Relevant bibliographies by topics / African American homeowners

Academic literature on the topic 'African American homeowners'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 27 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "African American homeowners"

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González-Cabán, Armando, and José J. Sánchez. "Minority households’ willingness to pay for public and private wildfire risk reduction in Florida." International Journal of Wildland Fire 26, no. 8 (2017): 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/wf16216.

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The purpose of this work is to estimate willingness to pay (WTP) for minority (African-American and Hispanic) homeowners in Florida for private and public wildfire risk-reduction programs and also to test for differences in response between the two groups. A random parameter logit and latent class model allowed us to determine if there is a difference in wildfire mitigation program preferences, whether WTP is higher for public or private actions for wildfire risk reduction, and whether households with personal experience and who perceive that they live in higher-risk areas have significantly higher WTP. We also compare Florida minority homeowners’ WTP values with Florida original homeowners’ estimates. Results suggest that Florida minority homeowners are willing to invest in public programs, with African-Americans WTP values at a higher rate than Hispanics. In addition, the highest priority for cost-sharing funds would go to low-income homeowners, especially to cost-share private actions on their own land. These results may help fire managers optimise allocation of scarce cost-sharing funds for public v. private actions.
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Keene, Danya E., Julia F. Lynch, and Amy Castro Baker. "Fragile health and fragile wealth: Mortgage strain among African American homeowners." Social Science & Medicine 118 (October 2014): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.07.063.

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Li, Yanmei, Mary V. Wenning, and Hazel A. Morrow-Jones. "Differences in Neighborhood Satisfaction Between African American and White Homeowners During the Early 2000s." Housing and Society 40, no. 2 (January 2013): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08882746.2013.11430613.

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Michney, Todd M., and LaDale Winling. "New Perspectives on New Deal Housing Policy: Explicating and Mapping HOLC Loans to African Americans." Journal of Urban History 46, no. 1 (January 9, 2019): 150–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144218819429.

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Scholarship on the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) has typically focused on this New Deal housing agency’s invention of redlining, with dire effects from this legacy of racial, ethnic, and class bias for the trajectories of urban, and especially African American neighborhoods. However, HOLC did not embark on its now infamous mapping project until after it had issued all its emergency refinancing loans to the nation’s struggling homeowners. We examine the racial logic of HOLC’s local operations and its lending record to black applicants during the agency’s initial 1933-1935 “rescue” phase, finding black access to its loans to have been far more extensive than anyone has assumed. Yet, even though HOLC did loan to African Americans, it did so in ways that reinforced racial segregation—and with the objective of replenishing the working capital of the overwhelmingly white-owned building and loans that held the mortgages on most black-owned homes.
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Miles, Angel Love. "“Strong Black Women”: African American Women with Disabilities, Intersecting Identities, and Inequality." Gender & Society 33, no. 1 (December 28, 2018): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243218814820.

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In a mixed-methods study of the barriers and facilitators to homeownership for African American women with physical disabilities, self-concept emerged among the primary themes. This article discusses how participants in the study perceived themselves and negotiated how they were perceived by others as multiply marginalized women. Using what I call a feminist intersectional disability framework, I suggest that participants’ relationships to care strongly contributed to their self-concept. The “Strong Black Woman” trope and associated expectations had cultural and material relevance for how they interpreted themselves and were interpreted by others as receivers, managers, and providers of care. The material reality of owning or not owning a home did not reveal significant differences in the self-concepts of homeowners versus nonhomeowners. Rather, it was through conversations about homeownership that this data around self-concept in relationship to care was revealed.
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Wyly, Elvin K., Mona Atia, Elizabeth Lee, and Pablo Mendez. "Race, Gender, and Statistical Representation: Predatory Mortgage Lending and the US Community Reinvestment Movement." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 39, no. 9 (September 2007): 2139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a38224.

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American mortgage markets, once arenas of discrimination by exclusion, now operate as venues of segmentation and discrimination by inclusion: credit is widely available, but its terms vary enormously. One market segment involves sophisticated predatory practices in which certain groups of borrowers are targeted for high-cost credit that strips out home equity and worsens the risks of delinquency, default, and foreclosure. Unfortunately, it has become more difficult to measure inequalities of predatory lending: race–ethnicity and gender are ‘disappearing’ from the main public data source used to study, organize, and mobilize on issues of lending inequalities. In this paper, we present a mixed-methods case study of statistical representation of homeowners and homebuyers marginalized by race, ethnicity, and gender. A theoretical examination of official data-collection practices is followed by a discussion of alternative meanings of racial–ethnic and gender nondisclosure. Interviews with a sample of homeowners and homebuyers in the Washington, DC, area reveal some respondent ambivalence about the details of data-collection practices, but provide no consistent support for the idea that nonreporting is solely a matter of individual choice. Econometric analyses indicate that nondisclosure is driven primarily by lending-industry practices, with the strongest disparate impacts in African-American suburbs. Predatory lending is producing ambivalent spaces of racial-ethnic and gender invisibility, requiring new strategies in the reinvestment movement.
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Beal-Hodges, Mary, Mary O. Borg, and Harriet A. Stranahan. "A Re-Examination Of The Property Tax Burden." Journal of Business & Economics Research (JBER) 14, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jber.v14i2.9627.

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The property tax is the major source of own revenues for most city and county governments, yet economists have had very little definitive information to share with policymakers about the burden that it imposes on local citizens. This is because most previous studies of property taxes have used a Suits index analysis which does not allow for any independent variables other than income. We estimate a regression model using current income and various socio-demographic variables in order to take a more fine grained approach. We use data obtained from the Florida Department of Revenue from 326,976 single family homeowners in four northeast Florida counties geo-coded with the 2010 block group census data. We find that the property tax is regressive with respect to current income. With respect to demographic variables, we find that homeowners over the age of 65 pay a higher average tax rate based on their current incomes. African Americans pay a lower tax rate than other races based on their current income. When we combine income and demographic variables to predict the tax rate paid by a hypothetical low socio-economic status household versus a high socio-economic status household, we find that the high SES household pays a higher average tax rate. Thus, the demographic variables temper the regressivity of the property tax based on current income alone.
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Scheller, Daniel S. "Revisiting recent findings on gated communities and racial homogeneity." Environment and Planning B: Urban Analytics and City Science, August 23, 2021, 239980832110389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23998083211038945.

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This paper seeks to determine the propensity of racial minorities to live in gated communities. A recent study by Plaut in this journal finds that nonwhites are more likely to live in gated communities than whites for both renters and homeowners. Such a finding would indicate a major change in housing patterns. I replicate and build upon her study by including multiple years of data, disaggregating the nonwhite variable into its important racial components, and then interacting race with specific housing type (multi-family units vs. single family units). I find that her potentially innovative results are statistical artifacts. For homeowners, the results generally indicate that nonwhite individuals are not more likely to own a home in a gated community, especially for single family detached units. At best, they are no more or no less likely than white residents to own a home in a gated community. Minority renters are sometimes more likely to indicate that they live in a gated community, but generally only for multi-family rental units. Differences between African American and Latino gating patterns are also discussed.
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Souther, J. Mark. "Through the Ivory Curtain: African Americans in Cleveland Heights, Ohio, before the Fair Housing Movement." Journal of Urban History, October 4, 2021, 009614422110450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00961442211045083.

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This article examines the largely neglected history of African American struggles to obtain housing in Cleveland Heights, a first-ring suburb of Cleveland, Ohio, between 1900 and 1960, prior to the fair housing and managed integration campaigns that emerged thereafter. The article explores the experiences of black live-in servants, resident apartment building janitors, independent renters, and homeowners. It offers a rare look at the ways that domestic and custodial arrangements opened opportunities in housing and education, as well as the methods, calculations, risks, and rewards of working through white intermediaries to secure homeownership. It argues that the continued black presence laid a foundation for later advances beginning in the 1960s that made Cleveland Heights, like better-known Shaker Heights, a national model for suburban racial integration.
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Brown, Eleanor Marie. "Why Black Homeowners are More Likely to Be Caribbean-American than African-American in New York: A Theory of How Early West Indian Migrants Broke Racial Cartels in Housing." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2799698.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African American homeowners"

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Jones, Ulrica. "How African Americans in rural areas learn to become homeowners." 2003. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/jones%5Fulrica%5F200305%5Fedd.

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Books on the topic "African American homeowners"

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Clybourne Park: [a play]. New York: Faber and Faber, 2011.

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Bamberger, Bill. This house is home: Stories of home ownership in Chattanooga. [Mebane, N.C.]: Bill Bamberger, 1995.

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The culture of property: Race, class, and housing landscapes in Atlanta, 1880-1950. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2009.

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Self, Robert O. American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland. Princeton University Press, 2005.

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Self, Robert O. American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland. Princeton University Press, 2005.

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American Babylon: Race and the struggle for postwar Oakland. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2003.

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American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Politics and Society in Twentieth Century America). Princeton University Press, 2005.

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Doody, Colleen. Race and Anti-Communism, 1945–1952. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037276.003.0004.

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This chapter demonstrates how anti-Communism became a means to debate the proper role of government on the issue of race rights. Liberals and their leftist allies supported the wartime New Deal's vision of an expanded role for government in both fair housing and fair employment for African Americans. They embraced the inclusive, democratic nationalism of the New Deal. Opponents of this view argued that racial advances would come at the expense of white workers and homeowners. These groups supported a far more limited conception of the New Deal, one that shied away from racial equality while providing federal support for white homeownership. They often equated racial egalitarianism with Socialism and Communism.
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Coveted Westside: How the Black Homeowners Rights Movement Shaped Modern Los Angeles. University of Nevada Press, 2022.

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Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. Race for Profit. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653662.001.0001.

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By the late 1960s and early 1970s, reeling from a wave of urban uprisings, politicians finally worked to end the practice of redlining. Reasoning that the turbulence could be calmed by turning Black city-dwellers into homeowners, they passed the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968, and set about establishing policies to induce mortgage lenders and the real estate industry to treat Black homebuyers equally. The disaster that ensued revealed that racist exclusion had not been eradicated, but rather transmuted into a new phenomenon of predatory inclusion. Race for Profit uncovers how exploitative real estate practices continued well after housing discrimination was banned. The same racist structures and individuals remained intact after redlining’s end, and close relationships between regulators and the industry created incentives to ignore improprieties. Meanwhile, new policies meant to encourage low-income homeownership created new methods to exploit Black homeowners. The federal government guaranteed urban mortgages in an attempt to overcome resistance to lending to Black buyers – as if unprofitability, rather than racism, was the cause of housing segregation. Bankers, investors, and real estate agents took advantage of the perverse incentives, targeting the Black women most likely to fail to keep up their home payments and slip into foreclosure, multiplying their profits. As a result, by the end of the 1970s, the nation’s first programs to encourage Black homeownership ended with tens of thousands of foreclosures in Black communities across the country. The push to uplift Black homeownership had descended into a goldmine for realtors and mortgage lenders, and a ready-made cudgel for the champions of deregulation to wield against government intervention of any kind. Narrating the story of a sea-change in housing policy and its dire impact on African Americans, Race for Profit reveals how the urban core was transformed into a new frontier of cynical extraction.
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Book chapters on the topic "African American homeowners"

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Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. "Unsophisticated Buyers." In Race for Profit, 167–210. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653662.003.0006.

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As the HUD failed to provide adequate housing for African Americans, officials and media increasingly placed the blame on the African American homeowners. In many cases the focus was on African American women. Instead of attributing an abundance of foreclosures to the selling of dilapidated housing and the inability of tenants to pay for extensive repairs, people claimed African American women were not knowledgeable enough about home maintenance and budgeting to own homes. In some places, potential low-income home buyers were educated on budgeting and home maintenance. However, the assumption that counselling could lead to better home retention ignored the systematic issues that placed Black people in inferior housing. Stories about low-income homeowners, mostly women, suing organizations for tricking them into poor residences, helped undercut the unsophisticated buyer narrative. Additionally, reports of scandal and corruption within the HUD cast a negative light on the response to the urban housing crisis.
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Smithsimon, Gregory. "Foreclosure." In Liberty Road, 192–219. NYU Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479845118.003.0007.

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Comparing three suburban areas—one Black, one white, one transitioning—demonstrates that racial transition does not lead to dramatic changes in property values. Black suburban neighborhoods retained value over decades. However, small differences in rates of appreciation, compounded over decades, can lead to significant differences in wealth accumulation for African Americans and whites. More dramatically, during the subprime housing bubble, lenders explained how they targeted African American homeowners for exploitative loans. These experiences are evocative of the punctuated equilibrium model in evolution: long periods of relative stasis interrupted by periods of dramatic disruption.
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Michney, Todd M. "Zoning, Development, and Residential Access." In Surrogate Suburbs. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631943.003.0004.

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This chapter shifts focus to Cleveland’s far south-eastern corner to probe the origins of the Lee-Seville enclave, investigating several land development battles that materialized between and among black and white residents, as more upwardly mobile African American families moved to the vicinity after World War II. Despite being united in opposition to public housing, black homeowners fought to preserve vacant land for residential use, while whites attempted to hamper African American influx through zoning changes enabling industrial projects. The topics of black contractors and builders are covered, as well as the emergence by the late 1950s of white developers willing to build for African American clients, along with how African Americans successfully navigated white opposition to gain access to the quasi-suburban Lee-Harvard neighbourhood. The first black family’s move there in 1953 was effectively mediated by the city’s Community Relations Board and personally by the mayor himself – in contrast to Detroit and Chicago where city leaders deferred to white prejudice.
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Rector, Josiah. "Shifting the Burden." In Toxic Debt, 78–97. University of North Carolina Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469665764.003.0005.

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After World War II, plant closures and layoffs rapidly eroded Detroit’s tax base. Between 1953 and 1969, Wayne County lost 235,000 manufacturing jobs, while four other metro Detroit counties gained 123,000. Although environmental regulations did not play a significant role in the first phase of postwar deindustrialization, business leaders used the threat of capital flight to attack even modest state and local environmental regulations. Meanwhile, Detroit’s white population decreased from 1,545,847 in 1950 to 838,877 in 1970, while the city’s African American population increased from 300,506 in 1950 to 660,428 in 1970. Federal Housing Administration (FHA) officials, suburban politicians, and white homeowners excluded African Americans from these housing opportunities. The combination of deindustrialization and white suburbanization caused Detroit’s municipal tax base to contract at a time when both pollution and regulatory compliance costs were increasing. While the suburbs attracted manufacturing jobs, population, and tax dollars from Detroit, they generated environmental externalities that lowered property values and increased sewage treatment costs in the city. Postwar deindustrialization and white flight enabled corporations and suburban municipalities to shift environmental costs onto an increasingly African American city with a shrinking tax base.
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Rose, Carol M. "Raisin, Race, and the Real Estate Revolution of the Early Twentieth Century." In Power, Prose, and Purse, 287–312. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190873455.003.0013.

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Lorraine Hansberry’s hit play of 1957, A Raisin in the Sun, centered on the decision of an African American family in Chicago, the Youngers, to move to a house in a white neighborhood. The play is set in the post–World War II era, but many of its scenes and actions relate back to real estate practices that began at the turn of the century and that continued to evolve into the midcentury and to some degree beyond. During those decades, housing development and finance increased dramatically in scale, professionalization, and standardization. But in their concern for their predominantly white consumers’ preferences for segregation, real estate developers, brokers, financial institutions, and finally governmental agencies adopted standard practices that excluded African Americans from many housing opportunities and that then reinforced white preferences for housing segregation. Many seemingly minor features of the play reflect the way that African Americans had been sidelined in the earlier decades’ evolving real estate practices—not just the family’s overcrowded apartment, but also more subtle cues, such as the source of the initial funds for the new house, the methods for its finance, and the legal background of the white homeowners’ effort to discourage the purchase. This essay pinpoints these and other small clues, and describes how standardizing real estate practices dating from the turn of the century effectively crowded out African American consumers like the Youngers, with consequences that we continue to observe in modern patterns of urban segregation.
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Smithsimon, Gregory. "Building a Black Community." In Liberty Road, 79–116. NYU Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479845118.003.0003.

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To break down the color line that had kept Baltimore suburbs segregated required the work of local activists who made creative use of the Fair Housing Act, cooperation between Black and Jewish civil rights activists, pioneering African American homeowners, integrationists unexpectedly working within the nearby Social Security headquarters, and a major mortgage lender who ignored the Jim Crow norms and wrote mortgages when buyers wanted to move outside their segregated neighborhoods. While most of the United States had a dual housing market, Baltimore had a tripartite market, in which neighborhoods were segregated as white, Black, or Jewish. Ethnic succession played a role in the growth of some Black suburbs but not others, but neither of the local narratives of positive or negative Jewish involvement in desegregation were supported.
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Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. "Homeowner’s Business." In Race for Profit, 1–24. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653662.003.0001.

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In the late 1960’s it was common knowledge that the nation’s urban areas, mostly inhabited by African Americans, were plagued by poverty and unrest. The Lyndon B. Johnson administration felt the urban housing issue could be solved with a marriage between the private and public sectors. For decades the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) barred African Americans from homeownership by claiming they were too financially risky to receive the same services from the real estate and banking industries as Whites. The passing of the Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Act of 1968 eliminated this perceived risk by allowing low interest mortgage loans that were fully backed by the federal government. Finally, African Americans were given access to conventional real estate practices and mortgage financing. However, ingrained racisms within the government and private sector ensured African Americans were incorporated into the housing market on more expensive and unfair terms than White Americans. The author refers to this phenomenon as predatory inclusion.
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Smithsimon, Gregory. "Desegregation." In Liberty Road, 117–37. NYU Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479845118.003.0004.

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Contrary to widespread narratives that growing Black populations lead to falling home values, the racially transitioning suburbs outside of Baltimore exhibited stable home prices for decades. White and Black community-level activists played a significant role in managing a gradual racial transition. Nonetheless, measurable differences in the appreciation of home values over several decades demonstrate how the most common strategies of wealth accumulation in the United States are not equally available to most middle-class African American homeowners. In addition, new suburban developments do not follow patterns of segregation observed in city neighborhoods, in part because housing in the suburbs is still growing and not a zero-sum game. Instead of Black residents replacing white residents, newly developed communities see increases in the number of Black and white residents at the same time. Rather than earlier urban neighborhoods that notoriously went from all white to all Black overnight, racial transition in these suburbs occurred over three decades.
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Michney, Todd M. "Expanding Black Settlement in the 1940s." In Surrogate Suburbs. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631943.003.0003.

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This chapter follows Glenville and Mount Pleasant from World War II into the early post-war years. As increasing numbers of African Americans moved into these historically heavily-Jewish neighbourhoods, racial tensions escalated and the phenomenon of panic selling first emerged, even as upwardly mobile black buyers expressed satisfaction and hope at their expanded housing choices. Into the early post-war period, interracial community councils seeking to stabilize population turnover counter-mobilized against exclusionary white homeowners’ associations attempting to choke off black housing access. Jewish residents were more active in these interracial neighbourhood mobilizations, but at the same time Jews departed for the suburbs at above-average rates, to the point where their demographic and institutional presence had diminished to an insignificant point by 1950.
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Conference papers on the topic "African American homeowners"

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May, Elizabeth, Peng Du, and Victoria Martine. "Environmental Justice: A Case Study into the Heat Vulnerable Neighborhoods of Philadelphia." In 111th ACSA Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.111.53.

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Studies have shown that low-income communities and communities of color are more likely to live in neighborhoods experiencing multiple environmental burdens and disproportionate vulnerability to the impacts of climate change in American cities. The practice of redlining in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania has caused environmental injustice in ways that might not have been obvious at that time however there are neighborhoods that are still affected by this practice. These areas have the lowest median household incomes, lowest life expectancies, and highest population of African American people compared to the rest of the city. The main objective of this research is to map the heat vulnerable neighborhoods in Philadelphia and suggest ways to mitigate urban heat island. Mapping heat vulnerability shows the areas that are more susceptible to the exacerbating effects of heat. The research began with mapping factors that determine vulnerability, such as heat exposure, access to green space/tree coverage, median household income, life expectancy, and race. Mapping these indicators allowed the vulnerable neighborhoods to be pinpointed. The most vulnerable neighborhoods chosen were Tioga and Carroll Park. To conduct a better analysis the least vulnerable neighborhood, Chestnut Hill, was chosen to compare to. Further, overlaying the Homeowners Loan Corporation redlining map to find out that the “hazardous” neighborhoods overlap with the most vulnerable neighborhoods. To continue the analysis with simulations, Rhino and Grasshopper (Ladybug Tools) were used to quantify the urban heat island indicators such as Direct Sun Hours, Universal Thermal Climate Index (UTCI) and Heat Stress Hours in both public spaces and streets. In summary, this research proposes design interventions, including strategies of adding greenery, to mitigate the urban heat island effect. The simulations showed that the neighborhoods that are the most heat vulnerable would have to drastically change their environment to mitigate the urban heat island.
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