Academic literature on the topic 'Africa – Relations – Europe'
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Journal articles on the topic "Africa – Relations – Europe"
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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.
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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.
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Behr, Timo, and Saskia van Genugten. "Europe in North Africa :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (November 1, 2011): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.10.
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European geopolitics cast a long shadow in North Africa. Due to its political, economic and strategic interests in a ‘stable’ neighbourhood, Europe has for long discouraged a process of uncontrolled political change in North African countries. However, in the spring of 2011, mass demonstrations by Arab youths broke the prevailing deadlock in the region and swept away a number of long standing Arab dictators. The question that remains unanswered is to what extent the ‘Arab Spring’ will affect geo-political relations among Europeans and Europe’s standing as a whole in the global pecking order. Will Europe’s belated support for the Arab revolutions renew its geopolitical importance and international mission, or will it precipitate its interminable decline? In this article, this question is being scrutinised by looking at the historical development of European relations with North Africa and how Europe is trying to preserve some of its former influence despite domestic challenges and competition from new, non-Western actors.
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Bodomo, Adams. "Africa-China-Europe relations: Conditions and conditionalities." Journal of International Studies 12, no. 4 (December 2019): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2019/12-4/8.
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Ndzendze, Bhaso. "Inversely Correlated? Comparing EU-27 and Chinese Exports to South Africa, 2007-2018." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 2 (August 1, 2020): 297–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020024.
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Against the background of literature that assumes mutual exclusivity of European and Chinese access to African markets, this article conducted an assessment of European and Chinese exports to South Africa over the 2007–2018 period. Findings indicate that Chinese exports to South Africa have not supplanted total EU exports to South Africa, unlike the case with the country’s other previous leading trade partners; however, in this timeframe, China’s rate of growth has outgrown that of Europe, and some products which were principally sourced from the EU were subsequently exported more by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), indicating that if the present trajectory continues, China will replace Europe as the principal export partner of South Africa within little over a decade. The onset of Brexit, with the UK being a key trade partner for South Africa within the EU, will expedite this trend by diminishing the gap between EU and PRC exports to South Africa. EU–South Africa relations, China–South Africa relations, EU–China relations, Trade
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Olivier, Gerrit. "From Colonialism to Partnership in Africa–Europe Relations?" International Spectator 46, no. 1 (March 2011): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.549754.
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Staeger, Ueli. "Africa–EU Relations and Normative Power Europe: A Decolonial Pan‐African Critique." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 54, no. 4 (December 29, 2015): 981–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12350.
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Rein, Conrad. "The Prospects for the Future of European Union–African Union Relations in Uncertain Times." European Review 25, no. 4 (September 6, 2017): 550–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798717000217.
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The importance of Africa for Europe was highlighted in the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Although the overarching framework for relations between the European Union and Africa is embedded in the 2000 Cotonou Agreement, cooperation between the European Union and Africa became increasingly institutionalized through the European Union–Africa Summits of 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2014, during which political leaders from both sides made strong rhetorical commitments to a strategic partnership. Yet, for the wider public, the relationship between the European Union and Africa appears to be both obscure and complex. The fifth European Union–Africa Summit is scheduled to take place in Ivory Coast in November 2017. This article will provide an overview of the development of European Union–Africa relations that coincided with the emergence of the African Union, the successor of the Organisation of African Unity. The so-called ‘strategic partnership’ between the European Union and the African Union represents the most comprehensive partnership the African Union has with any non-African actor. By highlighting current challenges affecting both, such as irregular migration, this article will, however, demonstrate that cooperation between the two is limited and somewhat lacking in strategic direction.
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Rieker, Pernille. "Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa." Politics and Governance 10, no. 2 (May 18, 2022): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i2.5048.
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This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe’s security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.
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Gerhart, Gail M., and Walter Rodney. "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa." Foreign Affairs 76, no. 5 (1997): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048265.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Africa – Relations – Europe"
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Wamba, Jean-Stanislas. "L’écriture de la rencontre Afrique-Occident. Les espaces de l’intersubjectivité et le problème de la traduction dans le roman." Thesis, Paris Est, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PEST0036/document.
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Cette thèse s’inscrit dans le cadre des études postcoloniales. En effet, si traditionnellement les idéologies des hiérarchies font des oppositions binaires centre/périphérie, oppresseur/oppressé, colonisateur/colonisé, l’expression de la rencontre Afrique/Occident, les tentatives de conciliation des vues, le dépassement des antagonismes, la relecture de l’hypothèse des cultures en conflit et des identités pures demeurent des axes de réflexion propres à l’ère postcoloniale. Ces nouveaux centres d’intérêt dépassent largement les discours hégémoniques du contexte contraignant des pratiques coloniales et fondement de la rencontre Afrique/Occident.Cependant, des questions demeurent. En effet, si dans les sociétés postcoloniales, ce qui est premier et opératoire n’est ni Moi ni l’Autre, mais ce qu’il y a entre nous, comment la relation à soi passe par un processus ambivalent où autrui constitue un environnement nécessaire à l’éclosion de ma subjectivité ? Comment, le sujet postcolonial considère-t-il l’Autre, celui qu’il rencontre, découvre et s’imprègne de l’altérité ? Comment le regard sur cet Autre évolue, s’adapte-t-il ? Dans quelle mesure la notion même d’identité pure peut-elle être remise en question ?Dans cette thèse, à partir des théories postcoloniales, le thème de la rencontre Afrique-Occident réexaminé à partir des romans Un Nègre à Paris de Dadié, Les Soleils des Indépendances de Kourouma, L'Aventure ambiguë de Kane et Elonga de Rawiri Ntyugwetondo donne l’opportunité de réévaluer le trope de l’altérité radicale et, de façon sous-jacente, l’hypothèse des cultures en conflit souvent considérée comme l’axe déterminant dans le rapport qui lie l’Afrique à l’Occident. Le travail consiste à montrer que cet axe de lecture, s’il paraît à première vue manifeste, détourne l’attention des liens interdépendants et complexes qui confèrent aux protagonistes des identités hybrides, instables; parce qu’évoluant dans des espaces interstitiels, les ruptures des frontières, qui les contraignant à terme à la quête d’un compromis, à la négociation des différences culturelles.La rencontre est aussi celle des univers linguistiques. En filigrane, le problème de la traduction qui est posé. La thèse discute l’esthétique qui émerge de la confrontation symboliques des langues dans le « Third Space » ; elle montre comment le divers refaçonne la langue d'écriture et lui propose d'autres aventures, une troisième voie-voix permettant de négocier les différences culturellesPas de résumé anglais
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Field, Annabel Sarah. "The Middle Pleistocene in transition : lithic assemblages and changing social relations between OIS 12 and 6 in Europe and Africa." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269584.
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Chen, Jie, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "Factors shaping regional integration in Europe, Asia, and Africa : the validity of competing theories." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2637.
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This research summarizes, compares and analyzes the origins and developments
of integration in Europe, Asia and Africa since World War Two. There have been
some interesting findings. Europe has been the most successful region, having
realized free movements of people, goods, services and money in several countries
within the European Union (EU). Africa has been more advanced in institutional
integration than Asia, although its level of economic development, constrained by
instability, corruption, and poor socio-economic conditions, has hindered integration;
meanwhile, its regional economic communities (RECs) have been more successful
than the continental organization. Despite the improved economic conditions, Asia
has been experiencing difficulties in community building due to lack of consensus and
a partnership among major powers. There has not been any continental organization
in Asia; nor has the subregional grouping, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN), progressed far in economic and political integration.x, 327 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm
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Okemuo, Gloria. "The requirement of coherence in EU external relations law and the coherence of EU external action towards Sub-Saharan Africa : Mali as a case study." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7521/.
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The principal aim of the Lisbon Treaty is to address the pre-Lisbon concerns about the coherence of EU action. In this regard, coherence is the simple litmus test for EU external action in the post-Lisbon era. This thesis investigates the coherence of EU external action towards Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) in the post-Lisbon era in light of the requirement of coherence in EU external relations law and the introduction of the HR/VP and the EEAS in her service with the aim of enhancing coherence in EU external action. The principle of coherence governs the interaction between various policy strands of EU external action (horizontal coherence). The importance of coherence is linked to visibility and efficiency based on the effective use of EU resources, as well as to the credibility of the Union. This thesis concentrates on coherence in the interaction between EU policies towards SSA using the key EU policies towards the region namely development policy, trade policy, the CFSP and the CSDP. The regional context facilitates the analysis of the different strands of external action policies where, despite of or perhaps due to the Treaty of Lisbon, the different instruments of EU foreign policy and lines of competence demarcation between their institutions are still mired in complexity. Although the focus is on coherence, the specialised regional focus of the thesis also facilitates a broader understanding of the nuances in the implementation of EU external relations law and EU external policies in different contexts especially in the post-Lisbon era. Using Mali as a case study, the thesis submits that while it can be argued that policy coherence for development (which is a key requirement in EU external action towards SSA) cannot be certainly determined, Mali clearly illustrates incoherence vis-à-vis synergy in the sequencing of available policy options in EU external action towards SSA. The thesis also discussed the limits and prospects of coherence in EU external action despite the changes made at Lisbon.
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Monteiro, Maria Isabel Gomes. "Parceria especial Cabo Verde/União Europeia-UE: uma mudança de paradigma nas relações entre Cabo Verde e UE?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3421.
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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação InternacionalEsta dissertação de mestrado tem como principal objectivo desenvolver uma análise crítica da parceria especial Cabo Verde/União Europeia (UE), no contexto das relações externas da União Europeia, procurando desmistificar os novos e renovados contornos deste relacionamento. Reflexo da parceria entre a UE e o Grupo ACP (África, Caraíbas e Pacífico) e consequentemente da cooperação entre a Europa e África, a relação entre Cabo Verde e a União Europeia é afectada pela hegemonia europeia em relação à África que influencia e é influenciada pela recente intensificação da globalização neoliberal, que trespassa as relações internacionais e a economia política internacional. Este trabalho argumenta que, não obstante as potencialidades intrínsecas desta parceria especial - que propõe ultrapassar os meandros do tradicional relacionamento entre o doador/recipiendário -, se a mesma não for bem estudada e negociada por parte de Cabo Verde, as proclamadas "novidades" poderão não passar de retóricas falaciosas, podendo ter um efeito contrário do desejado para o país. Para se atingir o desiderato proposto, além de se apoiar na literatura especializada a nível da conceptualização - tendo como suporte teórico a perspectiva neogramsciana das relações internacionais para explicitar a hegemonia europeia -, pretende-se fazer uso da literatura cabo-verdiana transdisciplinar, bem como de documentos internos da política externa cabo-verdiana e europeia, nomeadamente no que se refere ao processo de edificação da Parceria.
This master thesis has as its main objective the development of a critical analysis of the special partnership Cape Verde/European Union (EU) in the context of European Union's foreign policy. It aims towards demystifying the new and renewed contours of the above-mentioned relationship. To a certain degree, the relations Cape Verde/European Union can be understood as the offshoot of Europe/Africa relationship. The latter, on its own turn, fits in the vast picture of the relationship UE/ACP Group (Africa, Caribbean and the Pacific [Ocean] states). Cape Verde/EU relations are affected by the European hegemony vis-à-vis Africa that had influenced, while at the same time it is being influenced, by the recent intensification of the neoliberal globalization. Notwithstanding the intrinsic potentialities of the special partnership EU/Cape Verde, which is expected to exceeds the patterns of the traditional relationship donor-recipient states, this monograph argues that such a partnership needs to be not only well studied but also assertively negotiated by the Cape Verdean authorities lest the proclaimed "new features" will pass as rhetorical fallacies, producing a rather contrary effect to the one desired for the country. To reach the considered desideratum, this thesis grounds on the specialized secondary literature of international relations--particularly in what concerns theoretical and conceptual developments as constructed by the neo-Gramscian approach, a tool deemed of extreme importance for understanding European hegemony—as well as of the multidisciplinary literature on Cape Verde. Moreover, special attention will be given to the primary sources from the Cape Verdean Ministry of Foreign Relations and European Union, particularly those related to the construction of the Cape Verde/EU partnership.
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Gabrielli, Lorenzo. "La construction de la politique d’immigration espagnole : ambiguïtés et ambivalences à travers le cas des migrations ouest-africaines." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40014/document.
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Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas desmigrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui latraversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en unedestination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politiquenationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêtsinternes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000,constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord leprocessus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes etpratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration,tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processusd’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient unarchétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui,par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeuxmigratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations del’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent enAfrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain commeterrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de cerégime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir enprofondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politiqueThis project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the caseof West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature ofthe policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly importantdestination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a nationalpolicy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. Ishall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents akey moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. Thesignificance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of Europeannorms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surroundingimmigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process ofimmigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policythrough its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of theexternal dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharanimmigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. Thereassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucialmoment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trendcontinued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which Ibelieve reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards theexternalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-Africanframework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend theconsequences and collateral effects of this policy
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Trouille, Jean-Marc. "EU-Africa Relations, China, and the African Challenge." Elipsa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17824.
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yesThe African continent is a sleeping giant which will increasingly be a player to be reckoned with on the global stage. At the same time, its migration potential will be multiplied by Africa’s forthcoming demographic explosion. Consequently, the EU and Africa have a shared interest in working together towards making African development sustainable. African integration will be key towards speeding up this process. This paper first evaluates the stakes of the African challenge for the European Union. It considers the economic potential that can be unleashed by speeding up integration processes in Africa. Second, it argues that Africa will be ‘the China of the 21st Century’, and that any development, positive or negative, taking place there will have large repercussions in Europe, and that therefore the EU and Africa are communities of destiny in need of a joint approach towards African industrialisation. Finally, it provides a roadmap of important steps that Europe needs to consider in its endeavour to support African development.
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Ehrhardt, David Willem Lodewijk. "Struggling to belong : nativism, identities, and urban social relations in Kano and Amsterdam." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e13e87-0688-4e7b-bcf4-4c05514e294d.
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The research problem of this thesis is to explore the effects of top-down, bureaucratic definitions of belonging and social identity on urban social relations. More specifically, the thesis analyses the ways in which the nativist categorisations of indigeneity in Kano and autochtonie in Amsterdam can help to understand the tensions between ethnic groups in these two cities. Methodologically, the study is designed as a least-similar, comparative exploration and uses mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in its case studies of Kano and Amsterdam. Theoretically, this study uses identity cleavages and identification as the mediators between policy categories and social relations. It combines social-psychological, historical, and institutional theories to link bureaucratic nativism to ethnic identities and, finally, to conflictual (or ‘destructive’) interethnic relations. The resulting theoretical argument of the thesis is that nativist policy categorisations are likely conducive to antagonism, avoidance, and conflict between groups defined as ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’. The central finding of the thesis is that both in Kano and in Amsterdam, indigeneity and autochtonie have entrenched a primordial and competitive (or ‘exclusionary’) notion of ethnic identities and have thus been conducive to interethnic antagonism, avoidance, and conflict. Introduced at a time of rapid immigration, social change, and persistent horizontal inequalities, the two top-down policy categories came to redefine urban belonging in Kano and Amsterdam. As a result, previously apolitical ethnic boundaries between ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’ became politicised, connected to exclusionary definitions of religion and class, and ranked on the basis of their claim to a primordial ‘native’ status - that is, their status as historical ‘first-comers’ in their place of residence. The categorisation and group positioning effects of nativism have, therefore, intensified the urban struggle to belong in Kano and Amsterdam. At the same time, however, the thesis underlines that ethnic conflict in Kano and Amsterdam is limited, partly because nativist forms of belonging are continuously challenged by, for example, inclusive multiculturalism in Kano and urban citizenship in Amsterdam.
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Kourouma, Sophie. "Constructions du principe autoritaire : stratégies coloniales et post-coloniales en Afrique subsaharienne." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30055.
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L’histoire de la rencontre de l’Afrique et de l’Occident a, notamment, été énoncée en termes de « choc » ou d’« évènements-traumatismes ». Quoi qu’il en fût, c’est dans le cadre de la traite esclavagiste et de la colonisation que ces deux continents se sont « heurtés ». Leur confrontation a donc procédé, dans une large mesure, d’une pensée inégalitaire basée sur le postulat raciste, impulsée par une volonté répondant à des impératifs de conquête et économiques, supportée par un mode de gouvernement produisant et légitimant la domination et l’exploitation. Partant de l’évènement de cette rencontre et de son récit, il s’agit d’établir quels sont les concepts que la pensée imagine, façonne et énonce afin de justifier et d’exercer un pouvoir de domination. Énoncer, c’est fabriquer de la domination et la rendre légitime, telle est l’affirmation que nous étudions à travers le prisme de l’évènement de la rencontre – le temps de la colonie, particulièrement – et, également, après la colonie – en situation post-coloniale.Cette étude s’inscrit dans le questionnement critique post-colonial. À l’instar de la domination coloniale, il s’agit de déterminer, en Afrique post-coloniale, les imaginaires et les énoncés qui produisent et légitiment un pouvoir hégémonique, comment et par qui l’autorité s’exerce, ce qu’est le politique – tout est-il politique ? –, sur quels critères une pratique ou un discours constituent-t-ils des modalités d’expression et de participation politique ?En spécifiant l’énonciation de l’autorité – son « effet d’oracle » – et les stratégies de la domination coloniale et post-coloniale, la question de leur efficience et de leur omniscience se pose. L’enjeu est d’analyser la convergence des histoires afin de penser le post-colonial comme un engagement de la recherche dans la construction d’une démocratie post-raciale en Afrique et en OccidentThe history of the meeting of Africa and the Western world had, notably, been enunciated in terms of “clash” or “traumatic events”. Whatever has been done, it is in the framework of the slave business and of the colonialization that these two continents collided. Their confrontation came in large part from an unequal thinking based on the racist idea which comes from a willingness answering to obligations of conquest and economics, supported by a way of government producing and legitimizing domination and exploitation. Thus, from the event of this meeting and from its results, we must establish which are the concepts that the thought imagines, makes and enunciates to justify and exercise a power of domination. Enunciate, it is to create domination and make it legitimate, so strong is the affirmation that we study the event through a prism of this meeting, colonial times, particularly – and equally, after the colony – in a postcolonial situation.This study is written in the critical postcolonial questioning. In the links of the colonial domination, it is to determine, in postcolonial Africa, the imaginations and the enounced which produce and legitimize an hegemonic power, how and by who is the authority used, that which is policy – is everything policy? On which criteria does a practice or a speech constitute a way of expression and political participation?By specifying the enunciation of authority – his “oracle effect” – and the strategies of the colonial and postcolonial domination, the question of their success and of their omniscience must be asked. The challenge is to analyse the convergence of histories to the think of postcolonial as a commitment of research in the construction of a postracial democracy in Africa and in the West
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Arfsten, Antonia. "Au Norm Import in the European Promotion of Regional Integration in Africa." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32194.
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The relation between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) is the most institutionalised interregional relationship in the world. The EU, being a crucial external agent in African regional integration, exports open regionalism as a political norm through different mechanisms to the AU. Based on a qualitative research design with a constructivist theoretical viewpoint that regards regional organisations as interdependent political authorities, the dissertation examines the AU's receptivity to the EU's attempted norm diffusion and explores genuine AU norm import of European promoted regional integration. A document analysis of official EU and AU declarations and legislation in combination with primary data collected via semi-structured interviews with officials at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa offers further insights into the African perspective on regional integration. Out of a variety of EU norm export channels, the study identifies capacity-building in the form of technical and financial assistance as most influential in promoting African regional integration processes. While coercion and political dialogue respectively lead to AU resistance and decoupling alias theatre regionalism, capacity-building and positive conditionality result in institutional incorporation and policy changes. A choice-oriented approach traces this genuine norm import in response to civilian norm diffusion mechanisms back to the external agency of the EU, despite major constraints like the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU and alternative interregional options within the alliance of emerging market economies. Yet, the limited traceable AU institutional and policy reforms reveal the agency of the AU. Norm import cannot be taken for granted; it only occurs when sufficient incentives are offered to the receiving side. Political dialogue is inspirational, but needs to be supplemented with financial and technical assistance to yield genuine norm import. These findings contribute to a better understanding of prospective EU-AU relations and can be used by policy-makers to adjust interregional negotiations like the on-going post-Cotonou consultations.
Books on the topic "Africa – Relations – Europe"
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Africa in Europe. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2008.
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Rodney, Walter. How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Nairobi: Heinemann Kenya, 1989.
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Rodney, Walter. How Europe underdeveloped Africa. London: Bogle L'Ouverhure Publications, 1988.
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Rodney, Walter. How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Nairobi: Heinemann Kenya, 1989.
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Rodney, Walter. How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1989.
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Rodney, Walter. How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Nairobi: East African Educational, 1994.
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Cowen, Michael. Community between Europe and Africa. Wien: Institut für Höhere Studien, 1999.
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William, Zartman I., ed. Europe and Africa: The new phase. Boulder: L. Rienner, 1993.
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1945-, Boardman Robert, Shaw Timothy M, and Soldatos Panayotis, eds. Europe, Africa, and Lomé III. Lanham: University Press of America, 1985.
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Francis, Pym, and Treverton Gregory F, eds. Europe, America, and South Africa. New York, NY: Council on Foreign Relations, 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Africa – Relations – Europe"
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Ndomo, Quivine. "Europe-Africa Border Relations." In The Paradox of Planetary Human Entanglements, 83–102. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003319580-8.
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De Nictolis, Elena. "Cities in the EU-Africa relations." In Africa–Europe Relationships, 169–85. London ; New York : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. | Series: World politics and dialogues of civilizations: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003030621-16.
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Freeman, Dena. "Mission, development, and ‘reverse mission’ in Europe-Africa religious relations." In Africa–Europe Relationships, 36–53. London ; New York : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. | Series: World politics and dialogues of civilizations: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003030621-5.
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Mudida, Robert. "The evolution (2000–2017) and proposed future scenarios of EU-Africa relations in technological innovation." In Africa–Europe Relationships, 111–23. London ; New York : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. | Series: World politics and dialogues of civilizations: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003030621-11.
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Khadiagala, Gilbert M. "Europe-African Relations in the Era of Uncertainty." In Africa and the World, 433–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62590-4_19.
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Ouma-Mugabe, John, and Petronella Chaminuka. "Africa-Europe science, technology and innovation cooperation." In The Routledge Handbook of EU-Africa Relations, 224–32. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170916-21.
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Kiamba, Anita, and Veit Bachmann. "Kenya-EU Relations: Perspectives and Expectations." In Perceptions of the EU in Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa, 145–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137405470_9.
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da Costa, Karine Lima. "The Demand for Restitution of Cultural Heritage Through Relations Between Africa and Europe." In The Latin American Studies Book Series, 229–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77991-7_13.
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Pistikou, Victoria. "Turkey’s International Economic Relations: The Nature and the Scope of Turkish Economic Ties with Africa." In Business Development and Economic Governance in Southeastern Europe, 451–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05351-1_25.
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Haastrup, Toni. "EU-Africa Relations." In The European Union Encyclopedia and Directory 2022, 244–47. 22nd ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179887-1304.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Africa – Relations – Europe"
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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. "ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION: EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.
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The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
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Roman, Monica, Bogdan Ileanu, and Mihai Roman. "A comparative analysis of remittance behaviour between East European and North African migrants." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00189.
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The labour migration in Europe is a phenomenon with multiple effects, both positive and negative. Money sent by emigrants to their families is increasing their quality of life and has positive effects on the family relations; therefore it can be identified an increasing interest in the literature in studying such aspects.
The purpose of the paper is to conduct a comparative analysis of the migrants’ propensity to sending money to the origin country.
The study is based on data coming from the National Immigrant Survey of Spain (in Spanish: Encuesta Nacional de Inmigrantes – 2007). A total of 15,475 interviews were carried out. Moroccans, Romanians, and Ecuadorians represent 30% of the total number of immigrants resident in Spain.
We employ a binary logistic regression model in order to identify the impact of socio-demographical factors on the probability of sending money abroad from Spain. Our aim is to identify cultural discrepancies in remittances sending, according to origin of migrants. We are mainly focusing on two large groups of respondents, which are North African and South Eastern Europe migrants. The variables employed are age of respondent, education, Intention to return in the country of origin, The period spent in Spain, gender of respondent, and the relation with the country of origin defined by the frequency of visits in the country. We identified similar patterns and also significant differences among the two groups.
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Antwi, Samuel, Susan E. Steck, L. Joseph Su, James R. Hebert, Hongmei Zhang, Elizabeth T. H. Fontham, Jeannette T. Bensen, James L. Mohler, and Lenore Arab. "Abstract 1881: Dietary, supplement, and adipose tissue tocopherol levels in relation to prostate cancer aggressiveness among African- and European-Americans." In Proceedings: AACR 106th Annual Meeting 2015; April 18-22, 2015; Philadelphia, PA. American Association for Cancer Research, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7445.am2015-1881.
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Middelburg, Annemarie. "Studying Compliance with the Human Rights Framework in relation to Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in Senegal: A Research Methodology." In Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting at the intersection of qualitative, quantitative and mixed method research. Experiences from Africa and Europe. Academic & Scientific Publishers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.46944/9789057187162.9.
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Kloot, Bruce, and Corrinne Shaw. "Engineers’ perceptions of their role in society: the South African case." In SEFI 50th Annual conference of The European Society for Engineering Education. Barcelona: Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/conference-9788412322262.1139.
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Being sparked by interactions with students in the context of a course called ‘Engineer in Society’, this work-in-progress study explores how engineers conceived of their role during the period of apartheid in South Africa. The literature suggests that engineers consider their contribution to society in solely technical terms rather than in social or political terms. Using interviews with engineering academics, this paper examines how respondents’ navigated engineering practice and academic work. The findings indicate significant complexity in terms of how engineers conceived of their role in relation to society, a relationship that was mediated by politicised academic institutions and differentiated cultural norms. This also has an impact on the notion of the culpability of engineers and the question of whether they resisted or complied with the pervasive and brutal regime of apartheid. Although the study revealed a variety of positions and dispositions taken on by engineers, an interesting stance was that of ‘technical activism’ which involved engineers resisting apartheid by exploiting the liberal spaces that were made available in the context of their engineering work.
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Junaid, Sarah, Alison Gwynne-Evans, Helena Kovacs, Johanna Lönngren, José Fernando Jiménez Mejía, Kenichi Natsume, Madeline Polmear, et al. "What is the role of ethics in accreditation documentation from a global view?" In SEFI 50th Annual conference of The European Society for Engineering Education. Barcelona: Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/conference-9788412322262.1336.
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Ethics in engineering has long been an important element in engineering programmes, however these subjects are often taught at a basic learning level with little attempt to connect to demonstrative learning outcomes. In recent years there has been a step change in the importance of ethics as an integral part of engineering programmes and is reflected in the text of accreditation documents. In this paper we expand our analysis from an earlier study, which focused on four European countries, to understand the role of ethics on a more global scale. We conducted a multi-country analysis on how and where ethics features in accreditation documents in twelve countries across five continents (Belgium, Canada, Colombia, France/Switzerland, Ireland, Japan, Romania, South Africa, Sweden, UK and USA). We identified explicit or implicit references to ethics education, extracted verbs relating to learning outcomes, and compared definitions of key terms. A comparison to Bloom’s taxonomy showed considerably higher frequency of verbs linked to ethics teaching associated to lower levels of cognitive learning. Definitions of terms relating to the process of accreditation were often lacking in documents, highlighting a need for setting terms of reference. This study highlights differences in how ethics is described in accreditation documents. However, more needs to be done to explicitly highlight ethics as an integral part of engineering education. Relying on implicit links to ethics leaves the role of ethics open to interpretation, resulting in uneven emphasis in the translation of ethics within programme designs.
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Métais, Thomas, Stéphan Courtin, Manuela Triay, François Billon, Pascal Duranton, Rudy Briot, Florent Bridier, Cédric Gourdin, and Jean-Pascal Luciani. "An Assessment of the Safety Factors and Uncertainties in the Fatigue Rules of the RCC-M Code Through the Benchmark With the EN-13445-3 Standard." In ASME 2017 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2017-65397.
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The RCC-M code [1] is a well recognized international code and provides rules for the design and the construction of mechanical equipment for pressurized water reactors. It is used today for the nuclear industry exclusively, in countries such as France, South Africa and China and it is the basis for the design of the UK EPR to be built in Hinkley Point. The RCC-M code’s fatigue rules emanate from the ASME Boiler and Pressure Vessel Code and are hence very similar, albeit they have evolved in their own way over time to include some R&D results and other evolutions. These rules are published by AFCEN which involves a wide range of international organizations from the nuclear industry such as Apave, Areva, Bureau Veritas, CEA, DCNS, EDF, EDF Energy, ONET-MHI, Rolls-Royce and Westinghouse. The EN-13445-3 [2] is a European standard which is mostly in use today in the conventional industry. Its fatigue rules are a compilation of rules from various national European codes, such as the German AD-Merkblatt, the British Standards, the Eurocodes for civil works and the French CODAP. The rules for fatigue are compiled in Chapters 17 and 18 of EN-13445-3 and have been the result of the work of contributors from major European organizations from the nuclear, oil and gas, chemical and mechanical industries: these include, among others, Areva, the Linde Group, CETIM, TÜV, and the TWI (The Welding Institute). Since the beginning of 2015, AFCEN has created a technical Working Group (WG) on the topic of fatigue with the objective of identifying the Safety Factors and Uncertainties in Fatigue analyses (SFUF) and of potentially proposing improvements in the existing fatigue rules of the code. Nevertheless, the explicit quantification of safety factors and uncertainties in fatigue is an extremely difficult task to perform for fatigue analyses without a comparison to the operating experience or in relation to another code or standard. Historically, the approach of the code in fatigue has indeed been to add conservatism at each step of the analyses which has resulted in a difficult quantification of the overall safety margin in the analyses. To fulfill its mission, the working group has deemed necessary to lead a benchmark with the EN-13445-3 standard given its wide use through other industries. Two cases were identified: either the comparison with EN-13445-3 is possible and in this case, the identification of safety factors and uncertainties is performed in relation to this standard; either the comparison is not possible, in which case the overall conservatism of the RCC-M code is evaluated in relation with operating experience, test results, literature, etc... This paper aims at describing the overall work of the group and focuses more specifically on the results obtained through the benchmark with the EN-13445-3 standard.
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Mohammed, Noureldien Darhim. "Which Technology is Right for Your Field? – Quantifying Technology Significance." In ADIPEC. SPE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/211127-ms.
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Abstract Exploration and Production Professionals are always concerned with setting and optimizing field development plans (FDP). Setting field development plan is not an easy task; it usually requires full knowledge and integration between almost all technical disciplines to build a robust plan with optimum alternatives. Technology is a key, and it has a significant impact of reservoir development. Its impact was proved and identified in previous researches already but has never been quantified before. In this paper, a new methodology to quantify significance of technology is introduced using artificial neural network. Significance of applied technology is well-proved on field development. Using reservoir-related technology (e.g. 4D seismic, Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR), Conformance techniques… etc.) or well-related technology (e.g. smart wells, stimulations, artificial lifting… etc.) are believed to have significant impact on recovered hydrocarbon volumes and consequently the overall field development. However these factors cannot be evaluated directly for their impact on field development – there is a pattern but not recognized yet and that's why significance of technology on field development is not quantified till now. In this research, more than 300 fields’ data have been used from many regions (US, Europe, Middle East and Africa) to give wide applicability of the model. Artificial Neural Network (ANN) has been used to recognize the pattern relating different "technology" to "field development". After the research, many key observations have been concluded; there were many fields’ types that were found very sensitive for specific technology more than others, other fields were found to have preferable technologies than others (i.e. well stimulation was more beneficial than other well technologies, in certain cases), and eventually statistical reviews, comparisons and conclusions for technologies had been deployed and its significance on field development for different regions. This research introduces a new concept of quantifying technology and its impact on field development using a new application of ANN in petroleum industry. This paper is not only giving technical recommendations based on significance of each technology but also giving strategic insights for decision makers. E&P companies that are concerned with benchmarking technology should learn more about such approach, and follow guidelines provided so they can select the right technology for the right field.
Reports on the topic "Africa – Relations – Europe"
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Rodrigues-Moura, Enrique, and Christina Märzhauser. Renegotiating the subaltern : Female voices in Peixoto’s «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» (Brazil, 1731/1741). Otto-Friedrich-Universität, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20378/irb-57507.
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Out of ~11.000.000 enslaved Africans disembarked in the Americas, ~ 46% were taken to Brazil, where transatlantic slave trade only ended in 1850 (official abolition of slavery in 1888). In the Brazilian inland «capitania» Minas Gerais, slave numbers exploded due to gold mining in the first half of 18th century from 30.000 to nearly 300.000 black inhabitants out of a total ~350.000 in 1786. Due to gender demographics, intimate relations between African women and European men were frequent during Antonio da Costa Peixoto’s lifetime. In 1731/1741, this country clerk in Minas Gerais’ colonial administration, originally from Northern Portugal, completed his 42-page manuscript «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» («New work on the general language of Mina») documenting a variety of Gbe (sub-group of Kwa), one of the many African languages thought to have quickly disappeared in oversea slaveholder colonies. Some of Peixoto’s dialogues show African women who – despite being black and female and therefore usually associated with double subaltern status (see Spivak 1994 «The subaltern cannot speak») – successfully renegotiate their power position in trade. Although Peixoto’s efforts to acquire, describe and promote the «Língua Geral de Mina» can be interpreted as a «white» colonist’s strategy to secure his position through successful control, his dialogues also stress the importance of winning trust and cultivating good relations with members of the local black community. Several dialogues testify a degree of agency by Africans that undermines conventional representations of colonial relations, including a woman who enforces her «no credit» policy for her services, as shown above. Historical research on African and Afro-descendant women in Minas Gerais documents that some did not only manage to free themselves from slavery but even acquired considerable wealth.
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Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei, and Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf: enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.
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Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.