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Journal articles on the topic 'African American intellectuals'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Martone, Eric. "Creating a local black identity in a global context: the French writer Alexandre Dumas as an African American lieu de mémoire." Journal of Global History 5, no. 3 (October 27, 2010): 395–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022810000203.

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AbstractWestern expansion and domination through colonial systems served as a form of globalization, spreading white hegemony across the globe. While whites retained the monopoly on ‘modernity’ as the exclusive writers of historical progress, ‘backward’ African Americans were perceived as ‘outside’ Western culture and history. As a result, there were no African American individuals perceived as succeeding in Western terms in the arts, humanities, and sciences. In response, African American intellectuals forged a counter-global bloc that challenged globalization conceived as hegemonic Western domination. They sought to insert African Americans as a whole into the history of America, (re)creating a local black American history ‘forgotten’ because of slavery and Western power. African American intellectuals thus created a ‘usable past’, or counter-memory, to reconstitute history through the inclusion of African Americans, countering Western myths of black inferiority. The devastating legacy of slavery was posited as the cause of the African Americans’ lack of Western cultural acclivity. Due to the lack of nationally recognized African American figures of Western cultural achievement, intellectuals constructed Dumas as a lieu de mémoire as part of wider efforts to appropriate historical individuals of black descent from across the globe within a transnational community produced by the Atlantic slave trade. Since all blacks were perceived as having a uniting ‘essence’, Dumas’ achievements meant that all blacks had the same potential. Such identification efforts demonstrated African Americans’ social and cultural suitability in Western terms and the resulting right to be included in American society. In this process, African Americans expressed a new, local black identity by expanding an ‘African American’ identity to a wider range of individuals than was commonly applied. While constructing a usable past, African Americans redefined ‘America’ beyond the current hegemonic usage (which generally restricted the term geographically to the US) to encompass an ‘Atlantic’ world – a world in which the Dumas of memory was re-imagined as an integral component with strong connections to slavery and colonialism.

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2

Carby, Hazel V. "African American Intellectuals Symposium." Journal of African American History 88, no. 1 (January 2003): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559051.

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3

Nesbitt, F. Njubi. "African Intellectuals in the Belly of the Beast: Migration, Identity, and the Politics of Exile." African Issues 30, no. 1 (2002): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006351.

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When W.E.B. Du Bois wrote of the “double consciousness” of Africans in America, he was reflecting on the complex identities of the “talented tenth,” the educated minority of a minority like himself who felt alienated because of their awareness that their qualifications meant little in a racist society. Though written in reference to the African American intellectual, this duality, this sense of “two-ness,” is even more acute for African exiles today because they have fewer social and cultural ties to the West than African Europeans and African Americans. The exiles are much closer to the African “soul” Du Bois referred to and are less prepared for the pervasive racism and second-class status that they have to overcome in the West.

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4

Brizuela-Garcia, Esperanza. "Literacy and the Decolonization of Africa's Intellectual History." History in Africa 38 (2011): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0007.

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In his book In My Father's House Anthony Appiah made a powerful argument for historians and intellectuals at large to recognize the diverse and complex nature of Africa's cultural and historical experiences. He stated, for instance, that: “ideological decolonization is bound to fail if it neglects either endogenous ‘tradition’ or exogenous ‘Western’ ideas, and that many African (and African American) intellectuals have failed to find a negotiable middle way.”During the past fifty years, Africanist historians have focused much of their efforts on the goals of decolonizing or Africanizing the study of the African past. These have been guided by the need to produce a more authentic and relevant history of the continent. The search for such authenticity has shown that African cultures and societies are often the result of a broad range of influences and that the notions of what is indigenous or authentically African needs to take into account this historical complexity. Intellectual historians, in particular, have faced this question with regards to written sources. The question of literacy and its impact on the intellectual development of Africa is an interesting example of how historians have made some strides towards redefining the notion of a decolonized African history.

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Aayushi Sangharshee. "Langston Hughes’ Representation of African-American Anger." Creative Launcher 4, no. 5 (December 31, 2019): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2019.4.5.18.

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Set up in the backdrop of the Harlem Renaissance, this paper seeks to explore the response of the Black Americans of the early twentieth century upon crumbling of the promised American Dream. Langston Hughes belonged to the second phase of the Harlem Renaissance in which the intellectuals were much more rebellious and critical of the American experience, in comparison with the early intellectuals, who did not criticise, but instead tried to reclaim their identity by portraying Harlem as their cultural hub. Through his poems, Hughes seeks to bring forth the Black American consciousness, their composite identity and their disillusionment with the cherished American dream.

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6

Brock, Lisa. "Questioning the Diaspora: Hegemony, Black Intellectuals and Doing International History from Below." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502273.

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The recent debates among scholars on hegemony and race in African Studies are very exciting. Realities that African-American intellectuals know quite well—that there was a Black tradition of scholarship on Africa in the Americas long before 1948 and that peoples of African descent have been marginalized within the African Studies establishment—are finally getting a much needed airing. Although some of the opinions, such as those expressed by Phillip Curtin in the Chronicle are difficult to swallow and no doubt the cause of great unease, many of us are not surprised and are in fact elated. Silences on issues of racism are never golden, only a resolve to expose and fight them are.

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7

Beuving, J. Joost. "ETHNOGRAPHIES OF MARGINALITY." Africa 86, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 162–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000960.

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Africanist discourse today displays a strong, widespread and growing sense of optimism about Africa's economic future. After decades of decline and stagnation in which Africa found itself reduced to the margins of the global economic stage, upbeat Afro-optimism seems fully justified. One only needs to consider African economies' solid growth rates, the emergence of new export markets earning unprecedented quantities of foreign exchange, and the rise of novel groups such as innovative African entrepreneurs (Taylor 2012) and urban-based middle classes (Simone 2004). Ironically, Africa's bright future stands in strong contrast to the stagnancy of European and American economic powers, once seen as superior to their African relatives. Deeply held feelings of Afro-pessimism, affecting intellectuals as well as ordinary Africans, are thus giving way to almost millennial expectations of Africa's economic future: the continent's imminent catching up with a degree of private and public prosperity so commonly registered elsewhere on the globe. Some go as far as to declare the rise of a proper African renaissance wherein Africa can (finally!) claim its rightful position on the global stage.

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BLUM, EDWARD J. "THE TRIUMPH OF THE NEGRO INTELLECTUAL." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 1 (October 9, 2014): 253–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000559.

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In the middle of the 1960s, Harold Cruse was angry with his fellow “Negro intellectuals.” “The Negro movement is at an impasse,” he wrote in The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, “precisely because it lacks a real functional corps of intellectuals able to confront and deal perceptively with American realities on a level that social conditions demand.” When his book was published in 1967, American race relations seemed to be vectoring toward another nadir. Urban unrest, declining job opportunities for African Americans, the escalating war in Vietnam, and the civil rights movements’ divide over “Black Power” were only parts of the “crisis” Cruse identified. To him, black intellectuals had failed to wrestle with the particularities of racism in the United States and thus had failed to offer meaningful solutions beyond what he deemed to be the dead-end roads of integration and black nationalism.

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9

Masghati, E. "The Patronage Dilemma: Allison Davis's Odyssey from Fellow to Faculty." History of Education Quarterly 60, no. 4 (November 2020): 581–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2020.58.

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This article analyzes the role of the Julius Rosenwald Fund in shaping the career of W. Allison Davis, a distinguished anthropologist who became the first African American appointed to the faculty of a mostly white university. From 1928 to 1948, the Rosenwald Fund ran an expansive fellowship program for African American intellectuals, which, despite its significance, remains largely unexamined in the scholarly literature. Davis tied his academic aspirations to Rosenwald Fund support, including for his early research and the terms of his faculty appointment. His experiences illustrate the dynamics inclusion and exclusion of African Americans in the academy; paternalistic promotion and strategic denial functioned as two sides of the same coin. Spotlighting Davis's negotiations, this article establishes how presumptions of racial inferiority guided Rosenwald patronage and demonstrates the extent to which the principles of meritocracy and expertise remained secondary concerns for those interested in cultivating African American intellectuals.

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10

Harris, Katherine, and Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970." American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (April 1992): 644. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165912.

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Horne, Gerald, and Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970." Journal of American History 79, no. 2 (September 1992): 735. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080184.

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Beecher, Lloyd N., and Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970." International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (1992): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220164.

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13

Beckett, Paul A., and Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 27, no. 1 (1993): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485476.

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14

Zachernuk, Philip S., and Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970." African Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1992): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525138.

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15

Youe, Christopher P. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955–1970." History: Reviews of New Books 20, no. 4 (June 1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950601.

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16

Franklin, V. P., and Bettye Collier-Thomas. "Biography, Race Vindication, and African American Intellectuals." Journal of African American History 87, no. 1 (January 2002): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv87n1p160.

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17

Wallerstein, Immanuel. "Africa in the Shuffle." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 1 (1995): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008994.

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Once upon a time, not so very long ago, the study of Africa in the United States was a very rare and obscure practice, engaged in almost exclusively by African-American (then called Negro) intellectuals. They published scholarly articles primarily in quite specialized journals, notably Phylon, and their books were never reviewed in the New York Times. As a matter of fact, at this time (that is, before 1945) there weren't even very many books written about African-Americans in the U.S., although the library acquisitions were not quite as rare as those for books about Africa.

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18

Febriyanti, Irma. "THE POWER OF AMIRI BARAKA’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS TO THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN MOVEMENT IN AMERICA." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v2i2.34259.

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Imamu Amiri Baraka is an artist, activist, and also an African-American leader who was born in Newark, New Jersey. Throughout his prolific career in American literature, he was able to generate some important political issues in defending the Black Power which was a perpetuating challenge for African-American intellectuals in the 1960s-1970s.This research is written under American Studies discipline, which takes politics to gain an African-American politics’ point of view, sociology to explore the theory of race and social conflict in the United States, and cultural studies to understand the struggle of African-Americans towards white Americans.The findings of this research show Baraka’s adeptness in his dual role as artist and politician through his political thoughts which has a never-ending development of his political consciousness. Baraka’s intellectual and political thought formation has moved through verydistinct stages and they are: Black Cultural Nationalism, Black Solidarity and Black Marxism. His final political stage has a broader consciousness that reveals capitalism in the Western world and this revelation of capitalism declared its theme of death and despair, moral and social corruption with its concomitant decrying Western values and ethics, the struggle against selfhatred, and a growing ethnic awareness.Keywords: Amiri Baraka, black power, political thought, African-American politics, andconflict

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19

FARBER, DAVID. "THINKING AND NOT THINKING ABOUT RACE IN THE UNITED STATES." Modern Intellectual History 2, no. 3 (October 10, 2005): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430500051x.

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John Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002)Richard King, Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, 1940–1970 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2004)Since June 1964, all three branches of the federal government have supported the goal of racial justice in the United States. John Skrentny, in The Minority Rights Revolution, explains how that goal and related ones have been implemented over the last sixty years. He argues that key policy developments since that time were driven less by mass movements and much more by elite “meaning entrepreneurs.” Well before the 1964 Civil Rights Act was made law, in the immediate post-World War II years, a bevy of transatlantic intellectuals responded to Nazi race policy by seeking a universalist vision that would unite humanity. Richard King, in Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, explores how intellectuals pursued that anti-racist universalist vision and then how African and African-American intellectuals in the 1960s, in particular, rejected universalism and began, instead, to pursue racial justice through cultural particularism. King's traditional intellectual history, when combined with Skrentny's sociological analysis of how elites managed ideas to pursue specific policies, reveals how American society, in pursuit of racial justice, moved from the simple stated ideals of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—equal opportunity and access—to the complexities of affirmative action and an embrace of “diversity” in American life.

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20

Tillet, Salamishah. "Make Revolution Irresistible: The Role of the Cultural Worker in the Twenty-First Century." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, no. 2 (March 2015): 481–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.2.481.

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I was introduced to the term public intellectual almost twenty years ago when I was an undergraduate in a literary course on African American music taught by the cultural critic Farah Jasmine Griffin. The class conversations began with readings of jazz and hip-hop artists as “organic intellectuals” in the sense developed by Antonio Gramsci. We quickly moved to the debates sparked by Edward Said's Representations of the Intellectual (1993) and to the rise of the black public intellectual as demonstrated by the formation by Henry Louis Gates, Jr., of an academic “dream team” in African American studies at Harvard, Cornel West's publication of Race Matters (1994), and Robert Boynton's March 1995 article in the Atlantic entitled “The New Intellectuals,” which added Toni Morrison, Stanley Crouch, Patricia Williams, Michael Eric Dyson, Derrick Bell, June Jordan, and many others to that category. By the time I arrived at Harvard in 1999, for graduate study in African American literature, the idea of the black public intellectual served as a backdrop and a blueprint for how my generation of scholars could live inside and beyond the campus walls. As beneficiaries of that era, my peers and I did not necessarily have to prove that our work belonged in the public; instead, we had to wrestle with newer questions of format and forum in the digital age.

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21

Masse, Guirdex. "Mercer Cook: A Life in Motion." Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men 10, no. 2 (March 2023): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/spectrum.10.2.03.

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ABSTRACT: This article traces the intellectual trajectory and trans-national engagements of a key African American scholar and diplomat: Dr. Will Mercer Cook (1903–1987). From the 1930s to the 1960s, Mercer Cook was the foremost American authority on Black Francophone life and culture. His decades-long research, travels, and personal relationships with notable Black Francophone writers, politicians, and intellectuals, by the 1960s rendered him an ideal candidate for diplomacy posts in recently independent African nation states (The Gambia and Niger). Although not much work has alluded to his significance in the field of African diaspora studies, Cook was a central figure that connected an American public, and American educational and cultural institutions, to the Black Francophone world. This profile will highlight the significance of his work in the context of African American transnational engagements in the first half of the twentieth century.

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Masse, Guirdex. "Mercer Cook: A Life in Motion." Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men 10, no. 2 (March 2023): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/spe.2023.a903150.

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ABSTRACT: This article traces the intellectual trajectory and trans-national engagements of a key African American scholar and diplomat: Dr. Will Mercer Cook (1903–1987). From the 1930s to the 1960s, Mercer Cook was the foremost American authority on Black Francophone life and culture. His decades-long research, travels, and personal relationships with notable Black Francophone writers, politicians, and intellectuals, by the 1960s rendered him an ideal candidate for diplomacy posts in recently independent African nation states (The Gambia and Niger). Although not much work has alluded to his significance in the field of African diaspora studies, Cook was a central figure that connected an American public, and American educational and cultural institutions, to the Black Francophone world. This profile will highlight the significance of his work in the context of African American transnational engagements in the first half of the twentieth century.

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Butchart, Ronald. "Gaines, Uplifting The Race - Black Leadership, Politicism And Culture In The Twentieth Century." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 22, no. 2 (September 1, 1997): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.22.2.111-112.

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Intellectual history, by its nature, tends to be filled with paradox. When intellectual history attempts to untangle ideology, paradox becomes layered with irony. When the ideology arises from the dilemma of race in American culture, particularly as expressed by those struggling against racial oppression, paradox and irony are confounded by conundrums. Nowhere is that more true than in the ideology of "uplift" as articulated by middle-class African American intellectuals from the late nineteenth-century into the 1950s.

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Terzian, Sevan G. "“Subtle, vicious effects”: Lillian Steele Proctor's Pioneering Investigation of Gifted African American Children in Washington, DC." History of Education Quarterly 61, no. 3 (August 2021): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2021.22.

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AbstractThis essay examines the first detailed study of gifted African American youth: Lillian Steele Proctor's master's thesis from the late 1920s on Black children in Washington, DC. Unlike formative research on gifted children by educational psychologists, Proctor's investigation emphasized children's experiences at school, home, and community in determining their abilities, opportunities, and accomplishments. Proctor's work also anticipated African American intellectuals’ critiques of racist claims about intelligence and giftedness that would flourish in the 1930s. In focusing on the nation's capital, her investigation drew from a municipality with a high proportion of African American residents that was segregated by law. Proctor pointed directly to systemic racism as both contributing to the relative invisibility of gifted African American youth and in thwarting opportunities to realize their intellectual potential. In an environment of racial subordination and segregation, these gifted children found themselves excluded from cultural resources and educational opportunities.

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Kittelstrom, Amy. "Introduction: The Life of the Mind in the Early Republic." Journal of the Early Republic 43, no. 4 (December 2023): 593–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a915158.

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Abstract: This essay introduces the five articles of this issue’s special forum on American intellectual history in the early republic. Including other recent works in the field, the essay evaluates how current scholarship diverges from or corrects the conventional narrative that has centered elite Anglo-Protestant intellectuals from the beginning of the discipline until recently. Defining terms including “America” and “intellectual” is crucial to understanding the various contributions and how they collectively turn away from American exceptionalism, a progressive view of American history, the notion of a collective American mind, and the acceptance of intellectual authority or elite status as indicative of historical value. Indigenous, African American, Catholic, Mexican-American, and Californiana voices reveal American thinkers who were skeptical of Anglo-Protestant premises, had perspectives worth considering, and made contributions to the history of American thought even while historians ignored them. The current generation of scholarship in American intellectual history marks a major revision of the last great disciplinary revision of the field after the rise of the new social history. Yet despite this promise, the institutional deterioration of higher education in the United States imperils the field.

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Franklin, V. P., and Bettye Collier-Thomas. "Biography, Race Vindication, and African-American Intellectuals: Introductory Essay." Journal of Negro History 81, no. 1-4 (January 1996): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jnhv81n1-4p1.

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Hopkins, Leroy T. "Spiritual Fatherland: African-American Intellectuals and Germany, 1850-1920." Yearbook of German-American Studies 31 (December 1, 1996): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/ygas.v31i.19168.

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CURTIS, JESSE. "“Will the Jungle Take Over?” National Review and the Defense of Western Civilization in the Era of Civil Rights and African Decolonization." Journal of American Studies 53, no. 4 (May 9, 2018): 997–1023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818000488.

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During the 1950s and 1960s, conservative intellectuals in the United States described African decolonization and the civil rights movement as symptoms of a global threat to white, Western civilization. In the most influential conservative journal of the period, National Review, writers such as William F. Buckley grouped these events together as dangerous contributors to civilizational decline. In the crucible of transnational black revolt, some conservative intellectuals embraced scientific racism in the 1960s. These often-ignored features of conservative intellectual thought provided space for white supremacist ideals to continue to ferment on the American right into the twenty-first century.

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Collins, Patricia Hill. "Black Public Intellectuals: From du Bois to the Present." Contexts 4, no. 4 (November 2005): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2005.4.4.22.

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Black public intellectuals have unprecedented access to the media, but many no longer have daily contact with African-American communities. A few (mostly men) have become academic and media superstars, which helps sustain the illusion that American society is “color blind.”

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Sklar, Richard L. "The New Modernization." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 1 (1995): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008982.

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In the latter 1940s, a growing number of American intellectuals, including scholars in various academic disciplines, were attracted to the study of Africa by two powerful incentives. First, African nationalism created a new horizon for the advancement of democracy, the twentieth century's preeminent political ideal. Second, many intellectuals were anxious to reconstruct the prevailing theories of society so that they would fairly represent the aspirations and problems of people everywhere on earth. From this perspective, due regard for the contributions of Africa was deemed to be a scientific, as well as a moral, imperative. These goals, democracy and universalism, were embraced and combined by the theorists of modernization.

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Dickerson, Dennis C. "African American Religious Intellectuals and the Theological Foundations of the Civil Rights Movement, 1930–55." Church History 74, no. 2 (June 2005): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110212.

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Among the innumerable warriors against legalized racial segregation and discrimination in American society, the iconic Martin Luther King, Jr. emerged as a principal spokesman and symbol of the black freedom struggle. The many marches that he led and the crucial acts of civil disobedience that he spurred during the 1950s and 1960s established him and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference as rallying points for civil rights activities in several areas in the American South. King's charisma among African Americans drew from his sermonic rhetoric and its resonance with black audiences. Brad R. Braxton, a scholar of homiletics, observed that King as a black preacher “made the kinds of interpretive moves that historically have been associated with African American Christianity and preaching.” Braxton adds that “for King Scripture was a storybook whose value resided not so much in the historical reconstruction or accuracy of the story in the text, but rather in the evocative images, in the persuasive, encouraging anecdotes of the audacious overcoming of opposition, and in its principles about the sacredness of the human person.” Hence, King's use of this hermeneutical technique with scriptural texts validated him as a spokesman for African Americans. On a spectrum stretching from unlettered slave exhorters in the nineteenth century to sophisticated pulpiteers in the twentieth century, King stood as a quintessential black preacher, prophet, and jeremiad “speaking truth to power” and bringing deliverance to the disinherited.

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Banner-Haley, C. P. "On the Corner: African American Intellectuals and the Urban Crisis." Journal of American History 101, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau356.

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Janken, Kenneth R. "African American and Francophone Black Intellectuals during the Harlem Renaissance." Historian 60, no. 3 (March 1, 1998): 487–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1998.tb01403.x.

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Lande, Jonathan. "The Black Badge of Courage: The Politics of Recording Black Union Army Service and the Militarization of Black History in the Civil War's Aftermath." Journal of American Ethnic History 42, no. 1 (October 1, 2022): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.42.1.01.

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Abstract Scholars have detailed how Black activists looked to public forums to secure Black soldiers’ valor in American memory following the Civil War. This article reveals that they were not the only operators preserving African Americans’ wartime contributions. Rather than gravitating toward orations or monuments like other prominent activists, William Wells Brown and Frances Rollin turned to the power of history during Reconstruction. Drawing together trends of antebellum historical writing and nationalism among African American intellectuals and leaders, Brown and Rollin constructed heroic, textual accounts of Black Civil War soldiers. Brown contended that the soldiers were crucial not only to abolition but also to rescuing the Union. With his The Negro in the American Rebellion (1867), Brown contributed to a more inclusive version of American nationalism. Rollin added an ethnographic argument, crafting a muscular retelling of Martin Delany's wartime service. Rollin's Life and Public Services of Martin R. Delany (1868) affirmed Black pride and annulled burgeoning racial tropes. As a result, by the 1870s, Brown and Rollin helped assure African Americans a place in the body politic and crafted an enduring symbol—the Black badge of courage—that cemented military service as a central theme of Black historical writing.

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Lal, Vinay. "Gandhi, ‘The Coloured Races’, and the Future of Satyagraha: The View from the African American Press." Social Change 51, no. 1 (March 2021): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085721991573.

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W. E. B. Du Bois, the editor of the Crisis, a journal of the ‘darker races’ that was the organ of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, was among the earliest African American intellectuals to take a strong interest in Gandhi. However, the African American press, represented by newspapers such as the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender, was as a whole prolific in its representation of the Indian Independence movement. This article, after a detailed consideration of Du Bois’s advocacy of Gandhi’s ideas, analyses the worldview of the African American press and its outlook towards the movement in India. It is argued that a more ecumenical conception of the ‘Global South’ ought to be sensitive to African American history, and I suggest that African American newspapers played a critical role in shaping notions of the solidarity of coloured peoples, pivoting their arguments around the Indian Independence movement and particularly the satyagraha campaigns of Gandhi.

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Barak, Julie, and Manning Marable. "Dispatches from the Ebony Tower: Intellectuals Confront the African American Experience." Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature 55, no. 1 (2001): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1348175.

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Nemoianu, Virgil. "J.F. Cooper, East European and African‐American Intellectuals: Relativising Cultural Relativism." Journal of Literary Studies 11, no. 3-4 (December 1995): 14–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564719508530112.

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Helbling, Mark. "Alain Locke: Personality and the Problematic of Pragmatism in the Construction of Race." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000212x.

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In the current interest in American pragmatism, the role of African American intellectuals within that tradition, together with questions of race and ethnic identity, has increasingly been given serious attention. Cornel West, for example, argued in The American Evasion of Philosophy (1989) that pragmatism represented our most important intellectual tradition for confronting the inequalities that existed due to “hierarchies based on class, race, gender and sexual orientation.” Nevertheless, West claimed, it was a flawed tradition still limited in its intellectual and social reach because “the complex formulations and arguments of American pragmatists shape and are shaped by the social structures that exploit and oppress.” Given this claim, West challenged his readers to expand “the pragmatist canon to encompass a major body of critical reflection on ‘race’ and racism in the United States.”Of those who have responded to West's challenge, Nancy Fraser was one of the first to link her critical project directly with that of his. In “Another Pragmatism: Alain Locke, Critical ‘Race’ Theory, and the Politics of Culture” (1995), Fraser writes, “I intend to take up Cornel West's challenge. I am going to discuss a recently rediscovered work by another African-American theorist of ‘race’ and racism who was trained in philosophy at Harvard under Josiah Royce and William James early in this century and who also deserves a place in the “pragmatist pantheon.” Thus, whereas W E. B. Du Bois was the only African American to appear in West's “pragmatist pantheon,” Fraser gave a careful reading of five lectures that Locke gave at Howard University in the spring of 1916 — “Race Contacts and Interracial Relations: A Study of the Theory and Practice of Race” — to establish his pragmatic credentials. These credentials, however, included his specific use of race as a form of social solidarity; that is, as an expression of group solidarity, race served to articulate as well as shape the cultural and political needs of African Americans. For this reason, Fraser argued that although “pragmatism undoubtedly lay at the core of Locke's 1916 vision,” his “lectures present a strand of pragmatist thought that differs importantly from the mainstream of the movement.”

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Shrestha, Tara Lal. "Michelle Obama’s Becoming as a Political Memoir: A Gramscian Approach." SCHOLARS: Journal of Arts & Humanities 2 (August 31, 2020): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sjah.v2i0.35012.

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When one internalizes the truth that nothing is beyond the politics of hegemony, the counter-hegemoinic discourse exists as strategic essentialism. As such, the influence of hegemonic discourses as represented by the dominant group gets transferred to the dominated mass inferior group. Derogatory terms towards racial minorities, to the African-Americans in particular, have been internationalized with generalization. Michelle Obama’s 2018 autobiography Becoming unearths such deep-rooted dynamics of dehumanization of minorities persisting in her country where racism enclosed with patriarchy is still dominant in newer forms in everyday life. Indifferent to politics in her early phase of life, she gradually gets metamorphosed into an activist intellectual. She stands along with some critics to defend that America did not enter into the ‘postracial era’ even after Barack Obama served the White House as the President for two terms. She looks in search of ‘organic’ intellectuals who assume the integral politicization of a practical intellectual role as the permanent persuader to preserve achieved minority rights in the context of the rise of Donald Trump in American politics. Her memoir, having political febrics, therefore, presents a counterhegemonic essence.

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Leedy, Todd H. "The World the Students Made: Agriculture and Education at American Missions in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1930–1960." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 4 (November 2007): 447–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00109.x.

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In 1930, the same year in which the segregationist Land Apportionment Act was passed, the governor of Rhodesia addressed a meeting of representatives from the various missionary organizations operating in the colony. He proceeded to argue against the sort of education that might create a class of African intellectuals who would eventually challenge white economic and political dominance:The nature of the intellectual advance to be aimed at should be one of which advantage can be taken in the ordinary daily lives of the people, and should be a step forward in a field already familiar to them, rather than a violent transition into fields which belong to a different type of civilization. As the life of African peoples is to a preponderating extent agricultural, education should aim at making them better agriculturalists and better able to appreciate all the natural processes with which agriculture is connected.

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Williams, Z. R. "From Du Bois to Obama: African American Intellectuals in the Public Forum." Journal of American History 98, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar086.

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Williams, Vernon J. "Daniel Matlin. On the Corner: African American Intellectuals and the Urban Crisis." American Historical Review 119, no. 5 (December 2014): 1734. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.5.1734.

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Chabot, Sean. "Framing, Transnational Diffusion, and African-American Intellectuals in the Land of Gandhi." International Review of Social History 49, S12 (December 2004): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859004001622.

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Tiéde, Lívia Maria. "From Brazil to The Planet: politics of race in the american black press." PerCursos 25 (April 19, 2024): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/19847246252024e0104.

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In the passage of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, Brazilian and American Black intellectuals expressed their views on racial disputes over the Black press. This article evaluates views of Black politics in the U.S. and Brazil as an essential grounding of the struggle for civil rights, understanding the past of both countries as emerging from a collective experience of discrimination. The primary sources are the letters written by J. S. Moore, an African American intellectual who lived in Bahia, Brazil. Moore addressed his writings to newspapers such as the New York Amsterdam News, Chicago Defender, and particularly the Richmond Planet. His critics' articles debated directly with editors from 1917 to the 1930s. The dialogue between the American continents also sheds light on Brazilians’ racial issues. It gives us a more complex perspective of the global fight against racism and makes it possible to understand the potential choices for resistance among diasporic societies.

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Dottin, Paul Anthony. "THE HYDRA OF HOROWITZIAN HISTORY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 5, no. 1 (2008): 161–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x08080041.

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AbstractWhether to provide reparations to African Americans for the atrocities of slavery and segregation is arguably the most controversial public matter concerning race in the United States today. This debate, a clash over the economics and ethics of equality, is nothing less than a struggle over the future of racial identity, race relations, and racial progress in the current post–civil rights movement era.With the stakes for African Americans so high, and the prospects for affirmative action dim, public intellectuals have weighed in heavily on each side of the issue. Randall Robinson—author of the best-known work advocating for reparations, The Debt: What America Owes to Blacks (2000)—and David Horowitz—the reparationist movement's most reviled nemesis and author of Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for Slavery (2002)—have become the alpha and omega of almost any deliberation on Black reparations.Not surprisingly, rancorous rhetoric has often overshadowed rigorous research on the veracity of antireparations and proreparations claims. This essay aims to correct this problem with an extensive analysis of David Horowitz's (2002) arguments, providing a synthesis of data, concepts, theories, and methodologies from the disciplines of sociology, history, economics, and anthropology. This essay finds that Horowitz's use of academic scholarship to discredit African American reparations fails to meet the “scientific” standards he demands of his opponents.

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Vitz, Rico. "Enriching Humean Sympathy: Reading Hume’s Moral Philosophy in Light of African American Philosophical Thought." Hume Studies 48, no. 2 (November 2023): 241–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hms.2023.a910744.

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Abstract: In this paper, I show how reading Hume’s moral philosophy in light of seminal works by nineteenth- and twentieth-century African American authors can provide resources for developing a richer and more intentionally relational conception of sympathy. I begin by identifying two phenomena to which African American intellectuals like Booker T. Washington, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Anna Julia Cooper refer with the term “sympathy.” For ease of reference, I label these phenomena “sympathetic commitment” and “sympathetic understanding,” respectively. I then show that there are concepts in Hume’s moral philosophy that refer to similar phenomena and suggest that Hume scholars can draw on these concepts to develop an enriched and distinctively Humean sense of sympathy.

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Zumoff. "Framing a Radical African Atlantic: African American Agency, West African Intellectuals and the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 11, no. 2 (2017): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0201.

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Myerscough, Katie. "On the Corner: African American Intellectuals and the Urban Crisis by Daniel Matlin." New York History 97, no. 2 (2016): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2016.0026.

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Kruger, Loren. "Black Irony: Modernism, Mimicry, and African America in Lewis Nkosi’s Drama." Research in African Literatures 54, no. 1 (March 2023): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2023.a915636.

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ABSTRACT: Like many Black intellectuals that came of age as apartheid was tightening its grip in the 1950s, Lewis Nkosi (1936–2010) left South Africa on a one-way ticket. Although he outlived apartheid and returned to his native land on and off after 1991, he lived abroad in the United States in the 1990s and in Europe in the 2000s. Although allied with the African National Congress in exile, he wrote skeptically about emphatic anti-apartheid writing. His essays from the 1950s on reflect his preference for cosmopolitan and experimental authors from Dostoyevsky to Kafka, in other words for modernism broadly speaking, and his creative writing reflects this preference in the ironic and satirical rather than the usual earnest treatment of the struggle. While several critics have noted this modernist preference, none have examined the influence of Black American authors on Nkosi’s writing. This omission demands attention, as Nkosi’s creative writing, especially drama for stage and radio, draws deeply from Black Americans, even when he steals themes, phrases, and characters without acknowledging sources. The Rhythm of Violence written and performed during his first US sojourn 1960–61, borrows style and phrasing from Black Beat poet Ted Joans, the radio drama “We Can’t All Be Martin Luther King,” broadcast on BBC 4 in 1971, lifts title and tone—unacknowledged—from activist-writer Julian Bond’s ironic poem responding to expectations that all Black intellectuals emulate Dr. King, and The Black Psychiatrist borrows from the decidedly unironic Black nationalist Amiri Baraka. Like Bond and essayist James Baldwin, Nkosi balanced a commitment to struggle—in his case, presenting Black African and Caribbean writers to the BBC and to readers abroad—with an ironic attitude to what he called the absurdity of apartheid and other forms of racism.

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King, Joyce E. "2015 AERA Presidential Address Morally Engaged Research/ers Dismantling Epistemological Nihilation in the Age of Impunity." Educational Researcher 46, no. 5 (June 2017): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x17719291.

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This article presents Joyce E. King’s 2015 AERA presidential address, which artfully combined scholarly discourse with performance elements and diverse voices in several multimedia formats. In discussing morally engaged research/ers dismantling epistemological nihilation, the article advances the argument that the moral stance, solidarity with racial/cultural dignity in education praxis, policy, and research, is needed to combat discursive forms of racism. The lecture opened with African Americans and Native Americans performing culturally affirming traditional ritual practices. An African drum processional and a libation honored revered Black ancestors—scholars, artists, and activist intellectuals—Maya Angelou, Ruby Dee, Amiri Baraka, Vincent Harding, and Asa G. Hilliard, III (Nana Baffour Amankwatia II). An intergenerational Native American delegation offered a traditional welcome prayer, gifting of tobacco, and ceremonial drumming and dance performance. Dr. King began her address by acknowledging that the 2015 AERA annual meeting was taking place in the ancestral lands of the Pottawatomie Nation.

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