-American leader who was born in Newark, New Jersey. Throughout his prolific career in American literature, he was able to generate some important political issues in defending the Black Power which was a perpetuating challenge for African-American intellectuals in the 1960s-1970s.This research is written under American Studies discipline, which takes politics to gain an African-American politics’ point of view, sociology to explore the theory of race and social conflict in the United States, and cultural studies to understand the struggle of African-Americans towards white Americans.The findings of this research show Baraka’s adeptness in his dual role as artist and politician through his political thoughts which has a never-ending development of his political consciousness. Baraka’s intellectual and political thought formation has moved through verydistinct stages and they are: Black Cultural Nationalism, Black Solidarity and Black Marxism. His final political stage has a broader consciousness that reveals capitalism in the Western world and this revelation of capitalism declared its theme of death and despair, moral and social corruption with its concomitant decrying Western values and ethics, the struggle against selfhatred, and a growing ethnic awareness.Keywords: Amiri Baraka, black power, political thought, African-American politics, andconflict
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McCloud, Aminah Beverly. "African-American Muslim Intellectual Thought." Souls 9, no. 2 (June 6, 2007): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940601057366.

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Harris, Daryl B. "Postmodernist Diversions in African American Thought." Journal of Black Studies 36, no. 2 (November 2005): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934704266077.

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Young, Alford A., and Donald R. Deskins. "Early Traditions of African-American Sociological Thought." Annual Review of Sociology 27, no. 1 (August 2001): 445–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.27.1.445.

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Muwakkil, Salim, and John T. McCartney. "Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought." Contemporary Sociology 22, no. 3 (May 1993): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074515.

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King, Richard H., and John T. McCartney. "Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought." Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993): 753. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080020.

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Kilson, Martin, and John T. McCartney. "Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 1 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206154.

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Morrison, Minion K. C. "Afro-Americans and Africa: Grass Roots Afro-American Opinion and Attitudes toward Africa." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 2 (April 1987): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001450x.

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It has long and widely been assumed that Afro-Americans have a special concern for African affairs, an assumption resulting from the West African ancestry of Afro-Americans. It is thought that these descendants, like other ethnic entities in the United States, desire some form of continuing linkage to the “motherland.” Historically this has been illustrated in several ways: Often descendants of Africa in America have referred to themselves as African and identified their organizations as such (Berry and Blassingame 1982:389), there are direct sociocultural “African survivals” (Herskovits 1958:7), and Afro-Americans often express sympathy for continental “African aspirations” (Hoadley 1972:490). The pinnacle of this may have been reached during the 1960s, a period referred to as the era of cultural nationalism, when African dress, inter alia, was adopted by Afro-Americans (Brisbane 1974:175).
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Agbere, Dawud Abdul-Aziz. "Islam in the African-American Experience." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 150–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i1.2138.

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African-American Islam, especially as practiced by the Nation oflslam, continuesto engage the attention of many scholars. The racial separatist tendency,contrasted against the color blindness of global Islam, has been the focal pointof most of these studies. The historical presence of African Americans in themidst of American racism has been explained as, among other things, the mainimpetus behind African-American nationalism and racial separatism. Islam inthe African-American Experience is yet another attempt to explain this historicalposition. Originally the author's Ph.D. dissertation, the book spans 293pages, including notes, select biographies, indices, and thirteen illustrations. Itstwo parts, "Root Sources" and "Prophets of the City," comprise six chapters; there is also an introduction and an epilogue. The book is particularly designedfor students interested in African-American Islam. The central theme of thebook is the signifktion (naming and identifying) of the African Americanwithin the context of global Islam. The author identifies three factors thatexplain the racial-separatist phenomenon of African-American Islam:American racism, the Pan-African political movements of African-Americansin the early twentieth century, and the historic patterns of racial separatism inIslam. His explanations of the first two factors, though not new to the field ofAfrican-American studies, is well presented. However, his third explanation,which tries to connect the racial-separatist tendency of African-AmericanMuslims to what he tern the “historic pattern of racial separatism” in Islam,seems both controversial and problematic.In his introduction, the author touches on the African American’s sensitivityto signification, citing the long debate in African-American circles. Islam, heargues, offered African Americans two consolations: first, a spiritual, communal,and global meaning, which discoMects them in some way from Americanpolitical and public life; second, a source of political and cultural meaning inAfrican-American popular culture. He argues that a black person in America,Muslim or otherwise, takes an Islamic name to maintain or reclaim Africancultural roots or to negate the power and meaning of his European name. Thus,Islam to the black American is not just a spiritual domain, but also a culturalheritage.Part 1, “Root Sources,” contains two chapters and traces the black Africancontact with Islam from the beginning with Bilal during the time of theProphet, to the subsequent expansion of Islam to black Africa, particularlyWest Africa, by means of conversion, conquest, and trade. He also points to animportant fact: the exemplary spiritual and intellectual qualities of NorthAmerican Muslims were major factors behind black West Africans conversionto Islam. The author discusses the role of Arab Muslims in the enslavement ofAfrican Muslims under the banner of jihad, particularly in West Africa, abehavior the author described as Arabs’ separate and radical agenda for WestAfrican black Muslims. Nonetheless, the author categorically absolves Islam,as a system of religion, from the acts of its adherents (p. 21). This notwithstanding,the author notes the role these Muslims played in the educational andprofessional development of African Muslims ...
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Sesay, Chernoh M. "Struggle on Their Minds: The Political Thought of African American Resistance." Journal of American History 105, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay126.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African American Political Thought"

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Cooney, Christopher Thomas. "Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed." PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3238.

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American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it.
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Metsner, Michael. "“Save the Young People”: The Generational Politics of Racial Solidarity in Black Cleveland, 1906–1911." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1270058042.

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Davis, Samuel. "“HERE THEY ARE IN THE LOWEST STATE OF SOCIAL GRADATION —ALIENS—POLITICAL—MORAL—SOCIAL ALIENS, STRANGERS, THOUGH NATIVES”: REMOVAL AND COLONIZATION IN THE OLD NORTHWEST, 1815-1870." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/592641.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines African colonization and Native removal colonization schemes and their relationship to the development of states carved out of the Northwest Territory. Colonization advocates sought to expunge the nation of slavery, free blacks, and native peoples to make a white republic. This research contends that colonization promoted racial nationalism by campaigning for a safe and homogenous nation free of slavery, ‘degraded’ free blacks, and dangerous Native Americans. It explores the execution and afterlives of American projects for African colonization, through the American Colonization Society, and Native Removal in the Old Northwest. It examines the rhetoric and procedures related to the colonization of Native Americans in the West and free blacks to Liberia in which government officials, journalists, settlers, businessmen, missionaries, and clergy in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois traded in fears of racial degradation and national security as a means to generate fiscal support and positive public opinion for legislation and policies that attempted to create a white republic. Colonizationists appropriated imperial relocation solutions to the domestic problems of black freedom and Native sovereignty that they construed as prohibitory to national expansion and development. Ventures to deport Native Americans and African Americans successfully constructed them as dangerous aliens within the nation that validated their exclusion. In their resistance African Americans, Native Americans, and their allies adapted, fled, petitioned, ridiculed, and negotiated with colonizationist endeavors to maintain residence in the Midwest. The fictions of colonization, driven by its rhetoric, required new constructions about black and Native degradation to justify the calls for their removal.
Temple University--Theses
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Forrester, Katrina Max. "Liberalism and realism in American political thought, 1950-1990." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283922.

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Williams, Ryan. "Mbeki's Africanism : the intellectual and political thought of Thabo Mbeki." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8991.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-104).
This dissertation examines and analyses the intellectual and political thought of Thabo Mbeki. The study examines Mbeki’s thought throughout his political career from his political activism during the anti-apartheid movement to his rise as major leader in the ANC and the government. The thesis argues that analysing the intellectual and political thought of a practicing politician requires moving beyond conventional ideas relating to the work of political intellectuals. The thesis establishes the importance of Mbeki's political activism and political career to the content of his political thought. The study locates Mbeki' s intellectual and political thought within the body of intellectual work that forms part of history of modern African political thought. The research also establishes that Mbeki's thought cannot be located solely in one political tradition and that the movement in his political ideas corresponds to the different phases of South African political history. The thesis argues that during the struggle against apartheid Mbeki's political thought has a distinctly revolutionary Marxist character but as result of the transition to freedom there is a movement towards issues of race and culture as well as the appropriation of certain features of Marxist-Leninism in Mbeki's idea of political leadership and political practice. The thesis concludes by arguing that Mbeki's political thought is a critical contribution to the history of modern African political thought.
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Mauro, Robert M. "Hegel's influence on American political thought : an analysis of the American Progressive movement." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64173.pdf.

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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "African American Experiences." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/730.

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Iton, Richard. "Political ideology and the black American community." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22357.

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Evans, Jazmin Antwynette. "Scientific Racism's Role in the Social Thought of African Intellectual, Moral, and Physical inferiority." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/581847.

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African American Studies
M.A.
Scientific Racism was a method used by some to legitimize racist social thought without any compelling scientific evidence. This study seeks to identify, through the Afrocentric Paradigm, some of these studies and how they have influenced the modern western institution of medicine. It is also the aim of this research to examine the ways Africans were exploited by the western institution of medicine to progress the field. Drawing on The Post Traumatic Slave Theory, I will examine how modern-day Africans in America are affected by the experiences of enslaved Africans.
Temple University--Theses
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White, Derrick E. ""Not Free, Merely Licensed": The Black Middle Class As Political Language." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1363865000.

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Books on the topic "African American Political Thought"

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1950-, Pohlmann Marcus D., ed. African American political thought. New York: Routledge, 2003.

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Zamalin, Alex. African American Political Thought and American Culture. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528100.

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Voices in Black political thought. New York: Peter Lang, 2005.

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Howard, Brotz, and Brotz Howard, eds. African-American social and political thought, 1850-1920. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 1992.

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Black power ideologies: An essay in African-American political thought. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.

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The modern African American political thought reader: From David Walker to Barack Obama. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012.

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Marable, Manning. African-American thought: Social and political perspectives from slavery to the present. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996.

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Du Bois, W. E. B. 1868-1963., Washington Booker T. 1856-1915, Garvey Marcus 1887-1940, Randolph A. Philip 1889-, and Wintz Cary D. 1943-, eds. African American political thought, 1890-1930: Washington, Du Bois, Garvey, and Randolph. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1995.

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Irele, Abiola. The Oxford encyclopedia of African thought. Edited by Jeyifo Biodun 1946-. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.

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W.E.B. Du Bois and American political thought: Fabianism and the color line. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "African American Political Thought"

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Zamalin, Alex. "African American Political Thought, Democracy, and Freedom." In American Political Thought, 17–28. New York, NY : Routledge, [2017] | Series: Routledge series on identity politics: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315619415-2.

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Zamalin, Alex. "African American Political Thought and American Culture." In African American Political Thought and American Culture, 1–24. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528100_1.

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Zamalin, Alex. "James Baldwin’s Reconstruction of American Freedom." In African American Political Thought and American Culture, 25–61. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528100_2.

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Zamalin, Alex. "Ralph Ellison’s Democratic Vision." In African American Political Thought and American Culture, 63–95. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528100_3.

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Zamalin, Alex. "Toni Morrison’s Beloved, Generosity and Racial Justice." In African American Political Thought and American Culture, 97–129. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528100_4.

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Zamalin, Alex. "Conclusion: Racial Justice Today." In African American Political Thought and American Culture, 131–37. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528100_5.

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Carson, Clayborne. "Rethinking African-American Political Thought in the Post-Revolutionary Era." In The Making of Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights Movement, 115–27. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24368-6_7.

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Alexander-Floyd, Nikol G. "“A Threat from Within”: The Black Woman as Traitor in African American Thought and Politics." In Gender, Race, and Nationalism in Contemporary Black Politics, 109–45. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230605589_5.

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Clardy, Justin Leonard. "Toward a progressive black sexual politics: reading African American polyamorous women in Patricia Hill Collins' Black Feminist Thought." In The Routledge Companion to Romantic Love, 153–61. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003022343-12.

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Martin, Guy. "Introduction." In African Political Thought, 1–9. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137062055_1.

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Conference papers on the topic "African American Political Thought"

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Spartak, Sergei. "RUSSIA IN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT IN A BETWEEN XIX-XX CENTURIES." In 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.2/s01.031.

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Stone, Phyllis. "African American Female Chief Diversity Officers' Perspective on Political Skill and Faculty Relationships." In 2019 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1432561.

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Carriere, Michael, and David Schalliol. "Engagement as Theory: Architecture, Planning, and Placemaking in the Twenty-First Century City." In Schools of Thought Conference. University of Oklahoma, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/11244/335068.

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Our recent book, "The City Creative: The Rise of Urban Placemaking in Contemporary America" (University of Chicago Press, 2021), details how participatory design and community engagement can lead to democratically planned, inclusive urban communities. After visiting more than two hundred projects in more than forty cities, we have come to understand that planning, policy, and architectural design should be oriented by local communities and deep engagement with intervention sites. Of course, we are not the first to reach such a conclusion. In many ways, our work builds off contributions made by individuals, including Jane Jacobs, Kevin Lynch, and Christopher Alexander, and such movements as Team 10 and the advocacy architecture movement of the 1960s. Nevertheless, we need to broaden this significant conversation. Importantly, our classroom work has allowed us to better understand how histories often left out of such discussions can inform this new approach. To that end, we have developed community-student partnerships in underserved neighborhoods in cities like Milwaukee and Detroit. Through these connections and their related design-build projects, we have seen how the civil rights movement, immigration narratives, hip-hop culture, and alternative redevelopment histories, such as in urban agriculture, can inform the theory and practice of design. We want to bring these perspectives into dialogue with the mainstream approach to development and design. How does this look and work? Using a case study from the Milwaukee School of Engineering (MSOE) University Scholars Honors Program curriculum, we highlight the redevelopment of Milwaukee’s Fondy Park, an effort to create community-centered spaces and programming in an underserved African American community. Lessons include those essential for pedagogy and education, as well as for how these issues are theorized and professionally practiced, with implications for institutions, programs, and individuals.
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Cottrell-Daniels, Cherell, and Bethany Shorey Fennell. "“I just smoke marijuana, which is not a drug, and cigarettes, which is a drug”: Health Perceptions of Cannabis Use Among African American Tobacco Smokers." In 2022 Annual Scientific Meeting of the Research Society on Marijuana. Research Society on Marijuana, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26828/cannabis.2022.02.000.03.

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Cannabis and tobacco co-use has increased in recent years, including co-administration, in which tobacco and cannabis are consumed simultaneously. One common method of co-administration is the use of blunts, in which cigars or little cigars and cigarillos (LCCs) are combined with cannabis. LCC use is associated with negative health outcomes and is elevated among Black/African American populations and lower income adults. Little is known about health perceptions of LCCs among these populations, particularly as it relates to cannabis use. We report results from a mixed-methods study examining multiple tobacco use among African American adults. Participants (N=22) were largely single (81.8%), male (59.1%), and had an annual household income of less than $30,000 (72.7%). All participants used combustible cigarettes in the past month (M days=26.23, SD=7.38) and the majority (91.0%) used LCCs in the past month (M days=14.24, SD= 0.67). Of these, 50.0% reported using LCCs with cannabis all or some of the time. Participants who reported co-use smoked LCCs marginally more days (M=18.45, SD=11.88) than those who used LCCs alone (M=9.60, SD=7.12, t(19)=-2.04, p = .055, d=.89). Perceptions of the health risks of LCCs compared to combustible cigarettes were variable among those who reported co-use and those who did not. For example, 45.5% of co-users vs. 20.0% LCC only users said they “Don’t know” if LCCs are more or less harmful than cigarettes, whereas 27.3% of co-users and 10.0% LCC only users thought LCCs were “More harmful.” There was no difference between the groups on overall relative risk perceptions (χ2(3)=4.25, p=.24). Semi-structured interviews assessed tobacco use motives, including cannabis consumption, risk perceptions, and stress. Similar to quantitative indices, participants reported variable perceptions of the health risks associated with co-use of cannabis and tobacco. For example, a number of participants indicated that smoking LCCs with cannabis may be healthier than smoking them with the original tobacco inside. Many reported different motives for seeking out cannabis vs. nicotine (e.g., coping with stress, social situations). Quotations from qualitative interviews will be included on the poster. In conclusion, health risk perceptions among this sample demonstrate the need for clearer public health messaging regarding tobacco products and co-use with cannabis.
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Нестеров, Д. А. "FEATURES OF THE RAND CORPORATION'S INTERACTION WITH BRITISH COLONIAL SERVICE OFFICERS DURING THE VIETNAM WAR." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.15.92.024.

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Во время войны во Вьетнаме корпорация РЭНД стала играть существенную роль в полити-ческой экспертизе США, занимаясь разработкой стратегии действий американского правительства в данном вооруженном конфликте. При этом в рамках данного процесса «фабрика мысли» актив-но сотрудничала с британскими офицерами колониальной службы. Это было связано с тем, что Великобритания обладала знаниями и опытом антиповстанческой деятельности. Поэтому экспер-тов РЭНД интересовало, какую выгоду они могут получить из этих колониальных знаний и опыта в сценариях войны во Вьетнаме. В рамках данной статьи будут определены и проанализированы особенности данного взаимодействия. During the Vietnam War, the RAND Corporation began to play a significant role in the political expertise of the United States, developing a strategy for the actions of the American government in this armed conflict. At the same time, within the framework of this process, the “thought factory” actively cooperated with British officers of the colonial service. This was due to the fact that the UK had the knowledge and experience of counterinsurgency activities. Therefore, RAND experts were interested in how they can benefit from this colonial knowledge and experience in scenarios of the Vietnam War. Within the framework of this article, the features of this interaction will be determined and analyzed.
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Valentim, Juliana. "Participatory Futures Imaginations." In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.111.

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The contemporary conjuncture of widespread ecological and social crises summons critical thinking about significant cultural changes in digital media design. The selection and classification practices that marked the history of slavery and colonization now rely on all types of nanotechnologies. On behalf of the future, bodies became expanded territory to sovereign intervention, where the role of contemporary powers enable extraction and mining of material, plumbed from the most intimate sphere of the self. This logic requires the state of exception to become the norm, so that the crisis is the digital media’s critical difference: they cut through the constant stream of information, differentiating the temporally valuable from the mundane, offering users a taste of real-time responsibility and empowerment. Thereby, this research aims to explore the dynamic transformations of the mediatic environment and their impacts on the fundamental relationships of human beings with the world, the self, and objects. It unfolds concerns around neocolonial assaults on human agency and autonomy that resonate from structuring patterns emerging from the digital infrastructure of neoliberalism and the relationships of human beings with the world. It disputes the imaginaries, representational regimes, and the possibilities of reality perceptions with universal, patriarchal, and extractive representations. This research also seeks alternative forms of media education and political resistance through its collaborative practice, pursuing an attentive and open-ended inquiry into the possibilities latent for designing new communication and information tools within lived material contexts: How might we represent invisible media infrastructures? How to produce knowledge about this space and present it publicly? How can these representations be politically mobilized as ecological and social arguments to establish a public debate? How can artistic sensibilities, aesthetics and the visual field influence what is thought of this frontier space? Finally, how can art, play and research intervene and participate? For this, the project involves participatory methods to create spaces for dialogue between different epistemologies, questioning the forms of ethical and creative reasoning in the planetary media and communication systems; for fostering the techno-politics imagination through playful, participatory futures and transition design frameworks as an ethical praxis of world-making; and for a reconceptualization of autonomy as an expression of radical interdependence between body, spaces, and materiality. The research aims to provide a framework for designing media tools, which incorporates core design principles and guidelines of agency and collective autonomy. It also engages with the transnational conversation on design, a contribution that stems from recent Latin American epistemic and political experiences and struggles, and the wider debate around alternative forms of restoring communal bonds, conquering public discussion spaces, and techno-political resistances through collaborative research practices and participatory methods.
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Reports on the topic "African American Political Thought"

1

Cooney, Christopher. Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.3228.

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2

Richardson, Allissa V. Trends in Mobile Journalism: Bearing Witness, Building Movements, and Crafting Counternarratives. Just Tech, Social Science Research Council, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/jt.3010.d.2021.

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This field review examines how African American mobile journalism became a model for marginalized people’s political communication across the United States. The review explores how communication scholars’ theories about mobile journalism and media witnessing evolved since 2010 to include ethnocentric investigations of the genre. Additionally, it demonstrates how Black people’s use of the mobile device to document police brutality provided a brilliant, yet fraught, template for modern activism. Finally, it shows how Black mobile journalism created undeniable counternarratives that challenged the journalism industry in 2020 and presented scholars with a wealth of researchable questions. Taken together, the review complicates our understanding of Black mobile journalism as a great equalizer—pushing us to also consider what we lose when we lean too heavily on video testimony as a tool for political communication.
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3

Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.

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In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.
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